The antipathie of the English lordly prelacie, both to regall monarchy, and civill unity: or, An historicall collection of the severall execrable treasons, conspiracies, rebellions, seditions, state-schismes, contumacies, oppressions, & anti-monarchicall practices, of our English, Brittish, French, Scottish, & Irish lordly prelates, against our kings, kingdomes, laws, liberties; and of the severall warres, and civill dissentions occasioned by them in, or against our realm, in former and latter ages Together with the judgement of our owne ancient writers, & most judicious authors, touching the pretended divine jurisdiction, the calling, lordlinesse, temporalities, wealth, secular imployments, trayterous practises, unprofitablenesse, and mischievousnesse of lordly prelates, both to King, state, Church; with an answer to the chiefe objections made for the divinity, or continuance of their lordly function. The first part. By William Prynne, late (and now againe) an utter-barester of Lincolnes Inne.

THE ANTIPATHIE OF THE ENGLISH LORDLY PRELACIE, BOTH TO REGALL MONAR∣CHY, AND CIVILL UNITY. (Book 1)

CHAP. I. Containing the severall Treasons, Conspiracies, Rebellions, Sedi∣tions, Contumacies, Disloyalties of the Arch-bishops of Canter∣••ury against their Soveraignes, Kings of England; the severall Warres, Tumults, Dissentions occasioned and raysed by them in, or against our Realme, with their manifold practises and attempts to undermine our Lawes.

IN relating these Disloyalties of our holy Ar••h-Prelates of Canterbury, I cannot sing as the Poet once did,

* 1.1 Ab Iove principium Musae; Iovis omnia plena.

(sith there is little of God in any of their actions I am now to relate:) unlesse I take Iove here, not for the true living

God, but for a meere * 1.2 impious, treacherous, murthering, usurping Devill incarnate, who thrust his Father Saturne out of his Royall Throne, and injuriously possessed h••mselfe of his Kingdome against all right and equity. And in this sense I may truely chaunt, Ab Iove principium, &c. since I must not onely begin, but proceede and end, with Devils incarnate, masked under a P••••la••es white Rocher, rather than with holy Fathers of the Church.

1 1.3One of the first men of this stampe that encounters me in the Sea of Canterbury, is Odo, surnamed the Severe, possessing this Pon••••••call Chaire about the yeare of our Lord 940. This pragmaticall turbulent Arch-Prelate, as hee was * 1.4 thrice in Armes in the Field, after he was made a Bishop, where he ••ought like a valiant Champion; so hee caused King Edwin, wi••h whom hee had very evill agreement, to bee divorced from his Queene, some say for consanguinity, others for other reasons: Whereupon the King betaking himselfe ••o his Concubines, Odo there••pon suspended the King from the Church, excommunicated his Concubines, causing one of them, whom the King unreasonably do••ed upon, to bee fetcht out of the Court with violence, branded her in the fore-head with an hot Iron, and then banished her into Ire∣land: After which shee returning into England, Odo appre∣hends her the second time, and cuts off her sinewes at the ••ocke bone. The King being therewith much exasperated, spoyled all the Monkes of all their goods, banished Dunstan, the chiefe of the Monkes in••o Flanders; (who, together with Cynesius, the Bishop on the day of this Kings Coronation, entred most audaciously into his Bed-chamber, and by vio∣lence dragged him both out of his Bed, and Bed-chamber, where they pretended hee was sporting with his Concubine) and threatned Odo, with severe punishments, who was taken a∣way by death soone after, and so delivered from all feare of the Kings displeasure. This Odo together with his Monkes, wrought so with the Subjects before his death, that the Mercians with the Northumbrians, did utterly cast off the yoake of obe∣dience to Edwin, and by an unanimous consent, made choyce of his Brother Edgar for their King, Deo dictante & populo annuente, God himselfe (to wit, by the mouth of Odo and the other Pre∣lates and Monks) dictating it, and the people thereunto consen∣ting,

writes Matthew Westminster. Arch-bishop Parker, and Bishop Godwin, in the life of Dunstan, Arch-Bishop of Can∣terbury after Odo, record, That during the time of Dunstan his Banishment into France, King Edwin, by the Rebellion of his Subjects, * 1.5 at the instigation, as is likely, of our Monkes, Prelates, and their favourers, was deprived both of his life and Kingdome: Whereupon Edgar, that succeeded him, warned by his Brothers example, was content to curry sa∣vour with them and Dunstan, creating him first Bishop of Worcester, next of London, and finally of Canterbury. A good reward for this his Treason.

* 1.6 Dunstan comming to the Arch-Bishopricke in this manner,2 1.7 not long after caused King Edward to be slaine by his Souldiers, for refusing to ayde the Bishop of Ro∣chester against his Brother Agelredus, who besieged that City and the Bishop: The Monkes of that time impute th••s trecherous Act to Queene Alsdrith, his Mother in Law, and Gods Divine Judgement, to excuse their Patron Dun∣stan. After his Murther, (as * 1.8 Iohn Capgrave and * 1.9 Speed record) this holy Arch-Bishop Dunstan would have ad∣vanced Edgith his sister to the Crowne, and invested her against Etheldred the lawfull Heire, had she not by the late experience of Edwards fall, utterly refused that Title•• which neither belonged to h•••• Right, nor was safe for her Person to undertake: Whereupon Dunstan and the Monkes perceiving that Queene Elfrida, Alferus Duke of Mercia, and many Nobles, combined for young Etheldred, the right Hei••e, disavowing Prince Edward (surnamed the Martyr) as illegitimate, did with all their might oppose Etheldred, holding their states dan∣gerous, and their new-gotten footing unsure, if in the Nonage of the King, Elfrida his Mother, and other their Opposites, should rule all under him, as was pro∣bable: For Elfrida hated Dunstan, because hee desired to hinder King Edgar from ma••rying her, after he was con∣tracted to her; rushing * 1.10 impudently into the Kings Bed-Chamber the first Night hee lay with her, demanding of the King, who it was he had in Bed with him? who an∣swering, that it was his Queene and Consort; Dunstan re∣plyed, that he could not marry her without offending God,

and breaking the institution of the Roman Church, because of the spirituall Kindred that was betweene them, he being her God-father, often warning the King to be divorced from her, which he refused. Wherefore, Dunstan and the P••elates considering that Edward was altogether wrought in their mould, they abetted his Title to the Crowne (though a Bastard) as one lawfully borne, and begot in the Nuptiall Bed of Queene Ethelfleda. Their Claimes thus banded among the S••atesmen, began to be diversly affected among the Commons, and had put the Game to the Hazard, if the wisedome of Dunstan had not seene ••he Chase: For a Coun∣cell being assembled to argue their Rights, the Arch-bishop came in with his Banner and Crosse, and not staying for further debate de Iure, did de facto present King Edward for their lawfull King; and the Assembly consisting of Clergie men, perswading peace, drew the approbation of the rest; and so was hee admitted and proclaimed their Soveraigne, and after * 1.11 Crowned at Kingston by Dunstan, and the true Heire put by for the time by this Arch-Traytor Dunstan, and his Clergie; till about three yeares after Ed∣ward was murthered, by the procurement of Queene Elfrida, and Etheldred Crowned King by Dunstan, much against his will. This King, Dunstan and his Monkes con∣tinued to oppose•• For * 1.12 Etheldred conceiving a just in∣dignation against the Bishop of Rochester for his obstinacie and contumacious carriage towards him, thereupon be∣sieged his Citie: Whereupon Dunstan commanded the King to desist from his purpose, lest hee should provoke Saint Andrew, the Patron of that City; which the King refusing to doe, without the Bishops submission, and unlesse hee would likewise pay him an hundred pounds•• Dunstan wondring thereat, sent this Message to the King: Because thou hast preferred Silver before God, Money before an Apostle, and Covetousnesse before me, violent mischiefes shall come upon thee, which the Lord ••ath spoken. Such an Arch-Traytor and proud imperious Prelate was this Arch-Bishop Dunstan. And if ••his Saint was such, what thinke you may his Suc∣cessors prove, who were not so holy as to be Canonized? This Dunstan * 1.13 before hee became Arch bishop of Can∣terbury, caused King Etheldred to p••eferre him before all his

Nobles, and to ••ay up all his richest Royall Household-stuffe, Charters, Records, with all his Wealth and Treasures in his Monasterie; and finally, to commit his very Kingdome, Body and Soule, to him: so that all things were in Dunstans power, the King not daring to doe any thing, either in pub∣like Affaires of the Kingdome, or in his owne private Nego∣tiations, without Dunstans advice; so that he alone exercised Royall Authority in every place. In and by which, he wholly imployed his endeavours, how to enrich those Mo∣nasteries with Lands and Revenues, which himselfe had founded, or the Danes wasted, wasting the Kings Treasury, and appropriating the Crowne Lands to this purpose: Which, when King Edwyn comming to the Crowne, sought to resume, Dunstan much displeased herewith, sharpely re∣prehended him, then affronted him, and at last cau••ed him to be murthered, as is before remembred. And for all this good service, he was not onely made an Arch-Prelate, but a Saint.

Siricius, 3 1.14 * 1.15 his next Successor but one, consilio infausto, by an unhappie, if no•• perfidious Traytorly advice, perswaded King Etheldred, in the thirteenth yeare of his Raigne, to buy his Peace of the Danes at ten thousand pound annuall Rent, to the ignominie and almost utter destruction of ••he whole Kingdome: Which evill (writes Henry Huntingdon) hath continued to this very day, and will longer endure, un∣lesse Gods mercy helpe us. For now wee pay that to our Kings out of Custome, which was payd to the Danes out of unspeakeable feares. (Yea, we a•• this day have ••ared the worse for this President, it being much insisted on, to justifie the late Taxe of Ship-Money.) Such perfidious and pernicious Counsellers of State have these Prelates beene, in teaching Princes in every Land to lay new Exactions on, and Tyrannize more and more over their Subjects. Woe (saith * 1.16 Mr. Tyndall) is to the Realmes where they are of the Councell; as profitable are they to the Realmes with their Counsell, as the Wolves unto the Sheepe, or the Foxes unto the Geese: As was this Arch-Prelate, who is much blamed in our Histories for this his advice.

4 1.17 Robert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury layd the first founda∣tion of the Normans Conquest in England, perswading King

Edward to make Duke William his Heire;* 1.18 Whereunto when he had condiscended, himselfe became the Messenger of this good tidings unto the Duke, taking Harold with him, that he might hamper him with an oath (as hee did in∣deede) and so barre him from all possibility of the King∣dome: which Oath he breaking afterward, lost both his li••e and Kingdome together. The Arch-Bishop now assu∣ring himselfe of the favour of the King not onely present•• but him that was to succeede, could not endure that any should bea••e so great sway as himselfe in Court; and there∣fore fell to devise, how he might overthrow † 1.19 Emma the Kings Mother, who onely served to over-top him. Hee be∣gan therefore to bea••e into the Kings head, how hard a hand his Mother had held upon him, when he lived in Norman∣die; how likely it was, that his Brother came by his death by the practise of her and Earle Godwyn; and that she used the company of Alwyn, Bishop of Winchester, somewhat more familiarly then was for her honour. The King some∣what too rashly crediting these Tales, without any further examination of this matter, seized upon all his Mothers goods, and committed her to Prison, in the Nunnery of Warwell, banished Earle Godwyn and his sonne, and com∣manded Alwyn upon paine of death, not to come forth of the Gates of Winchester. The Queene made the best friends she could, to be called to her answere; but the Arch-bishop so possessed the King, as other tryall of her innocencie might not bee allowed then this; shee must walke over nine Plough-shares red hot in the midst of the Cathedrall Church of Winchester: If shee performed not this Purga∣tion, or were found any thing at all hurt, she and the Bishop both should bee esteemed guilty; if otherwise, the Arch-Bishop was content to submit himselfe to such punishment as they should have endured. The Arch-Bishops Autho∣rity was then so prevalent over the most powerfull per∣sons, that the Queene her selfe, neither by her owne power, nor of the King her Sonne, nor of the Nobles and Bishops, nor by any other meanes than by her innocencie, could keepe off this so notorious an injury and contumely, the† 1.20 King and Bishops being forced to approve this most severe Edict of the Arch-Bishop, against their wills: Where∣upon

the Queene, led by two Bishops, in the open sight of the people, did this hard Purgation, and ••o acquitted her self and Alwyn of the Crimes objected- The King then greatly bewayling the wrong done to his Mother by the Arch-Bishops malicious false suggestions, asked her forgivenesse upon his knees, restored her and the Bishop to their goods and places; and to make satisfaction, would needes be whip∣ped by the hands of the Bishops there present; and receiving three stripes of his Mother, was by her clearely forgiven. The Arch-bishop, the author and plotter of all this stirre and mischiefe, fearing the successe of this matter, held him∣selfe at Dover, under pretence of sickenesse; and as soone as he heard how the world went, knowing England to be too hot for him, got him over to the Abbey of Gemmeticum; where overcome with shame and sorrow, he there shortly after ended his dayes: the King having passed a publike Sentence against him and his confederates, * 1.21 Quod Statum Regni contur∣barant, &c. That they had disturbed the State of the King••dome, stirring up the Kings mind against his Mother and faithfull subjects, whereupon he was deprived.

* 1.22 Stigand,5 1.23 placed in his Sea before his death, after William the Conquerour had slaine Harold, and vanquished his Armie in Battlefield; Edwyn and Mercar endeavoured to Crowne Edgar, Etheling, the right••ull Heire; to whos•• side, most of the Nobles, the Citizens of London, with the Navall Forces, adhered; and so did Aldred, Arch-Bishop of Yorke: who presently, with the other Prelates, ••ell off to William the Conquerour, being the stronger side, (to whom the Pope had sent a consecrated Banner, an Agnus Dei, and one of Saint Peters haires, in way of good speed) refusing to side with the Lords, whereupon their designements were all suddenly quashed. But Arch-bishop S••igand, and Eglesigne Abbot of Saint Augustines, assembling all the Kentish men together, encouraged them to stand for their Liber∣ties, though with the losse of their lives; and marching before them as their Generalls, enclosed him and his Armie by a Stratagem, with Branches of trees, their Banners displayed, and Bows bent, and so purchased a confirmation of their Freedomes and Customes from him, by way of composition. Then comming to London, the

Conquerour refused to be Crowned by Stigana, Aldred Arch••Bishop of Yorke performing this Ceremonie on ••he day of Christs Nativitie, Anno. 1066. Stigand not long after, and Alexander Bishop of Lincolne, fled int•• Scotland, where they kept themselves close for a season; and at last returning, King William departe•• into Normandie, knowing Stigand to be of a crafty Pate, and perfidious heart, and of great power among his Kentish men, carryed him over Sea with him, lest he ••hould raise new stirres, and cause a Re∣volt from him in England during his absence: and then re∣turning into England, he caused him (with other Bishops that had beene ••reacherous to him) to be deposed from his Arch-Bishopricke in a Synod at Winchester, for holding the Bishop of Winchester in Commendam with his Arch-Bishopricke; for invading the Sea of Canterbury, whiles Robert lived•• for using his Pa••l, left at Canterbury; for Simonie, and to prevent him from raising any further Tumults. * 1.24 The King after his degra∣dation, spoyling him of his goods, committed him to perpetual Prison; where at last he was starved with hunger, refusing to reveale those infinite Treasures which hee had heaped up in store, to worke some mischie••e, which were discovered after his death. Not long after which, plures Episcopi & Abba••es, many Bishops and Abbots joyned in a Conspiracie with Ralph de Ware, and Roger Earle of Hereford, against the Con∣querour, to thrust him out of his Kingdome: such faithfull Subjects were they to their Soveraigne, to whom they had sworne allegeance.

5 1.25 William the Conquerour dying, * 1.26 by the perswasion of Lanfranke Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, (who had brought up William Rufus from his Child-hood) he left the Crowne of England to his younger sonne William, putting the eldest son Robert from the Crowne, which was due unto him. In which Action, God blessed not the Arch-Bishop: for the King (though thus advanced and Crowned by him, and the Pre∣lates, against all right, and the approbation of the Nobles and People, who stood for Robert) fell out with him, ba∣nished him the Realme, as being overbusie and pragmaticall; till at last, with much adoe, he mediated his peace. Now, what was this but an act of Treason, Treachery, and injustice, to thrust the right Hei••e from the Crown, and set up an Usurper?

Which, as it procured many bloody Warres betweene the two Brethren, so it brought great misery on the whole Realme, as the Histories of those times witnesse; and pro∣cured himselfe much blame. † 1.27 This Arch-Prelate Lanfranke, was used by Pope Gregory before this exploit of his, for the undermining of William the Conqueror, and the subjecting both of him and his State to the Papacie; which he endevou∣ring, but not effecting, his Holinesse growing angry with this Agent, Lanfrancke cleared himselfe of the blame, shewing him how diligently,† 1.28 (but indeede treacherously) he had be∣stirred himselfe in counselling to sweare to yeeld obedience and doe fealty to the Pope: Suasi, sed non persuasi, saith he, I have so advised him, but I could not perswade him. O perfidi∣ous, ungratefull counsell and swasion of this Prelate, to make his Soveraigne and his Realme mee••e Vassals to the Pope! This Lanfrancke so farre offended William Rufus, that he banished him the Land, whereupon he went to Rome, and tra∣velled over divers Countries in Exile; till a writing on a cer∣taine night falling as it were from heaven into the hands of a Clerke, wherein it was written that William Rufus was slaine (which afterwards came to passe) he heard the newes of Rufus his death, and thereupon returned againe to his See of Canter∣bury, and there dyed of a Feaver.

† 1.29 Anselme Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,6 1.30 his immediate suc¦cessour, presently after his Consecration sell into contestation with his Soveraigne William Rufus, naming and accepting Vr∣ban to be Pope, before the King had acknowledged him to be so; for which, and for his over-sawcie speeches and carri∣riage to the King, and his refusing to acknowledge his fau••••, he was commanded out of the Realme, all the Prelates of Eng∣land, except onely Gundalfus Bishop of Rochester, assenting to the King against Anselme, that he was guilty of High Treason, for attempting to deprive the Crowne of sundry Prerogatives Royall belonging to it•• to wit, That no Arch-Bishop nor Bishop of the Kingdomes should be subject to the Pope, or Court of Rome, with whom they had nought to do: That none ought to be received for Pope in this Realm, but him whom the King and state had first approved: That none should appeale to Rome in any case without the Kings li∣cense: and for siding with the Pope, and preferring him above his Soveraigne•• Pope Vrban used Anselm as his instrument to draw

the King to his beck, and to subject the Crowne and Kingdom to his will; which incredible pride and Popish incroachments of his, attempted by the meanes of Anselme, and other chiefe Prelates of the Kingdome, caused the King for prevention of further mischefes, to banish th•••• Rebellious Trayterly Pre∣late; who repairing to the Pope, where hee had good enter∣tainement, made many complaints against his Soveraigne, whose death he both plotted and conspired; as is probable by that Vision which * 1.31 Matthew Westminster records to have ap∣peared to Anselme during his exile, wherein he saw God, at the prayers of the Saints in England, deliver a fiery Arrow to Mar∣tyr Saint Alban, who delivered it to an evill Spirit, an avenger of wickednesse, that cast it flying like a Comet throw the ayre, understanding presently in the Spirit, that the King wounded and shot with that Arrow, perished that night he saw this Visi∣on. Wherupon celebrating the Masse very early the next mor∣ning he packed up his clothes, Books, and other things which he would have carried with him, and forthwith began his jour∣ney towards his Church of Canterbury, to which when he came neere, he heard the King was slaine about the same time; he ha∣ving, in all likelihood, before that plotted with and hired Wal∣ter Tyrell the French Knight (who shot the King in the brest with an Arrow in stead of the S••ag he was chasing) to murther the King in this manner about that time; which fore-plotted Treason was the occasion of this Vision: True it is, that the Monkes who favoured Anselme, and writ the Histories of those times impute this murther onely to a casualty, as if the Arrow had glanced against a Tree, and so by accident slaine the King, who with one only groane fell downe and dyed: But certaine∣ly this Vision with many other of that nature, registred by our * 1.32 Monks compared with other circumstances; as the great ha∣tred of the Clergie, Monkes, and Prelates towards him, his premonition not to ride abroad a hunting that day, that Tyrell and the King were alone, and all the company else scattered from him when this was done; that most of his followers as soone as they heard of it made away; that Tyrell so easily esca∣ped without any prosecution for this fact; that the Kings Corpes was layd by some few Country Peasants onely (all the rest forsaking him) into a Colliers Cart, drawne with one sil∣ly beast, through a very foule and filthy way, where the Car••

breaking, he lay pittifully goared, and filthily bemired, that he was obscurely buried at Winchester the next day following, not onely without any state or solemnity, but without any teares, In cujus Sepultura lachrymae locum prae gaudio non habe••ant (saith Matthew Paris;) that there were so ma∣ny predictions of his death by Monkes; that Anselme had such speedy notice of it, and provided for his returne to England the next morning after: These severall circum∣stances, I say, compared with Anselmes Vision, are strong arguments to me, that his death was not casuall, but plotted by this Arch-Prelate and his instruments, to end the controversies then betweene them. This King being thus dispatched, * 1.33 King Henry the first succeeded him, calls home Anselme from his Exile; who immediately upon his returne deprived divers Bishops and Abbots in a Convocation at London, and presently after fell out with this King also, as hee had done with William Rufus, for disposing of all Bishoprickes that fell at his pleasure, giving investiture and possession of them by the delivery of a Staffe and a Ring, according as his predecessors had done, and all Princes generally used to doe in that Age; whereupon Anselme denying this Prerogative to his Soveraigne, refused both to conse∣crate any of the Bishops thus elected, and appointed, or to repute any of those, already consecrated by such election, for lawfull Bishops; alledging, that it was la••••ely prohibited by Pope Vrban the second, in a Coun••cell held under him, that any Clerke should take the investiture of any spirituall pre••erment from the hand of any King, Prince, or Layman: The King upon An∣selmes refusall, required Gerard Arch-Bishop of Yorke to give these Bishops Consecration; whereunto hee readily assented; but William Giffard nominated to Winchester, stood so in awe of Anselme, that he durst not accept conse∣cration at Gerards hands. This incensed the King wonder∣fully, so as presently hee commanded Giffards goods to be confiscate, and himselfe banished the Realme: great adoe there was througho••t the Realme about this matter, some defending the Kings right, others taking part with the Bishops: The King thinking to pacifie the Controversies,

sent an Ambassador to the Pope, together with the Arch∣bishop, to grow to some reasonable conclusion: ••ase••all the second, who then was Pope, would not yeeld one jot unto the King, animated no doubt by Anselme, a man so re∣solute in his quarrell: insomuch that when the Kings Am∣bassadour William Wartlewast sayd, he knew the King would rather lose his Crowne than this priviledge; he answered, Yea, let him lose his head also if he will, whilst I live, hee shall never appoint Bishop, but I will resist him what I may. So without doing any good, homeward they came. The King understanding before-hand how the world went, sent a Messenger to forbid Anselme to enter into the Realme, & presently seized all his goods, movables, and immovables into his hands. After three yeares Exile, Anselme at the im∣portunate mediation of Adila Countesse of Bloys the Kings Sister, was restored, upon these conditions; that hee should be content to consecrate the Bishops already nominated by the King, and that the King should renounce all right to such nominations and investitures for time to come: No sooner returned he againe, but hee kindled a fresh com∣bustion, by enforcing all married Priests to forsake their wives, depriving them of their goods, Benefices, and ad∣judging their wives Adulteresses. The King upon their complaint, pittying their case (halfe of the Priests of Eng∣land being then married, mediates for them, and protected them a while from Anselmes severity, granting them Licen∣ses to retaine their wives; but hee (a man alwayes most peremptory in his resolution) would not be perswaded to yeeld one jot in this or any other thing hee intended: so that notwithstanding the Kings inclination to succour them, many of them were miserably vexed; which ingendred a new quarrell betweene him and the King: In a word, this rebellious traytorly Prelate, did so good service for the Pope against these two Kings (whom hee caused to be in a manner excommunicated by the Pope, and subjugate to his pleasure) that in favour of him, he afforded to his See this honour, That whereas the Arch-bishop of Canterbury was wont to sit next the Bishop of Ruffine in Generall Coun∣sels, hereafter his place should be at the Popes right Foote, and withall used these words, Includamus hunc in Orbe nostro

tanquam Papa alterius orbis, Let us include this man in our world, as the Pope of another world. In a word, King Wil∣liam Rufus was so vexed with Anselme, William Bishop of Durham, and other rebellious Prelates, that* 1.34 William of Milmesbury records of him, That he animated the Iewes at London to enter into a Dispute against our Bishops, telling them (in merriment, as this Historian conceived) that if they overcame the Christians by manifest Arguments, that he would be of their Sect. Therefore this thing was acted with great feare of the Bishops and Clergie-men, affected with a pious solicitude of the Christian Faith. But in this Combate, the Iewes obtained nothing but confusion; although they often boasted, that they were not over∣come by Argumentation, but by the Faction of the Pre∣lates.

This fire-brand of Contention departing this life, Ralph of Canterbury,8 1.35 his immediate Successor, an insolent cholerick proud Prelate, offered two such notable affronts to King Henry the first, his Soveraigne, who advanced him to this Sea, as no Age (I thinke) can parallell. For * 1.36 King Henry having assembled all his Nobles to Windsor Castle; to con∣sult with them about his Marriage with Adelicia, his second Wife, Daughter to the Duke of Loraine; the Bishop of Salisbury being requested both by the King and Queene to solemnize the Marriage betweene them, and clad in his holy Vestments, ready to performe this service, this decrepit resty proud Arch-Prelate commanded him to desist, con∣trary to the King and Queenes Precept and desire, and committed that service to the Bishop of Winchester, who performed it. After which, Adelicia being solemnly to bee Crowned Queene at London, on the Feast of Pentecost, in the presence of the King and Nobles, this Arch-Prelate as hee was chaunting Masse at the High Altar in his Pontificalibus, to grace this Solemnity, espyed the King sitting on his Royall Throne with his Crowne upon his head: Where∣upon he grew into such choler, that intermitting his begun Masse, he goes to the King, thus sitting in the Church on his Throne amidst his Nobles, and demands of him in bigge words, Who it was that had set the Crowne upon his head? (hee being Crowned by Thomas Arch-Bishop of Yorke, in the ab∣sence

of Anselme of Canterbury:) To which the King re∣plyed: It is no great matter to me who did it, and it was done so long since, that I remember not who it was. But the Arch-Bishop enraged with choler, auswered: That who∣ever had done it, did it wrongfully and unjustly; therefore thou shalt either cease to weare thy Crowne, or else I will desist from saying Masse. The King nothing moved herewith, answered with a pleasant and mild countenance: If this Crowne, as thou sayest, be not lawfully set on my head, you may doe that which you conceive to bee agreeable to Law, I will not gaine-say it. At which words, the Arch-Bishop approached neerer him, and lifting up his hands to pull the Kings Crowne from off his head, whiles the King was untying the Button under his Chinne, by which his Crowne was tyed on his head, the Nobles admiring the Kings modestie, and the Arch-Bishops anger and arrogancie, cryed out with one voyce against the Arch-Prelate, and earnestly ent••eated him, That in the solemne Coronation of the Queene, he would not uncrowne the King him∣selfe. With who••e clamours Ralph being overcome, desisted f••om this his insolent attempt, and standing by the King, began the Song, Glory be to God on high; and then pro∣ceeded in his Masse. * 1.37 Higden (and * 1.38 Speede out of him) records, That this testie old man could hardly be entreated by the Nobles to with-hold his hands from striking the Crowne off the Kings head; and that even in the Church; in the presence of all his Lords, his Queene, and God himselfe: of such an high spirit then was this devout Arch-Prelate. From hence (writes † 1.39 Matthew Parker) it may be discerned, how unseasonably and impudently these kind of men abused the lenity of this Prince, who thought themselves more worthy in holinesse than others, and deemed they had an im∣periall command over Princes.

9 1.40This furious proud Prelate being dead, * 1.41 William Corbell his next Successor, was so good and trusty a subject to King Henry the first, who advanced him, that upon the Kings death, hee was content to betray and dis-inherite of the

Crowne his Daughter Maud the Empresse, and * 1.42 contrary to his Oath, to joyne with Stephen Earle of Bloys, whom he Crowned with his owne hands, but with such feare and ter∣rour of Conscience, that the consecrated Host fell out of his hands in the midst of Masse, by reason of his trembling and fearefull amazednesse. * 1.43 Raphael Holinshed his rela∣tion of this Fact, is worthy observation: Stephen (writes hee) was Crowned at Westminster on Saint Stephens day by William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the most part of the Nobility being present, and swearing Fealty unto him, as to their true and lawfull Soveraigne: Howbeit, there were di∣verse of the wiser sort of estates, which regarding their for∣mer Oath (to bee true unto the Empresse Maude) could have beene contented, that the Empresse should have governed till her Sonne had come to lawfull age; notwithstanding they held their peace as yet, and consented unto Stephen. But the breach of their Oathes was worthily punished afterward, insomuch, that as well the Bishops, as the other Nobles, either dyed an evill death, or were afflicted with divers kinds of calamities and mischances, and that even here in this life. Yet there were some of them (namely the Bishop of Salisbury) which protested, that they were free from their Oath of Allegeance made to the sayd Empresse, because that without the consent of the Lords of this Land, she was marryed out of the Realme: Whereas they tooke their Oath, to receive her for Queene upon that condition, That without their assent she should not marry with any person out of this Realme. Moreover, (as some writers thinke) the Bishops tooke it, they should do God good service, in providing for the wealth of the Realme, and the advancement of the Church, by their * 1.44 Perjurie. For, whereas the late deceased King (Henry the first) used him∣selfe not altogether for their purpose, they thought, That if they might set up and create a King chiefely by their especiall meanes and authority, he would follow their counsell better, and refo••me such things as they judged to be amisse: So He. But this trecherous Act of them, in dis-inheriting Maude, (wherein the Bishop of Wi••••hester was a chiefe Actor, yet afterwards joyned with Maude for a season, and then fell off againe) what Civill Warres, Tumults, Bat∣tailes, evill effects, and blood-shed it occasioned here

in England, to the prejudice of the whole Realme, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all our Chronicles and Historians, in the life of King Stephen, testi∣fie at large.

Theobald,10 1.45 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, his immediate Suc∣cessour * 1.46 being summoned by the Pope to appeare at the Councell of Rhemes, the King (at the instigation of Henry Bishop of Winchester his Brother, the Popes Legat and Arch-Bishops opposite) prohibited him to passe beyond Sea, to stay him at home: But he thinking it safer to offend the King then the Pope, resolved to goe; and though all the Ports were stopped, and layd for him, yet over the Seas hee got. The King thereupon seized all his goods and Tempo∣ralties, and banished him the Realme: he like a tall fellow, thereupon interdicted the King, with the whole Realme; and taking advantage of the time, which was very trouble∣some, came home and lived in Norfolke, till by the intercessi∣on of the Bishops he was restored to his Bishopricke. After which, growing into great favour with the King, in a Con∣vocation summoned at London 1152. the King would have constrained the Clergie to make Eustace his sonne, King: which they refusing, and delaying to doe, having a command from the Pope to the contrary, pretending that his Father King Stephen was an Usurper, and perjured Intruder; the King and his sonne cau••ed the doores to bee shut upon the Clergie, where they were assembled, thinking by force and threatning to compell them thereto, before they departed. The greater number seemed to yeeld, but the Arch-Bishop stealing secretly out of the place, tooke his Barge, and row∣ing downe the * 1.47 Thames, got beyond Sea; so that by this meanes the Synod was dissolved. His goods hereupon were presently once more confiscate, and his Temporalties seized into the Kings hands. He thereupon troubled the Realme with Fire, Sword, and bloody Warres, causing Henry Fitz-Empresse to invade the Land, whose Title the Pope favoured, of purpose to strengthen himselfe against King Lewis of France, who had highly offended his Holinesse, by casting his Bulls (whereby he require•• the Fruites of Vacancies of Ca∣thedrall Churches in France) into the fire, saying, Hee had r••ther the Popes Bulls should r••st in the fire, than his owne Soule sho••ld fry in Hell.

11 1.48 Thomas Becket succeeding Theobald, by King Henry the seconds extraordinary favour (though against the Canons, he being both a souldier, a Courtier, and skilled onely in ••ecular affaires,) to require his Soveraignes extraordinary favour, he first resigned his Bishopricke, which hee had received from the Kings hands, into the Popes in a secret manner, receiving it backe againe as from him; and then looked so narrowly into the Lands belonging to his See, having great authority, and some skill in the Law, That under colour of defending the Rites of his Church, hee tooke violently from every man what he listed: and pra∣ctising Treason secretly, he required of the King the kee∣ping of Rochester Castle, and the custody of the Tower of London; and called Roger Earle of Clare unto Westminster, to doe his homage unto him for the Castle of Tunbridge; which the Earle denyed, through the setting on of the King; so as he provoked many of all sorts of people every where with open mouth to exclaime against him, and to make their complaints thicke and three-fold to the King; be∣tweene whom and the King there arose a great quarrell up∣on this occasion. The Clergie by their flattery, policy and Canons, having exemp••ed themselves from secular Juris∣diction, and presuming upon Beckets power, grew strangely impudent and disorderly; insomuch, that the* 1.49 Chiefe Ju∣stice declared in the Kings presence, how that Clergie men had committed above an hundred murthers since his raigne; wherewith the King highly offended, he became some∣what too vehement in punishing them; but the blame of the Kings over-much earnestnesse must lye on the Prelates, inasmuch as they gave the cause thereof: For whereas sa∣cred Canons ordaine, that Clerkes found guilty, not onely of hainous and grievous sinnes, but also of lesser, should be degraded, and thousands of such were then in the Church of England, like in••umerable chaffe among a little good Corne, yet very few such for many yeares had beene then deprived. The Prelates, forsooth, while * 1.50 they bestirred themselves rather to uphold the liberties and dignities of Clerkes, than to chastise and cut off their vices, thought they did God and his Church good service, in protecting from publicke Discipline such heinous offenders, whom by

duty of their places they ought to correct according to the Canon censure; whereby they thr••ugh their impunity, having liberty to doe what they listed, had neither feare of God, (whose Judgement they thought to be a farre off) neither of men in authority; sith on the one side their Pre∣lates neglected to reforme them, and on the other side they were thus exempt by their order from secular Juris∣diction. This being the state of the Church and Realme, where in some were so injured without remedy, and others so injurious without coertion, as if neither sort were in condition of Subjects; the king thereupon tooke speciall care of quickning the publicke Discipline, and the rigour of ancient ••awes which thus lay neglected, and thereupon would, that all such of the Clergie as were depreh••nded in any Robbery, Murther, Felony, burning of houses, and the like, * 1.51 should be tryed and adjuged in his tem∣porall Courts as Lay men were: Against which the Arch-Bishops resolution was: That Clergie-men so offending should be tryed onely in the Spirituall Courts, and by men of their owne Coat: who, if they were convict, should at first be onely deprived of their O••fice and Benefice, but if they should againe be guiltie of the like, they should be adjud∣ged at the kings pleasure. In this maine controversie be∣tweene the Crowne and the Mitre, the Arch-Bishop stood so peremptory on the immunities of his Clergie and See, as that he challenged from the•• Crowne (to the Kings great offence) the custody of Rochester Castle and other Forts, which the King for securing his State, had resumed into his owne hands. The King finding himselfe to be hereby but a demi-king, deprived of all Soveraignty over one halfe deale of his Kingdome, and perceiving Beckets stiffe∣nesse in thus contesting with his Soveraigne, to be no wayes mollifiable by whatsoever his old favours or fresh perswasions, notwithstanding resolved to put nothing in execution which should not first be ratified and strength∣ned with the consent of his Bishops: Who thereupon assembling at Westminster, the King tooke both offence there at the Arch-Bishops thwarting his desires and occa∣sions to establish sundry Articles, which hee called his Grand••athers Customes, peremptorily urging Becket to

yeeld thereunto, without any such reservation, (as saving in all things his order and right of the Church) wherewith hee would have limited his assent. The points in those ordinances which he principally stucke at, as appeares by his owne Let∣ter to the Pope, were these:

• 1. That none should appeale to the Bishop of Rome for any cause whatsoever, without the Kings license.
• 2. That it should not be lawfull for any Arch-Bishop or Bishop to depart the Realme, or repaire to the Pope upon his summons, without the Kings license.
• 3. That no Bishop should excommunicate any man holding of the King in chiefe, or put any other of his Officers under interdict, without the Kings license.
• 4. That Clerkes criminous should be tryed before secular Iudges.
• 5. That it should not be lawfull for a Bishop to punish any one for perjury, or faith-breach.
• 6. That the Laity, whether the King or other, should hold pleas of Churches and Tithes, &c.

These points so neerely touched the Papall Soveraigntie and Church-liberties, that the resolute Metropolitane mainely opposed his whole power against them. The King being as resolute to enforce him to subscribe to them, both to ••nlarge his Soveraigne authority, and to exempt his estate by degrees from dependancie on any externall Go∣vernment, as lineally claiming from absolute Soveraigne Antecessors. At last Pope Alexander very desi••ous to keepe the Kings love, though secretly wishing well to Beckets attempts, sent one Philip his Almoner to compose the controversie; by whom the Pope and Cardinalls re∣quired the Arch-Bishop to promise the King to keepe his sayd Ordinances absolutely; without any savings or exceptions. Whereupon Becket seeing his Scrupulo∣sitie thus disapproved by his Soveraigne, by all his Brethren the Bi••hops, and the Court of Rome it selfe, hee rode to Woodstocke to the King, and there pro∣mised that he would keepe the sayd Lawes B••na fide, and without male engin. The King thereupon supposing now all contradictions would cease, called an Assembly

of the States at Cla••endon, to collect and enact those Lawes; where Becket relapsing from his former promise to the King, sayd, He had grievously sinned in making that absolute Oath, and that he would not sinne any more. At which the King was so vehemently inflamed, that hee threatned banishment and destruction to him and his. But at last the Arch-Bishop being overcome by perswasions of divers Nobles and Bi∣shops sware before the King, Clergie and people in the word of a Priest, and sincerely, that he would observe the Lawes which the King intituled, Avitae: And all the Bi∣shops, Abbots, Priors, and whole Clergie with all the Earles, Barons, and Nobilitie did promise and sweare the ••ame faithfully and truly to observe and performe to the King and his Heires for ever. But when the King not so contented, would have him to subscribe and fixe his Seale to an instrument, in which these Customes and Lawes were comprised, as every one of the other Bishops had done b••∣fore him; he once againe starting from his faith, did ab∣solutely refuse it; alledging, that hee did promise to doe the King some honour in word onely, but not with an in∣tent to confirme these Articles, being 16. in number; nei∣ther would he subscribe or seale them, unlesse the Pope by his Bull did first confirme them. The King hereupon sent two Embassadours to Rome to the Pope, to crave his allow∣ance of those Lawes, and to pray that the Legantine power of England might bee committed to the Arch-Bishop of Yorke; Becket being so farre from seeking to pacifie the Kings displeasure, as dayly hee provoked him more and mor•••• The Pope knowing the cause to bee his owne more than Beckets, rejected both these suites; Becket having dealt so with him be••ore-hand, that hee would doe nothing to his prejudice; and withall absolved him and the other Bishops from their Oath of Allegeance to their Prince: Whereup∣on the King commanded Becket to bee condemned in dam∣mages ••or a Manor which Iohn de Marshall claimed, and in the Parliament of Northampton demanded an accoun•• of him of 30000. pound, which came to his hand during his Chan∣cellorship; which hee excusing, and refusing punctually to answer, the Peeres and Bishops condemned all his movables t•• the Kings mercy: After which, the Prelates ••hemselves

by a joynt consent, adjudged him guilty of perjury, for not yeelding tempo••all obedience to the King according to his Oath, disclaiming all obedien••e to him thence forward as to their Arch-Bishop: Becket the next day, whiles the Bishops and Peeres were consulting of some f••rther course with him, caused to be sung before him at the Altar: The Princes sit and speake against mee, and the ungodly persecute me, &c. And forthwith taking his silver Crosier in his owne hands (a thing strange and unheard of before) enters armed therewith into the Kings pr••sence, though earnest∣ly disswaded by all that wished him well: Wherewith the King enraged, commanded his Peeres to sit in judgement upon him, as on a Traytor and perjured person, and accor∣dingly they adjudged him to be apprehended and cast in prison as such a delinquent. The Earles of Cornewall and Leicester (who sate as Judges) citing him forthwith to heare his sentence pronounced; hee immediately appealed to the See of Rome, as holding them no competent Judges; wh••reupon all reviling him with the name of Traytor and perjured person, he replyed; That were it not for his function, he would enter the Duell or Combat with them in the field, to ac∣quit himselfe from Treason and perjury: and so speeding from the Court departed into Flanders (disguised under the name of Dereman) in a poore Fisher-boate, accompanied onely with Servitors: The King thereupon seized all his Goods and Temporalties into his hands, and sent Ambassa∣dours to the Earle of Flanders, the French King, and the Pope, praying them in no wise to suffer or softer within their dominions, one that was such a notorious Traytor to him. The French King, thinking that this disagreement betweene the King and the Arch-Bishop would breed some stirre in England, dealt with the Pope, that as hee loved the Roman Church, and the ayde of France, so hee would support Beckets cause against the King; with whom though hee had amity before, yet at Beckets instigation, as is pro∣bable, (whose whole life was nothing else but a continued act of Rebellion, Treachery, and Disobedience against his Soveraigne Lord) he presently fell to invade the King of Englands Dominions, and tooke by Assault certaine Holds of his in Normandy. The Arch-Bishop also about the same

time growing in great savour with the Pope, whom the King by all his friends and Agents could not move to any thing against him, sent out particular Excommunications against all the suff••agan Bishops of his Province, and all such as had obeyed, defended, or occasioned the sayd Lawes and A vitall customes, and against some of them by name; which Excommunications he published at Vizely in France on A∣scension day, when the Church was most full of people, getting into the Pulpit the••e; and solemnely accursing them with Bell, Booke and Candle, threatning the like thunder∣clap against his owne Royall person: Whereupon the King receiving such a foile from the Pope, and such an affront from the Arch-Bishop, directs his Writs to the Sherifes of England, commanding them to attach all such who appea∣led to the Court of Rome, with the Fathers, Mothers, Bro∣thers, Sisters, Nephewes, and Neeces, of all the Clergie that were with the Arch-Bishop, and to put them under sureties; as also to seize the Revenues, Goods, and Chat∣tels of these Clergie-men. And by other Letters to Guil∣bert Bishop of London, he sequestred the profits and Livings, which within his Diocesse did belong to any of the Cler∣gie who were fled to Thomas; and signified to his Justices by a publicke Decree, that no man should bring any Let∣ters or Commandment from Pope Alexander, or Thomas Arch-Bishop of Canterbury into England, containing an In∣diction of the Realme, upon peril to be apprehended and pu∣nished as a Traytor to the King, and an enemy to the Realm. And that they should safe keepe whosoever did bring any Interdict into England, till the Kings pleasure were further knowne; causing all the Arch-bishops goods to be confi∣scated, and banished out of the Realme all the Arch-Bishops kindred, Man, Woman, Child, and sucking Babes; forbid∣ding hee should be any longer mentioned publikely and prayed for in the Church, as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; and to vexe him the more, because he knew hee was much delighted in the Monastery of Pontiniac, an Abbey of Cir∣stercian Monkes, he signified to all the Monkes of that Or∣der in his Dominion, that he would banish them every one, if they would not procure the Arch-Bishop to bee thrust out of that Monastery; which for feare of so great calamity

to so many men of their Order, was effected. And be∣cause Pope Alexander, Beckets surest Card, was ferrited much in like sort by Fredericke Barbarossa the Emperour, the King therefore determined to joyne in league with him, being a prosessed enemie both to the French King and the Pope, sending Ambassadors to him for that purpose; which the Pope having notice of, began presently to quaile, promi∣sing speedily to end all Controversies betweene him and Becket to the Kings liking: Whereupon at the pro∣curement of Iohn of Oxford, two Legates were sent into England to reconcile the King and Thomas; but the Pope hearing when they were gone, that they were resolved utter∣ly to confound the Arch-Bishop, sent Letters after them to rebate their absolute power, who when they came to Thomas he absolutely refused to put their cause unto them, but upon such conditions, as neither they nor the King would brooke. The passages betweene the King, and the Pope and Becket, and his Complaints to the Pope against the King, too tedi∣ous to recite at large, you may reade at leisure in Holinshed, Vol. 3. p. 70. to 75. wherein he desires the Pope to use his rigour both against the King, and the Prelates that sided with him, and to constraine them to amendment. After this, the Pope moved the French King to mediate a Peace betweene them: For which purpose, both the Kings and the Arch-Bishop were brought together at Paris; where suite being made to the King in his behalfe, That he might returne, be re∣stored to his goods and revenues arising during his absence, and like∣wise to the Kings favour, upon his humble submission: The King answered, That for the rest he was contented, but that he could not allow him the profits of his Arch-Bishoprick since his Banishment, for that he had already given them to others; yet he would give him such recompence for them, as the French King, or the Senate or Students of Paris should thinke meete. Whereupon Becket being called for, and advised by his frieuds to submit him∣selfe in the presence of both Kings, without any more reservations, he falling downe humbly upon his knees, used these words: My Lord and Soveraigne, I doe here commit unto your owne judgement the cause and controversie betweene us, so farre forth as I may, saving the honour of Almighty God: The King much offended with his last exception, turned him

about unto the French King, and telling how much hee had done for the Arch-Bishop, and how ••ee had used him, sayd, I am so well acquainted with the Trickes of this Fellow, that I cannot hope for any good dealing at his hands: See you not how he goeth about to delude me with this clause, (saving the honour of God?) for whatsoever shall displease him, hee will by and by alleadge to be prejudiciall to the ho∣nour of Almighty God. But this I will say unto you, where∣as there have beene Kings of England many before mee; whereof some were peradventure of greater Power than I, the most part farre lesse; and againe, many Arch-Bishops before this man, holy and no••able men; looke what duty was ever performed by the greatest Arch-Bishop that ever was, to the weakest, and simplest of my Predecessours, let him but yeeld me that, and it shall abundantly content mee. Hereunto the Arch-Bishop answered cunningly, and stoutly; That his Predecessours * 1.52 who could not bring all things to passe at the first dash, were content to beare with many things, and that as men they fell, and omitted their duty oft times; that that which the Church had gotten, was by the constan∣cie of good Prelates, whose example he would follow thus farre forth; as though he could not augment the priviledges of the Church in his time, yet he would never consent they should be diminished. This answere being heard, all men cryed shame of him, and generally imputed these stirres unto him; and King Lewis offended with his Answere, asked him, Whether he thought himselfe to be greater or holyer than Saint Peter? And the Peeres of both Nations accused him of arrogance, as being himselfe the wilfull hinderer of his owne and the Churches Tranquillity. Notwithstanding, the Pope forgot not faithfull Thomas; and there••ore, after hee had graced him with a Confirmation of all the Pri∣viledges and Powers which any of his Predeces••ors in that See did enjoy (to the daring and defiance, as it were, of the Kings utmost indignation) the King sent a Letter into Germany, declaring, That hee would forsake Pope Alexander, and joyne with the Emperour and Anti-Pope. The King doubting what might become of these broyles, caused his Sonne Henry to bee Crowned King in his owne life time, to assure him of the Succession:

Afterwards comming into France againe, Becket and hee were upon the point of reconciliation, but the casting out some word or other, as before, maried all; At length the King and hee were made Friends, but his full restitution referred till he had behaved himselfe quietly a while at Can∣terbury, which he promised to doe: But hee was so far from performing that promise, as he sent into England before him divers Excommunications, which the Pope had granted out long before, and committed to his discretion. Amongst o∣ther the Arch-bishop of Yorke, the Bishop of London and Sa∣lisbury were named in them, together with so many as were doers in the Coronation of the young King, which the Arch-Bishop sayd might not be performed by any but by his ap∣pointment. The men thus strucken with this holy fire, hasted them over into Normandy, to make their complaint to the King, who infinitely grieved at this kinde of dealing, cursed the time that ever he had made him Arch-bishop, and resto∣red him to his place againe, adding, It was his chance ever to do with unthankefull men, otherwise some or other would long ere this have made this proud Priest an example to all such troublesome perturbers of his Realme and State. It hapned among other, foure Knights, to wit, Reynald Fitz-Vrse, Hugh de Mor••vill, William de Tracie, and Richard Briton, to be present at this speech of the Kings; who gathered thereby, they should do a deed very ac∣ceptable unto him, if they killed the Arch-Bishop, who in the meane time was come to Canterbury, and was received there with great joy: whence he went to London, and so to Woodstock wher the young King lay. But before he could get to the Kings presence, word was brought him, the Kings pleasure was, hee should first goe to Canterbury, and revoke those Excommuni∣cations, before the King would talk with him; whereupon he returned to Canterbury, without seeing the King at all: where the foure Knights before mentioned arrived upon Innocents day; who comming to the Arch-Bishop, told him, the Kings pleasure was, First, That he should goe to his Son, and reverently make offer of doing homage and fealty unto him for the Barony of his Arch-Bishoprick: secondly, That he should cause al the strangers he brought into the Realm with him, to be sworn to his obedience: third∣ly, That he should revok those Excommunications which he he had caused to be denounced against the Instruments of the young King••

Coronation. To which demands he answered, That neither the King nor any other mortall man should extort from him, or any of his, by his consent, any unjust or unreasonable Oath: And as for the Bishops and others excommunicate concerning the Coronation, it was indeed (quoth he) a thing done in my behalfe, for an injury of∣fered to my Church, but it was the Act of the Pope. If therefore they will sweare, they shall be ready to make me amend•• at the Popes discretion, I will absolve them, otherwise not: And whatsoever you say, it was the Kings pleasure I should take my best course for the re∣dresse of this abuse by Ecclesiasticall authority. Many other words then passed betweene them, they breathing our terrible threates, and he continuing still the same man, without yeel∣ding one jot. At last the Knights departed, giving the Monkes charge in the Kings name, to see the Arch-Bishop for••h-comming, and not to suffer him to escape away. At Evening Prayer time, the same day, they came suddenly into the Church with their Swords drawne, crying, Where's the Traytor? Where's the Traytor? The Arch-Bishop, who was then going up the steps towards the Quire, hearing the noyse, turned backe unto them, and every one of the foure striking mainely at him, upon the third or fourth greice of those steps he was slaine. His body these Knights determi∣ned to have cast into the Sea, or else to have hewen into a ••housand peeces; but the Prior and Monkes doubting some such thing, buried it immediately in the Under-Craft; whence shortly it was taken up, and layd in a most sumptu∣ous Shrine, in the East end of the Church. The Pope hearing of this Massacre of this his grand Champion,* 1.53 im∣mediately excommunicated all that were either authors or consenters to it. The King was ••aine to purge himselfe thereo•• by Oath, and yet could not be absolved, before he had done certaine strange Penance: as first, That hee sho••ld pray devoutly at the Tombe of this new Martyr; That hee should be whipt in the Chapter-House, receiving of every Monke one Lash; That he should maintaine two hundred Souldiers for the space of one yeare, at Hierusalem; and lastly, revoke the Declaration published at Clarindon, that origi∣nally gave the occasion of this Murther, with other particu∣lars recorded by Master Fox. All which (such were those times) the King was faine to performe; to such slavery

were Kings and Princes then brought, under the Popish Clergie: who * 1.54 pre••ently Canonize this Arch-Traytor for a Saint, write large Volumes of his Prayses and Mira∣cles, pray unto him Morning and Evening in their solemne publike Mattins and Vespers, in elegant Rymes and Poems composed by Thomas Aquinas, in a more elegant style, to de∣light and ravish the Auditors; honour his Sh••ine with in∣finite Oblations, Pilgrimages, and Gifts: who was so much honoured an visited in times of Popery, that whereas in the Cathedrall Church of Canterbury, there were three princi∣pall Images; on, consecrated to Christ; another, to the Virgin Mary; and a third, to Thomas Becket; their Annuall Oblations to Thomas Becket, were commonly 1000. pound, or more•• to the blessed Virgin 200. pounds; but to our blessed Saviour some yeares 6. pounds, 13. shillings, 4. pence; some yeares 3. pounds, 6. shillings, 8, pence; and, Hoc Anno Nih••l, some yeares just nothing: as * 1.55 Bishop Mort••n hath re∣corded out of their owne Register of Canterbury. So that they preferred this Traytor and Rebell, in their blinde devotion, at least one thousand times more than Christ himselfe: and, which is yet more abominable, advanced his blood above our Saviours; praying even to Christ himselfe, to save them, no•• by his owne, but by this Arch-Rebels blood (as if his owne were not sufficien••) as these two blasphemous Verses, inserted into their Psalters, evidence.

* 1.56 Tu per Thomae sanguinem quem pro te impendit, Fac nos Christe scandere quo Thomas ascendit.

O Christ, by Thomas blood he for thee shed, Make us ascend whither he ascended.

Had he beene quartered, and then hanged up for a Traytor on some high Pinacle, as he deserved, I should have liked the Prayer well; thinking it just that all who durst honour such a Traytor, or pray unto him as a Saint, deserved to have their quarters elevated as high as his. But in that sense they tooke it then, and many have used it since: yea, some at this very day: It is no le••se than Blasphemie and High Treason against Christ himselfe: Especially,

i•• wee consider what they there annex to these Verses, Gloria & honor•• Coronasti eum Domine, R. Et constituisti eum super opera manuum tuaru••; attributed unto Christ himselfe, Heb. 2.7, 8. 1 Cor. 15.27. Roger Walden Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, in a full Convocation held at Pauls in London, Anno Domini 1098. (if * 1.57 Aton mistake not) ordained, That a solemne Commemoration should be kept on Wednesday every weeke throughout the yeare, if it were possible, for this Arch-Traytor Thomas; in which Constit••∣tion there is this passage: And although we oug••t to honour all and singular constituted in the heavenly Kingdomes with solicitous endeavours, and to advance them with loud prayses; yet wee ought to extoll with highest acclamations our m••st glorious Bishop and Martyr, Saint Thomas, both the Master and Patron of our Me∣tropoliticall Church, who is knowne to have shed his blood for the defence of the Churches libertie, by whose both Merits and Passion our whole Province of Canterbury is illustrated, and the universall Church adorned; and it is meete to personate him with supre∣mest prayses, and to worship him with spirituall honours. This Traytor shortly after became so eminent,* 1.58 that divers Kings Embassadors, Bishops, and others, came on Pilgrimage from ••orraine parts, to visit his Tombe at Canterbury. And though ••he Trayterly Prelates, Monkes, and Clergie, thus Deified him for a Saint and Martyr (as many now account him) yet the Peeres and Nobles about the King, gave it out in strict charge, upon paine of death, and confiscation of all their goods, That ••o man should bee so hardy as to name Thomas Becket to be a Martyr, or to preach of his Miracles. * 1.59 And King Henry the eight; after he had beene a long time Canonized for, and adored as an Arch-Saint, declared him in his Inju••ctions, published Anno 1539. to have beene a Re∣bell and Traytor to his Prince; and therefore straightly char∣ged and commanded, That from thenceforth he should not be esteemed, named, reputed, or called a Saint, but Bishop Becket; That his Images and Pictures throughout the whole Realme should be pl••ckt downe•• and avoyded out of all Churches, Chappels, and other places; and that the Dayes used to be Festivall in his name, should bee no more observed, nor the Service, Offices, Antiphones, Collects, and Prayers in his name read, but rased and put out of all the

Bookes upon paine of his Majesties indignation, and im∣prisonment at his Graces pleasure. After which, * 1.60 Stephen Gardiner, Bishop o•• Winc••ester, and Lord Ch••ncelour in Queene Maries dayes, with his other fellow Bishops (who were much in love with this Traytor, being such them∣selves) caused the Image of this old Romish Traytor Becket to be set up over the Mercers Chappell doore in Cheapeside in London, in forme of a Bishop, with a Miter and Crosier; but within two dayes after, his two blessing-fingers were first broken off, and on the seventeenth day of February his head strucke off: whereupon arose a great stirre, and many suspected for doing it, were committed to Prison. Which being againe set up the second day of March, at the suspected parties cost, and strictly watched with a Guard each night, for feare it should bee re-demolished; on the fourteen••h day of the same Moneth, the head of this Tray∣terous Beast was once more broken off, but the Agent not discovered; though there was a Proclamation made in London the next day, That whosoever would reveale the Party, though of Counsell and privity to the Act, should have his Pardon, and an hundred Crownes of Gold, with hearty thankes: So zealous were our Trayterly Bi••hops for this their Brother Arch-Traytor; whose very Crosier staffe some of late adored in the Tower, and have likewise Printed his Life.

* 1.61 Hubert the 42. Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,12 1.62 a man that swayed the Kingdome in King Richard the first his dayes; and after that advanced King Iohn to the Crowne, p••tting by Arthur Duke of Britaine, right Heire to the Crowne, being Sonne to Geffrey, elder Brother to Iohn; which occa∣sioned many Warres, and the losse of Normandy: Hee fin∣ding the King not so tractable as hee supposed to his will, did under-hand bolster up the Clergie, to affront him in the election of the Bi••hop of Norwich, repenting more now than any thing he did in all his life, that•• he had so advanced King Iohn to the Crowne, shewing such slender respect to his Soveraigne, that being prohibited by Fitz-Peter, the Kings great Justiciarie and Minister (in the Kings absence) of Regall Command, from holding a Generall Councell of his Province, (never used to be held but by Soveraigne

perm••ttance) his pleasure scorned to take any counte••∣mand: after which, hee spared not to out-brave his Sove∣raigne himselfe. For having notice, the Feast of the Na∣tivitie then approaching, that the King intended with his Queene at Guilford to keepe that festivall with great Mag∣nificence; hee, whose Palace ordinarily for splendour, multitude of attendants, and sump••uous entertainments, did strive with the Kings; thought this a fitting time to shew forth his great State, and little regard of his Princes discountenance, by * 1.63 parallelling to the Kings his owne sumptuous preparations, with rich Attires and costly Gifts for his attendants at Canterbury. The King, as Kings brook not to be braved by their subjects (nor is it wisedome for dis-favorites to doe it) moved with great indignation, thought the man had too much Riches, and too little dis∣cretion, (which seldome lodgeth in the Braine, where Pride dwells in the Heart) and therefore to abate some∣what the one, and learne him more of the other, hee kept his Easter at Canterbury, at the Costs of Hubert the R••ch; and not to spare him who spared not himselfe; hee there increased that great expence, with a greater of his and his Queenes solemne Crowning againe on Easter day in the Cathedrall Church: where, in lieu of his ex∣pence, Hubert had the formall Honour to set on their Crownes, but yet not the grace to sit neere the Kings heart. Such being the first overtures of heart-burnings betwixt the King and his Clergie; they afterwards•• by addi••ament of dayly fuelling, burst forth into a more feare∣full ••ame. For Hubert, bearing too much good will to the French King, and in very deed * 1.64 repenting himselfe of no∣thing so much, as for that hee had commended King Iohn to the Noblemen and Pee••es of the Realme, since hee proved another manner of man then hee looked to have found him; the King having prepared a Royall Hoast and mighty Navie to revenge his forraine losses and wrongs on the Fre••••h King, Hubert the Arch-Bishop (who con∣••ederated with the Pope and French King against his Sove∣••aigne,) came with sundry others to Portesmouth to the King, and * 1.65 ••••••ly forbids the King to proceed in the Voy∣age, (in tr••th, for feare hee should hinder King Philip from

ayding the Pope against Otho the Emperour.) Whereupon the King dism••••••••d his Forces; Hubert being the instru∣ment, that so resolute Projects, so inestimable Charges, so necessary an Action of the Kings fell suddenly to the ground: whereby, besides the selfe-mischiefe which there∣with fell on the King, many fresh grudgings accrued unto him, for suffering himselfe to bee thus violently repulsed from so behoofefull a purpose. The King the next day checking himselfe, for over-prizing the command of any man above the value of his Kingly Honour and Estate, re∣solved to collect his disparkled Troupes, and to put forth to Sea. To which end, taking order with his Nobles to follow him, they gave him leave with a small company to wa••t up and downe two dayes, in expectance of their at∣tendance; till seeing them more obsequious ••o Huber••s command than his, (the Arch-Bishop also sending his inhibition after them on the Sea, to stop their passage with the King) hee was forced to come againe to Land. The King hereupon put many of his Earles, Barons, Knights, and Clergie-men to a grievous pecuniary Re∣demption, for thus refusing to follow him, for re∣covering his Inheritance. * 1.66 The Arch Bishop, though their Ring-leader, might well have beene exempted from this Judgement, by his passage to an higher, dy∣ing the same weeke, either of Griefe, or of a Feaver, which killed him in foure dayes: But the King forth∣with in person going to Canterbury, seized upon all his Wealth and Possessions, shewing himselfe right joy••ull, that now hee was rid of him, whom men suspected of too familiar practising with the French King, † 1.67 saying, Hee was never a King till now; by reason of Huberts too presumptuous daring to crosse his Royall Resolutions, as of late hee did. This † 1.68 Hubert, being Chiefe Justice and Arch••Bishop in Richard the first his tim••, Anno 1198 the Monkes of Christs•• Church in Canterbury exhibited this Complaint against him to Pope Innocent: That their Arch-Bishop Hubert (contrary to his Order and Dignity) exerci∣sed the Office of High Iustice, and sa••e in Iudgement of Blood, being so encumbred in Temporall matters, that he could not ••ave time to discharge his Office, touching Spirituall Cause••

Whereupon the Pope sent to King Richard, admonishing him, not to suffer the sayd Arch Bishop to be any longer troubled with Temporall Affaires, but to discharge him thereof, and not to admit * 1.69 any Spirituall person from thenceforth unto any Temporall administration. He fur∣ther prohibited, by vertue of their obedience, all manner of Prela••es, and men of the Church, that they should not pre∣sume rashly to take upon them any manner of Secular Function or Office. Whereupon the Arch-Bishop was dis∣charged of his Office of Chiefe Justice, and Geffrey Fitz-Peter succeeded in government of the Realme in his stead. Afterwards, this Arch-Prelate being made Lord Chancellor of England by King Iohn, Anno. 1199. and uttering some words unadvisedly, that shewed how hee inwardly rejoyced at the Kings favour towards him in the gift of this Office,* 1.70 and so gloried in the Honour whereto hee was preferred, (which he would never have done, if he had weighed of worldly pompe, as by his Profession hee ought, and as one asketh the question in the same case, Dic mihi, nunquid,

Corporibus prosunt? Certe nil: dic, Animabus?

Tantundem &c.) The Lord Bardolfe sayd unto him, yet not so so••tly in his eare, but that some over-heard it: My Lord, to speake and not offend you: surely, if you well consider the Honour and Dignity of your Calling, you would not willingly yeeld to suffer this yoake of Bondage to be layd upon your shoul∣ders: For we have oftentimes heard of a C••ancellour made an Arch-Bishop, (as was Thomas Becket, who * 1.71 upon his in∣stalment in the Sea of Canterbury, immediately resigned his Lord Chancelours Office, sending his great Seale to the King then in Normandy, with a Letter, wherein he certified him, That hee could not serve the Church and the Court both at once, and that this moved him to resigne his Chancelourship, as incompatible wi••h his Arch-Bishopricke) but wee never heard of an Arch-Bishop made a Chancelour till now. Such an * 1.72 un∣seemely and unlawfull thing was it then reputed for Bishops to intermeddle with Temporall Offices and Affaires, which are incompatible with their Spirituall Function, and are sel∣dome managed by them, but to the great oppression, the ru∣in of the People and State.

Hubert being dead * 1.73 the Monkes of Canterbury secretly at midnight elected Reginald their Sub-prior,13 1.74 for his Suc∣cessour, taking an Oath of him, not to make his Election knowne to any, till he came to the Popes presence, whi∣ther he was advised to post with all speed. The Oath hee violates as soone as ever he had crossed the Sea, bearing himselfe every where as Lord Elect, shewing withall the testimoniall of his Election to divers; which so incensed his Brethren the Electors against him, as they presently re∣solved to become suiters to the King ••or pardon of their fault, in chusing him without his license, and also that hee would permit them to make a new Election, supposing the old frustrate by the Elects perjury: They did so, and ob∣tained their request, the rather because they made shew of readinesse in satisfying the Kings desire, who wished them to elect Iohn Gray Bishop of Norwich: him they sent for in all haste to Canterbu••y where they sol••mnly elected him for their Arch-Bishop, publishing his Election in the Church before the King and an infinite number of people, placing him in the Bishops Chaire. The King putting him in possession of his temporalties ••orth-with. These two E∣lections being presented to the Pope, hee adjudged them both voyd, and making use of the Monkes debate (••he grea∣ter part being then at Rome, some of them avouching their first Election as good, others importunately seeking to have the latter confirmed) he secretly practised with them, and at last perswaded them to elect Stephen Langhton an English man, and Cardinall of Rome, of singular gifts and Learning: which done, the Pope with his owne hands gave him Con∣secration at Viturbium; and well knowing how hayno••sly the King would take the matter, he writ Letters unto him sweetned with many intreaties, large praises of the new Arch-Bishop, and seasoned now and then with some tou∣ches of doubtfull threatning, if hee should oppose himselfe against that was then done. This notwithstanding, the King in great indignation, as hee had just cause, banished and drove out all the Monkes of Canterbury by force (who were entertained in forraigne Monasteries) seized upon all their goods, lands, and forbad Stephen Langhton entrance into the Realme: The Pope hearing this, sends his Mandates unto

William Bishop of London, Eustace Bishop of Ely, and Mau∣ger Bishop of Worcester, wherein hee willed them first to admonish and perswade the King to restore the Monkes their goods and place, and to give the Arch-Bishop pos∣session of his Temporalties by a day: then if he refused so to doe, to interdict the whole Realme. They durst not but obey, and finding the King resolute in his determina∣tion, at the time appointed, they published the Popes In∣terdiction, interdicting the whole Realme: And as well foreseeing the ensuing trouble to come, as their present danger, got them out of the Land, together with Ioceline Bishop of Bath, and Giles of Hereford. The King immedi∣ately seized all their Goods and Temporalties into his hands, and moreover banished all the friends and Kinsfolks of these Bishops, that were likely to yeeld them any com∣fort or reliefe. During the time of this Interdict, * 1.75 all Di∣vine Service ceased throughout the Realme (Gods Service giving place to the Popes pride and malice) except onely Baptisme of Children, Au••icular Confession, and the Ad∣ministration of the Sacrament unto such as lay upon the point of death. The Pope seeing this Curse prevailed not; at the instigation of the Arch Bishop and other Prelates, proceeded to a particular Excommunication of the King, and not long after deprived him (by a Judiciall sentence) of his Crowne, Kingdome and all Regall authority; a thing till that time in no age ever heard of. For the better exe∣cuting which sentence, he writes to Philip the French King, to expell King Iohn out of his Kingdome, promising him re∣mission of all his sinnes, and giving the Kingdome of Eng∣land to him and his successors for this his good service; and withall sends ••orth his Bulls to the Nobles, Knights, and Souldiers in divers Countries, that they should signe themselves with the signe of the Crosse, to cast the King of England out of his Throne, and revenge the injury of the Universall Church, by ayding King Philip in this Catholike Warre, promising them all as large and ample indulgences in all things as those enjoyed, who visited the Lords Se∣pulcher at Hierusalem: whereupon the French King prepared a great Armie both by Sea and Land, to expulse King Iohn; who made himselfe so strong by Sea and Land in a short

time, that he had farre more Ships and Land-Souldiers than Philip; which Pandolfe the Popes Legate perceiving, and doubting of the successe, willingly repaires into England, tells King Iohn, in what danger he and his whole kingdome were, how much Christian blood he was like to cause to bee spilt•• to prevent all which inconveniences, hee counsels him to resigne his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope, and then to receive it from him againe; which he yeelded to at last. See now to what extremities this poore King was brought by these rebellious and traytorly Prelates meanes, † 1.76 who refused to appeare before him when he sent for them; his whole Land was under Interdiction, and so remained for 5. whole yeares, like an Heathenish Nation, without the celebration of Divine Service and Sacraments. * 1.77 Iohn him∣selfe was by Name Excommunicated, and had so remained for divers yeares. * 1.78 All his Subjects were released & freed a Regis fidelitate & subjectione, from owing either fidelity or subjection to him, yea, they were forbidden, and that un∣der paine of Excommuni••ation,* 1.79 so much as to company or converse with him, either at Table, or a•• Councell, or in speech and conference. Further yet, * 1.80 Iohn was deposed from his Kingdome, and that judicially, being in the Ro∣mane Court deprived of all right to his Kingdome, and ju∣dicially condemned; and * 1.81 that sentence of his deposition and deprivation was solemnly denounced and promulgated before the French King, Clergie, and people of France; † 1.82 Nei∣ther onely was Iohn thus deposed, but his Kingdome also given away by the Pope, and that even to his most mortall enemie; for the Pope to bring his sentence to execu∣tion, * 1.83 writ unto Philip the French King, perswading, yea, enjoyning him, to undertake that labou•• of dethr••ning Iohn actually (as judicially hee was before) and expelling him from the Kingdome, promising him not onely re∣mission of all his sinnes, but that hee and his Heires ••hould for ever have the Kingdome of England; with∣all, † 1.84 the Pope writ Letters to all Nobles, Souldiers, and Warriors in divers Countries, to signe themselves with the ••rosse, and to assist Philip for the dejecti∣on of Iohn. * 1.85 Philip was not a little glad of such an offer, b•••• hereupon gathered Forces and all things fit

for such an expedition, expending in that preparation no lesse than 60. thousand pounds: all * 1.86 these things being notified to King Iohn, did not a little daunt him, and though he was too insensible of the impendent calamities, yet to strike a greater terrour into his amazed heart, and make a more dreadfull impression in his minde of the dangers which now were ready to fa••l on his head, Pandolph was sent from the Pope unto him to negociate about the resigning of his Kingdome; to which if hee would consent, he should finde favour, protection, and deliverance at the Popes hands. Pandulf by a crafty kinde of Romish Oratory, at his com∣ming to the King, expressed, yea painted out in most lively colours all the difficulties and dangers to which the King was subject; * 1.87 the losse of his Crowne, the losse of his ho∣nour, the losse of his life; that there was no other way in the world to escape them, but by protection under the Popes wings. * 1.88 Iohn seeing dangers to hang over him on every side, by the French abroad, by the Barons at home: and being dejected and utterly dismayed and confounded with the ponderation of them, resolved for saving his life, to lose his liberty and honour, and to save his Kingdome from his open Adversary, to ••ose it and give it quite away to his secret but worst enemie that hee had, and to take an Oath of sealty to the Pope, recorded in Holinshed, p. 178. doing herein as if one for feare of being slaine in the open field, should kill himselfe in his owne chamber. It was not piety, but extreame misery; nor devotion, but feare onely and despaire, that caused and even ••orced Iohn against his will being then drowned in despaire, to resigne his Crowne, and to make two severall grants thereof to the Pope. The * 1.89 first Charter was made to Pandulph the Popes Lega••e, on the 15. day of May in the 14. yeare of King Iohns raigne, the Copie whereof is set downe in Matthew Paris, Matthew Westminster. The second Charter was made to Nichol••s Bishop of Tusculum the Popes Lega••e, for the Popes use, in Saint Pauls Church in London, the 3. of October in the 15. yeare of King Iohn, An. Dom. 1213. agreeing verbatim with the former, differing onely from it in this; that the first was sealed with Wax, the second with Gold: which seve∣rall Grants were so detestable to the whole world, that it

made all men exclaime against and detest King Iohn. How much the Barons disliked this Grant of King Iohn, his * 1.90 owne words to Pope Innocentius, as also the Popes answere, do wit∣nesse•• Our Earles and Barons, saith he, (and the Pope writes the like) were devout and loving unto us, till we had subjected our selves to your Dominion, but since that time, and specially even for so doing, they * 1.91 all rise up against us. The manifold * 1.92 opprobrious speeches used by the Barons against King Iohn, for subjecting himselfe and his Kingdome to the Pope, doe declare the same. Iohn (say they) is no King, but the shame of Kings; better to be no King, than such a King: behold a King without a King∣do••e, a Lord without dominion. Alas thou wretch, and servant of lowest condition, ••o what misery of thraldome hast thou brought thy self? Thou wast a king, now thou art a Cow-heard, thou wast the highest, now the lowest: Fie on thee Iohn, the last of Kings, the abominaton of English Princes, the confusion of English Nobility Alas England, that thou art made tribu••ary and subject to the rule of base servants, of strangers; and which is most miserable, subject to the servant of servants. Thou Iohn whose memory will be wofull in future time; thou of a most free King, hast made thy selfe tributary, a farmer, a vassall, and that to servitude it selfe: this thou hast done, that all might be drowned in the Hell of Romish Avarice. Yea, so detestable was both this Fact of Iohn, and dealing of the Pope, that Philip the French King, though the mortall enemie of King Iohn, hea••ing thereof, even upon this very point, That the Barons and State did no•• consent to that Act, did proclaime both the absolute freedome of the Kingdome of England, no••wi••hstanding this grant of Iohn, and declaime also against this Pope, for seeking to enthrall Kingdomes unto him. As the King, by the Treason and trechery of these Prelates, and especially of the * 1.93 Arch-Bishop, was thus enforced most ignominiously to resigne and prostitu••e his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope, to the losse of his Kingly honour, and the hearts of all his Barons and Subjects; so he was faine to receive the Arch-Bishop, and re∣store the other Bishops, Monkes, and banished Rebels against him to their Bishoprickes, Goods, and Revenues; and to give them such Dammages and Recompence, as the Pope should thinke 〈◊〉〈◊〉. For this King, Anno Domini 1213. intending a Voyag•• into Guien, his Realme standing as

yet * 1.94 interdicted, his Lords refused to goe with him, un∣lesse the interdicting might be first released, and he clearely absolved of the Popes Curse, to the end that Gods wrath and the Popes being fully pacified, hee might with better speede move and maintaine the Warres: whereupon he was constrained to alter his purpose; and comming to Winchester, dispatched a messenger with letters, signed with the hands of twenty foure Earles and Barons, to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Lincolne, and Hereford, then sojourning in France; requiring them, with all other banished men, to returne into England; promising them by his Letters Patents, not onely a sure Safe-conduct for their comming over, but that hee would also forget all passed displeasures, and frankely restore unto every man all that by his meanes had beene wrongfully taken from them, and as yet by him detained. Hereupon the Arch-Bishop, and other Bishops, with all speede came into England, with the other exiles, and went to Winchester, where the King then remained: Who hearing that the Bishops were come, went forth to receive these Traytors; and at his first * 1.95 meeting with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the King kneeled downe at his feete, (who should have rather kneeled to the King) and asked him forgivenesse, and that it would please him and the other Bi∣shops also to provide for the miserable state of the Realme: requiring of the Arch-Bishop (having as then the Popes power in his hands, as being his Legat) to be absolved; pro∣mising upon his solemne received Oath, That he would be∣fore all things defend the Church, and the Order of Priest∣hood, from receiving any wrong: also that he would restore the old Lawes made by the ancient Kings of England, and namely those of S. Edward, which were almost extinguished and forgotten; and further, that he would make recompence to all men whom he had by any meanes endammaged. This done, he was absolved by the Arch-Bishop, and shortly after sent his Orators to Rome, to take off the Interdict. The Pope hereupon sent the Cardinall of Tusculum into England, to com∣pound the differences and dammages betweene the King and the Bishops, and then to release the Interdict. Who, after a Convocation summoned, and sundry meetings had at London, Reading, Wallingford, and elsewhere, & some messages to Rome

ordered the King to pay 40000. Markes dammages to these rebellious Prelates; which done, the Interdict was solemnly released by the Legat, in the Cathedrall of Pauls in London, Iune 29. 1214. after the terme of 6. yeares, 3 moneths, and 14. dayes, that the Realme had beene shaken with that dreadfull Dart of Correction, as it was then esteemed. After this, King Iohn raysed an Army, intending to goe against those Lords who refused to follow him to Poictou. But the Arch-Bishop meeting him at Northampton, sought to appease him•• but hee marching on to Notingham, there with much adoe, the Arch-Bishop following him, and threatning to excommunicate all those that should ayde him, enforced him to desist his Enter∣prise. This done, he thought all troubles at an end, but the worst were yet behind. For the King having wound himselfe into the Popes favour, by this his Resignation, and holding his Crowne from him as his Feudatarie, began to curbe the Arch-Bishop and his Faction; who finding the King stronger in the Popes favour than they, * 1.96 thereupon stirred up the Barons to rebell and take Armes against the King, who had lost their hearts by his Resignation: In this Rebellion and Conspiracie,* 1.97 Stephen Langthon the Arch-Bishop was the Ring-leader, yea, the principall Abettor, Conspirer, chiefe Agent, and Counsellor (as Matthew Paris, Wendover, Speed, Ho∣linshed, and other our Historians testifie:) The Pope hereupon excommunicates the Barons, and all other English or French, who impugned King Iohn, even in the generall Councell of Lateran, then held•• and the Bishop of Winchester, and Pandulph the Popes Legat (who solemnly denounced the Popes Curse against the Barons) did likewise suspend the Arch-Bishop from all his Episcopall authority: who thereupon repairing to Rome for absolution, was in the Councell of Lateran accused and convict of Conspiracie and Treason against the King, and contempt against the Pope and Churches Censure: for which, the Pope resolving to depose him from his Sea and dignity, by the Cardinals intercession for him (hee being their brother Cardinall) was intreated to deale somewhat milder, but yet confirmed his suspension from his Bishopricke by publik sen∣tence; commanding by his Letters, all his Suffragan Bishops to withdraw their obedience from him and for a further revenge whereas Simon Langthon, his brother, by his procurement

had beene elected to the Sea of Yorke, (a strange example, to have an whole Kingdome ruled by two Brethren, of so turbulent humors:) the * 1.98 Pope not onely did cassate his Election, but likewise made him uncapable of any Episco∣pall Dignity, placing in that Sea Walter Gray (a trustie ••riend to the King, and a professed enemie to the Langhtons) whose Pall cost him no lesse than a thousand pound. King Iohn ha∣ving thus procured all his Barons to be excommunicated, and the City of London (siding with them) to be interdicted, and the Arch-Bishops suspension to be confirmed; the Ba∣rons and Arch-Bishop held these Censures in such high contempt, that they decreed, neither themselves nor the Ci∣tizens should observe them, nor the Prelates denounce them; alledging, that they were procured upon false sug∣gestions, and that the Pope had no power in Secular matters from Christ, but onely in Spirituall, and that Prelates had nothing at all to doe with Warres; and thereupon sent for Lewis, the Dolphin of France, to receive the Crowne of England: Who not so voyd of Ambition, as to lose a Crown for want of fetching, was not long behind, landing here in England, in despight of the Popes inhibition, and threats of Excommunication to hinder him, with a great Army, and Fleete of sixe hundred Boates. After which, he repaires to L••ndon, electing Simon Langhton for his Chancelor, the Arch-Bishops Brother, the Arch-bishop being the chiefe man in this Rebellion and Trea••on against King Iohn; by whose Counsell and Preaching, the Citizens of London, and Barons, though all excommunicated by the Pope, did celebrate Di∣vine Service, and drew on Lewis to doe the like. King Iohn levying a great Armie, and hasting to give Battaile to those Rebels and Enemies, comming to Swinshed † 1.99 Abbey, was poysoned in a Chalice, by a Monke of that House; who went to the Abbor and shrived himselfe, telling him, how he intended to give the King such a Drinke, that all England should be glad and joyfull thereof: at which, the Abbot wept for joy, and praysed God for the Monkes constancie; who being absolved before-hand by the Abbot, tooke the Cup of Poyson, and therewith poysoned both the King and himselfe, to doe the Arch-Bishops and Prelates a fa∣vour; since this * 1.100 King could not abide the pride and pre∣tended

authority of the Clergie, when they went about to wrest out of his hands the Prerogative of his Princely Go∣vernment. He dying, Henry his young Son was received to the Kingdome, Lewis forsaken, the Barons absolved by the Pope and Clergie-men too, after a composion payd by them. After this, Stephen Langhton enshrines his Predecessor Becket (as great a Traytor as himselfe) in a very sumptuous Shrine (the King and greatest part of the Nobility of the Realme being present at the solemnity:) which done, this Arch-Traytor, after he had endeavoured to raise a new Warre be∣tweene the King and the Nobles, dyed himselfe, Iuly 9. 1228. To obscure whose Treasons and Rebellions, our Monkes, who writ the Histories of those times, have raised up many slanders and lyes of this poysoned King Iohn, to his great defamation.

* 1.101 Richard Wethershed,14 1.102 the very next Arch-Bishop, with∣stood King Henry the 3. who in Parliament demanded Es∣cuage of those who held any Baronies of him; maintaining that the Clergie ought not to be subject unto the judge∣ment of Laymen, though all the Laitie and other of the Spiritualty consented to the King. After this, hee had a great controversie with Hubert de Burgo, Earle of Kent, con∣cerning some Lands of the Earle of Gloucester, the profits whereof the Arch-Bishop challenged as due unto him in the minority of the sayd Earle. The Arch-Bishop com∣plained of the pretended wrong to the King (with whom Hubert was very gracious, for the good service he had done him in defending Dover Castle against the French,) and finding no remedy answerable to his minde at the Kings hands, who answered him truely, That the Lands were held of him in capite, and so the wardship of them belonged to himselfe, not to the Arch-Bishop; hee thereupon excom∣municated all the Authors of this his supposed injury, the King onely excepted, and then gat him to Rome (the com∣mon Sanctuary and receptacle for all Rebellious, Traytorly Prelates,) this being the first Excommunication that was pronounced against any man for invading the Temporalties of the Church. The King hereupon sends divers to Rome, to stop the Arch-bishops proceedings, and defend his Roy∣all Prerogative. The Pope notwithstanding delighted

much with the eloquence, gravity, and excellent behavi∣our of the Arch-Bishop, granted presently all his demands, even in prejudice of the Kings Crowne and Right. Little joy had he of his Victory, for being but three dayes in his way homeward, he fell sicke at Saint Gemma, and dyed. † 1.103 In this Bishops time, the Italians had gotten many Benefices in England, who being much spited at, certaine mad fel∣lowes tooke upon them to thresh out their Corne every where, and give it unto the poore, as also to rob and spoyle them of their money and other goods, after which the Itali∣ans were not so eager upon English Benefices.

15 1.104Saint Edmund Arch-Bishop of Cante••bury had many bicke∣rings with King Henry the third,† 1.105 hee was baptized in the same Font that Thomas Becket his Predecessour was, and somewhat participated of his disposition: Being consecra∣ted Arch-Bishop, he presently fell into the Kings displea∣sure, by opposing himselfe against the marriage of Elianor, the Kings Sister, with Simon Moun••fort, Earle of Leicester, because upon the death of the Earle Marshall her first Hus∣band she had vowed Chastitie; to have which vow dis∣pensed withall, the King procured the Pope to send Otto his Legate into England, betweene whom and the Arch-Bi∣shop there were many quarrels: This Arch-Prelate refused to appeare upon summons before the King, went to Rome where he made many complaints, not onely against Otto, but against the King himselfe, ••or certaine injuries received at his hands; yet with ill successe, and was foiled in two severall suites, both with the Monkes of Rochester and the Earle of Arundel, to whom he was condemned in a thou∣sand Markes, to his great disgrace and impoverishing. Hee Excommunicated the Monkes of Canterbury, for chusing a Prior without his consent. The Popes Legate absolving them for money, h•• excommunicated them afresh, and in∣terdicted their Church, till Otto decided the Controversie; which Otto excommunicated Fredericke the Emperour, first in the Monastery of Saint Albanes, and then publickly in Pauls Church, and collected infinite summes of money here in England to maintaine the Popes warres against him, which the Emperour tooke very ill at the Kings hands. This Arch-Bishop, for a great summe of money, obtained a

Grant f••om the Pope in derogation of the Kings Suprema∣cie, that if any Bishopricke continued voyd by the space of sixe moneths, it should bee lawfull for the Arch-Bishop to conferre it on whom he list, which the King procured the Pope immediately to revoke. * 1.106 Polichronicon writes, that hee called a Councell of the Prelates together, how hee might relieve the holy Church that was made subject and thrall. It was consulted, that the King and all other men that were Rebels should be warned, and if they would not amend, then the wrecke of censures of holy Church should not sleepe. The holy man (Edmund) assented, and went to the King with the other Bishops, who threatned to Excom∣municate him, if he would not reforme the things they de∣manded, and put away his evill Councellors. The King asked avisement, and he abode, but all for nought: There∣fore the King was spared alone, and all other that were Re∣bells were denounced accursed: But thereby would they not be amended. This Arch-Prelate, at last, being conti∣nually vexed, thwarted and disgraced both by the King, the Pope his Legates, and others with whom he contested, ta∣king his leave of the King, departed into voluntary exile, and there bewailing the misery of his Country, spoyled and mi∣serably wasted by the tyranny and strange exactions of the Pope, spent the rest of his time in continuall teares, and through extreame griefe, sorrow, and fasting, fell into a Consumption and dyed, being afterwards canonized for a Saint by Pope Innocent the fourth.

* 1.107 Arch-Bishop Boniface,16 1.108 his immediate successor, raised ma∣ny commotions and stirs both in Church and State, hee was the Kings instrument for polling of England, and brought him much money; he was also a great warrier, better skil∣led in Military than Church affaires. Not to mention this Arch-Prelates * 1.109 combat with the Prior and Monkes of Saint Bartholmewes, which put the whole City of London into an uproate, and made much worke both at the Kings Court, and at Rome: Or how he * 1.110 procured a Grant from the Pope to receive one whole yeares profit of all Livings and Cures that should fall voyd within his Province for 7. yeares space, to the value of 10000. Markes•• At which the King at first was sore offended I shall only reci••e some traytorly and Anti-mo∣narchicall constitutions made by him & his fellow Prelates in

a Synod held at Westminster, 1270. to the great impeachment of the Kings Prerogative, and affront of his Nobles, Judges, and Temporall Courts of Justice. First, they decreed, * 1.111 That no Arch-Bishop, Bishop, or inferior Prelate and Clergi-man, should ei••her by the Kings Writ, or any other Noblemans, or secu••ar Officers warrant be called to answer before any secular Court or Judge, for any cause which they there determin to be meerely Ecclesiasticall: Or for any extravagances and undue proceedings in their Ecclesiasticall Courts: And that no Cler∣gie-man should presume to appeare upon such Writ or sum∣mons before any temporall Judge or Court, under paine of Ex∣communication; because no Lay power hath any authority to judge the Lords Anointed, whom they ought of necessity to o∣bey. And to take away so great abuses, & preserve the liberties of the Church, we decree and ordaine (say they) that the sayd Arch••bishops & Bishops, and other Prelates shall not appeare though they be called & summoned to do it as aforesaid. Yet to preserve the Kings ••onour, the greatest Prelates shall goe or write to the King, and shew that they cannot obey such his Royall Mandates without the perill of their Order, and the subversion of their Eccle∣siasticall Liberty. And if the King desist not, the Bp. whom it con∣cernes, shal admonish the King the second time, that he looke to the salvation of his soule, and altogether desist from such Mandates. And if he desist not at the denuntiation of the Bishop, the Arch-Bishop, or else the Bishop of London as t••e Deane of the Bishops, calling to him two or three Bishops, or more, whom he shall thinke meete, shall goe to the King und admonish him more seriously, requiring ••im to supersediate his Mandates. And if the King after such ex∣hortations and monitions shal proceed to attachments and destresses by himselfe or others, then the Sheriffes and all other Baylifes who pro∣secute the Bishops to attach them, shall by the Diocesans of the places be driven away in forme of Law by the sentence of Excommunication and interdiction. The like shall be done if the Sheriffes or Bayliffes proceed to Attachments or Distresses, pretending the foresayd moniti∣ons to be made to our Lord the King as afore-sayd: And if the She∣riffes or Ba••liffes shall persevere in their obstinacie, the places wherein they live, and the Lands they have within the Province of Canterbury shall be interdicted by the Di••cesans of the places, at the denuntiation of the Bishop in whose Diocesse such Distresses shall be taken. And if such Attachers be Clerks Beneficed, they shall be suspended from their Office; and if they persevere in

their malice, they shall be compelled to desist and give satisfa∣ction by substracting the profits of the••r benefices. And if they be not Beneficed, in case they be presented to any Bene••ice, they shall not be th••reto admitted ••or five yeares space. And the Clerkes who shall dictate, write, or signe such Attachments or di∣stresses, or give any counsell or advice therein, shall be Canonically punished, and if any Clerke be suspected of the premises, ••e shall not be admitted to any Ecclesiasticall Benefice, untill he shall Canonically purge himselfe thereof. And if our Lord the King, or any other secular power competently admonished concerning this, shall not revoke such distresses or Attachments, the Bishop distrained shal put under Eccle∣siasticall interdict the Lands, Villages, Townes and Castles, which the King himselfe, or other secular person so distraini••g shall have with∣in his Bishopricke. And if the King, or any other secular power con∣temning such penalties, shall persevere in their obstinacy; then the Arch-Bishop, or the Bishop of London, at the denunciation of the Bishop complaining, calling to him two Bishops, or more, whom he shall thinke meete, shall repaire to the King, and diligently admo∣nish and require him to supersede from the foresaid Mandates. And if our Lord the * 1.112 King having heard these admonitions and exhor∣tations, shall proceed to Attachments or distresses by himself or others, then the other two Bishops, reputing this distresse as a common injury to the Church, by the authority of this present Counsell, shall put un∣der Ecclesiasticall interdict all the Demisne Lands, Burroughes, Ca∣stles, and Townes of the King himselfe, or any other great man, be∣ing within the Precincts of their Diocesse. And if the King, or other great Man, shall not within 20. dayes after revoke the said Distresses or Attac••ments, but shall for this bandy against the Church, being with Pharaoh made more obdurate amidst the strokes of punishments, then the Arch••bishop shall put his whole Diocesse under in••erdict. The same shall be done to the Castles, Lands and Burroughes of great men, who have Royalties within the said Province. And if any Bishop shall be found negligent or remisse in the exe••utions of the said penalties in such cases, he shall be sharpely reprehended by the Metropolitan. Af••er which they in the same Councell, decree the like Interdicts, Ex∣communications, and Proceedings against all such who shall in∣trude upon the possessions of the Church; against Clerkes who receive Churches by Lay-mens power; against such Judges and others, who shall release excommunicate persons ou•• of prison without the Bishops consent; against Lay-men, who

shall appreh••nd Clergy-men for civill crimes; against such who obtaine or grant Prohibitions to their Courts; against the King or his Officers, who grieve or waste Churches possessions du∣ring their vacancy; against Judges and other Officers, who by a Quo Warranto question the Liberties which any Church or Pre∣la••e hath long time enjoyed, though without any Charter; against secular Judges, who shall judge any Charters made to the Church voyd for uncertaine••y; against Lords, who shall en∣deavor to enforce Clergy men to make suit to their secular Courts, contrary to the Liberties of the Church; and the like. In all or most of which, if the King upon notice and monition conforme not to Prelates desires, and stop not all proceedings and judgements in his Courts against them, his Judges and Of∣ficers shall be excommunicated, and their Lands, together with the Kings, and the whole Province of Canterbury inter∣dicted as aforesaid•• This Arch-Prelate and h••s con••ederates, thus trampling upon the Kings Crowne, Royalties, Judges, Courts, Nobility, Subjects, and the Lawes of the Kingdome; the King to stop their encroachments, was enforced to send forth Writs of Ad jura Regia, and Prohibitions to inhibit their proceedings; Wherein he thus complained, * 1.113 We a••e trou∣bled, not without cause, and moved, while we behold those who live under our Dominion, and are there honored with Benefi∣ces and Rents, by reason whereof they ought to assist us in the defence and tuition of the Rights of our Royall Crowne, with neckes li••••ed up against us, endeavouring to the uttermost of their power to impugne the said Rights, to the GRIEVOVS PREIVDICE AND HVRT OF OVR ROY∣ALL DIGNITIE AND CROWNE, and in con∣tempt of us: Wherefore we, who by the bond of an Oath, are obliged to the unwounded Observance of the Rights of our Crowne and Dignity, prohibit you, that you presume not to attemp•• any thing in the promises, which may any way dero∣gate from the Right of our Crowne and Dignity, and if any thing in this kind ha••h beene unduely attempted by you, that you cause it to be revoked without any delay, left we proceed ••o apprehe••d you in a grievous manner, as the violaters of the Rights of our Crowne and Dignity. Th••s Boniface, at last know∣ing himselfe very ill beloved, bo••h of the King and of all the Commons and Clergy in generall, and being commanded by

the King to give over his Bishopricke, he thereupon ••elled his Woods, let Leases, forced from his Tenants and others, what moneys he could possibly, and having gathered great sums, one way or other, carryed it all with him over Sea into Savoy, where he dyed.

Iohn Peckam,17 1.114 the next Arch-Bishop of Canterbury but one, was created Bishop of that See by the Popes meere † 1.115 Authority, against the Monkes and Kings consents; whence in his Letters to the Pope, he usually stiled himselfe his creature, though he made him pay foure thousand Markes for his Creation: And to ••hew himselfe his creature in good earnest, he upon the Popes most insolen•• Letter to him (recorded at large by Matth••w Par∣ker, in his life) to prohibit King Edward the first from collecting the Tenths granted to him in England by the Clergy, for the re∣covery of the Holy Land ••rom the Sarazens, which the King collected by his owne Officers, and laid up in such places as he thought meet without the Popes speciall license, not without great sinne ag••inst the divine Majesty, and high contempt of the Apostolicke Sea•• went to the King immediately, being then in the confines of Wales, and there publikely before all his No∣bles by vertue of the Popes command, admonished the King: First, within one moneths space to restore all the Monies col∣lected, and to send it to the places formerly appointed for its custody, with so great promptitude of devotion, as might ex∣piate the former blot of removing it thence. Secondly, that he should ••or time to come, wholly desist from such attempts, ad∣ding, that altho••gh the Apostolicall clemency did yet embrace him as one of her deare Sonnes: yet if he should hereafter chance to be found guilty of such offences, that she neither would, nor yet could substract the Rod of Correction from him, left by spa∣ring man, she should consent to those Divine injuries which she corrected not. Thirdly, that he should neither molest nor grieve any of the Keepers or Depositaries of the said Monies upon this occasion. To which insolent Demands the King gave a very mild Answer.

This Lordly Prelate, was very stately in his gesture, gate, words, and outward ••hew; he very often opposed himselfe a∣gainst King Edward the first in Parliament, in right of his Church, denying to grant him Tenths; con••esting with him often about certaine Liber••ies pertaining to the Crowne, touching Church

matters. Anno 1279. he held a * 1.116 Councell at Reading; where∣in he enjoyned all Priests every Lords day, to excommunicate (among others) those who impetrated Letters or Writs from any Lay Court, to hinder the proceedings of the Ecclesiastickes in Causes pertaining to them by the holy Canons. He held his Prebendary of Lions in France, in Commendam, and would not part with it by any meanes; because he looked every day to be driven out of England by the King (whom he stiffely opposed and resisted to his face in many things) and then he should have no oth••r home to take to: Hee promptly obeyed the Popes commands against the King, not to pay him any Subsidies, or give him any aide without the Popes consent, and oft admo∣nishing the King before his Nobles, to obey ••he Popes Man∣dates in derogation of his Crowne, and tending to the great oppression of his Subjects. Hee called another Councell a•• Lambeth, † 1.117 Anno 1280. in which he went about to annihilate certaine Liberties belonging to the Crowne, as the taking knowledge of the Right of Patronages, and the Kings Prohi∣bitions, In placitis de catallis, and such like, which seemed meerely to touch the Spiritualty. But the King by some in that Councell, withstood the Arch-Bishop openly, and with me∣naces, stayed him from concluding any thing that might preju∣dice his Royall Liberties, and Prerogatives. After which he held another Councell at Reading, Anno 1290. where he and the Bishops purposed to draw the Conusans of Advowsons and Patronages of Churches, belonging time out of minde to the Kings Temporall Cou••ts, to the Ecclesiasticall Consistories, utterly to cut off all the Kings Prohibitions to these Courts, in suites concerning Goods, Chattels and Debts, so that the Ecclesiasticall Judges should not from thenceforth be prohibi∣ted to proceed on in them: But the King hearing of this their designe, and encroachment on his Royall Crowne, prohibi∣ted them to proceed therein under paine of his indignation; whereupon the Councell was dissolved, and the Arch••Bishop and other Prelates frustrated of their hopes. Who yet pro∣ceeding to encroach upon the Kings Royalties in their Ecclesi∣asticall Courts, Hee thereupon sent forth Writs to restraine them, to this effect: * 1.118 Rex Archiepiscopis, &c. The King to the Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Deanes, Arch-Deacons, Chancellours, Praecentors, Provosts, Sacrists, Pre∣bends

in Cathedrall and Collegiate Churches, and to all other Ecclesiasticall Persons, constituted in what-ever Dignity or Of∣fice; as also to publike Notaries, and all others, greeting. It behoveth us so much the more carefully to doe our endeavour, and more solici••ously to extend our hand to our Royall Pre∣rogatives, lest they ••hould utterly perish, or by the undue U∣surpations of any, be in some ••ort substracted, by maintaining them as farre as we lawfully may; by reducing them to their due state•• if any of them have beene substracted and seized on; as likewise by bridling the impugners o•• our said Royall Juris∣dictions, and by punishing them as it is meet, according to their demerits: And so much the rather, by how much we are knowne to be obliged to doe it by the Bond of an Oath, and behold more men from day to day to impugne the same Rights, to their utmost power; whereas we have recovered in our Court be∣fore us, by consideration of the said Cour••, our Collation to the Prebend of S. in the Church of Saint Peters in Yorke, &c. And now we have understood, that certaine men endeavouring with all th••••r might to impugne our Royall Right, and for••sai•• Judgement, as likewise our Collation made to our said Clerke, have made and procured to be made certaine Provocations, Ap∣peale••, Indictions, Inhibitions, &c. by the which if they should proceed, our Royall Right, and foresaid Judgement, and the effect of our Collation should be annulled, which might many wayes generate prejudice and exheredation to us and our Crowne. We desiring by all meanes we may, to preven•• such prejudice and exheredation, and to restraine the unlawfull en∣deavours of all the impugners of the Rights of our Crowne, strictly prohibite you and every of you, that you doe not, by pretext of any Commission made, or hereafter to be made to you, or any of you, presume by any Authority, without our advice, to attempt, or by others in any so•••• cause to be attem∣pted, any thing which may tend to the derogation of our Roy∣all Right, or annulling of the ••oresaid Judgement rightly gi∣ven, or the weakening of our said Collation; knowing, that if you shall doe otherwise, we will proceed to apprehend you in a grievous manner, Tanquam violatores Iuris nostri Regii, as violaters of our Royall Right. By these Writs the Usurpations of this Arch Prelate and the Bishops, on the Kings Royall Prerogative, and Courts of Justice, were somewhat re∣strained;

otherwise, they had in time made themselves absolute Kings, and the Kings of England meere Cyphers, and onely ex∣ecutioners of their Papall pleasures.

18 1.119 * 1.120 Robert Winchelsie, his Successour, exceedingly opposed his Soveraigne King Edward the first: Who having spent an infinite summe of Money in the Warres of Scotland, summo∣n••d a Parliament at Barwicke; wherein, when the Tempo∣ralty contributed liberally toward the charge of that Warre, the Clergy alledging the Canon of the late Councell of Lyons, wherein it was decreed, That no Clergie-man should pay any Ayde or Subsidie to any Temporall Magistrate, without the Popes licence, (which Canon the Arch-Bishop alledged against the Subsidie, granted by the Clergy two yeares before in his absence, cau∣sing them then to set it downe for a Canon, afterwards to be kept inviolably) refused to grant the King a Subsidy, without the Popes consent; and would then give no Subsidy nor sup∣ply at all to the King, though at the same time they readily granted three Subsidies to the Pope, towards his Warres a∣gainst the French. The King would not take this for pay∣ment; and therefore presently tooke order, That all Barnes of these undutifull rebellious Clergy-men should be locked up, and by Proclamation put all the Clergy from out of his pro∣tection, so that hereafter it should be lawfull for any man to sue them for any Cause, but they might not commence Suite a∣gainst any man; holding a † 1.121 Parliament with his Temporall Lords and Commons onely, and shutting the Bishops and Cler∣gy out of the Parliament house. This constrained some of the Clergy, after much contest, (though animated and sollicited by the Arch-Bishop still to resist) to submit to the King at last, and to be content to grant him such a proportion of their goods (though it were the fifth part of their Revenues) as he should like of; onely the Arch-Bishop, the Head of this ••acti∣on, continued obstinate, making no other answer to the King but this: * 1.122 Under God, our universall Lord, we have two o∣ther Lords, a Spirituall Lord the Pope, and a Temporall Lord the King; and though wee be to obey both, yet rather the Spirituall Lord then the Temporall: When therefore he saw all the rest inclining to yeeld, using no other words then this; Salvet unusquisque animam suam, Let every man save his owne Soule, (as if Rebellion against his Prince were the only meanes

to save his soule) and pronouncing all those excommunicated that contributed any thing to the King, he rose up, and sud∣denly departed out of the Convocation House. The King for this his contumacy, seized all his Lands, and commanded all such Debts of his as were found in the Rolls of the Exchequer, to be le••ed with all speed on his Goods and Cattell, which he seized into his hands, and made shew of great displeasure. Notwithstanding, shortly after being to make Warre with the French King in France, hee thought good before his departure to receive this Arch-Rebell to favour againe, who had caused the King to be cited up to the Court of Rome, and there su∣spended. But this grace endured not long: for presently up∣on his returne, the King laid divers high Treasons to his charge; as, That he had dehorted his Subjects, in his absence, from paying their Sub••idies; * 1.123 That he went about to trou∣ble the quiet state of the Realme, and to defend and succour Rebellious persons; That he had conspired with divers of his Nobility, to deprive him of his Kingdome, (though the best Prince that ever England had before) to commit him to perpetuall Prison, and to Crowne his Sonne Edwa••d King in his stead; and that he was the Ring-leader and Authour of this Conspiracy. The Arch-Bishop no•• able to deny these Treasons, and being suspended from his Office by the Pope, till he should purge himselfe of these things, he * 1.124 fell downe on the ground at the Kings feete, craving pardon of his hey∣nous offences with teares and howling, calling the King then his Lord, which he never did before, neither with his month, nor in his Letters. Thus this proud Prelate, ex••crable both to God and man, who had twice a little before prohibited the King, in the Popes name, to make Warre with the rebellious and treacherous Scots, his Enemies, who had invaded his Kingdome in his absence, because the Pope had taken them into his protection; who had defiled and infected the whole Priest-hood and Clergy of England with his pride, exercised an unheard of Tyranny over the people; being now depre∣hended by the King in his wickednesse, terrified and dejected with the guilt of his sinne, and feare of punishment, lay now prostrate on the ground before the King, offered him his Pall, and sub••i••ted his person and goods to his mercy. To whom the King gave this answer: I will not punish thee my selfe,

le••t I should seeme rather to have respect to my owne Revenge, though most just, then to thy Order. And although thou art altogether unworthy of thy Order and my Grace, yet I will re∣ferre the matter to thy fellow Bishops, and the Pope of Rome, that thou mayest be tryed by thy Peeres, lest thou shouldest thinke me an unjust Judge; though the Conusans of Treason, the highest Crime in a S••bject, belongs without doubt to my Tribunall, not to theirs. Moreover (added the King) I have knowne thy hatred and malice towards me, not onely in the greatest things, but even in the smallest and in matters of least moment, in which by thy authority thou hast over-much abu∣sed my patience; depriving my Clerkes in thy visitation, not∣withstanding my Letters to the contrary, and their just ap∣peales; both which thou hast contemned, together with my Royall Authority. The Arch-Bishop troubled and confoun∣ded in minde at these things, craved a Blessing from the King; who replyed, That his Blessing would rather become him, then his the Arch Bishop. The King hereupon complaines of him to the Pope, That he had troubled the peaceable and safe estate of the Kingdome in his absence, and stirred up the Nobles to a Rebellion and Conspiracy against him, &c. And notwithstanding his submission, cited him to appeare at Rome, banished him the Realme, seized upon all his goods moveable and unmoveable, forbidding all his Subjects, under a great paine, to foster him: Yet the Monkes of Canterbury secretly harboured him for a time, furnished him with necessaries, and conveyed him beyond the Seas. Which the King afterwards understanding, seized on all their Goods and Lands, banished them the Monastery, turning fourescore Monkes a begging, for∣bidding any to harbour them; and kept them in that miserable estate, till afterwards he was pleased, upon their submission, to restore them. After which, the Bishop of Winchester interceded to the King for this Arch Traytor, calling him his Lord: with which the King being greatly offended, put this Bishop out of his protection, and confiscated his goods, because he acknowled∣ged another then the King to be his lord; even such a one, who being guilty of Treason & manifest contempt against the King, had lost the very right of a Subject in his Kingdome. While the Arch-Bishop was thus in exile, before any hearing of this

Cause at Rome, the King deceaseth; who, as * 1.125 Holinshed writes was an earnest enemie of the high and presumptuous insolencie of Priests, which he judged to proceede chiefely of too much Wealth and Riches; and therefore hee devised to establish the Statute of Mortmain, to be a bridle to their inordinate lusts and riotous excesse: which Statute they la∣boured to repeale, and purchase out, by giving large Subsi∣dies to that end. His Sonne Edward the second succeeding him, out of an over-indulgent pitty, calls home this Arch-Traytor by his Letter, writes to the Pope to discontinue his Fathers Suite against him, and to send him over with all speed to Crowne him: Who glad with the newes, and unable to make haste home, as was requisite, by reason of his crazie body, sent a Commission to the King, with the names of three Bishops in it, giving him liberty to elect which of the three he desired, to Crowne him in his behalfe; who made choyse of the Bishop of Winchester, who set the Crowne on his head. The King upon the Arch-Bishops returne, restored him all his goods, and every penny received of his Temporalties during his two yeares exile, (a good reward for a Traytor) whereby he became the richest Arch-Bishop of many before and after him. He was no sooner come home, but a new danger encountred him, by his owne wonted boldnesse. The King, by the counsell of Piers Gave∣ston, had committed the Bishop of Coventry to Ward, at York: A Convocation shortly after being assembled, the Arch-Bishop would not suffer any matter to be debated in the House, till the Bishop were set at liberty; which the King was contented to beare withall at that time. This Bishop (saith * 1.126 Matthew his Successour) though he were reported to be a stout Governour of the English Church, and a De∣fender of its Rites, yet he was too excessive in this, and ever opposite to the King, attributing that to the Pope, with whom he was most strictly linked, which he derogated from the King; seeking not so much the Liberties of the Realme, as the encrease of the Popes power, and deminishing the Kings Authority, that he might transferre it to the Pope. He was a great enemie to Prohibitions, labouring the ad∣vancement of the Ecclesiasticall Courts Jurisdiction, and the eclipsing of the Authority and Jurisdiction of the Kings

Courts. He was the Author of Articuli Cleri, and Walter Raynolds his Successour, procurer of the Kings answere to them in Parliament. Which Articles, though they bee commonly taken for a Statute, yet in truth they are * 1.127 none, but a meere Answere of the King in Parliament, to Ar∣ticles exhibited to him by the Clergie, made by the advice of his Councell, but not of the Commons and whole Parliament; and a particular Grant of the King onely, not of the Parliament: as appeares by the seve∣rall Answeres to each of those Articles, but especially to the last. Finally, he ever sided with the Pope for the Liberties of the Church, and with the Barons also, against the King. He opposed himselfe against Piers Gaveston, the Spensers, and other Favouri••es and Corruptors of the young King, very boldly; and enforced Iohn War∣ren, Earle of Surrey, to forsweare the Company of a certaine beautifull Harlot, with the love of whom hee was greatly bewitched. And afterwards, when notwith∣standing his Oath, he returned to her company, and got Children upon her, hee accused him to the Convo∣cation both of Adultery and Perjury, and a•• last made him to leave her. Hee excommunicated Walter, Bishop of Coventry, for revol••ing from him and the Clergie, and adhering to Piers Gaveston; who appealed unto the Pope, and was by him absolved. Which last Acts of his are commendable, though they proceeded rather from the stournesse and haughtinesse of his Spirit, then the Pietie of his Heart: How ever, his former are most execrable.

19 1.128 * 1.129 Walter Raynolds, his next Successor, advanced and pre∣ferred onely by King Edward the Second to that Sea; when the King, after the Barons Warres ended, had done execution upon divers of the Nobl••s that had reb••lled, Adam Tarlt••n Bishop of Hereford, by the Kings direction, in a Parliament holden at London, Anno Dom. 1324. was apprehended and brought to the Ba••••••, to be arraigned for the like faults of Rebellion and High Treason against his Soveraigne; to wit, for ayding, succouring, and maintaining the Mor••imers and other Rebels: who having nothing to say in defence of himselfe, against the Crimes objected unto him, at first dis∣dained

to make any answere at all; and when he was in a man∣ner forced thereto, standing mute a long space, at length hee brake out into these words, and flatly told the King: * 1.130 My Lord and King, saving your Reverence, I am an humble Minister and Member of the Holy Church of God, and a consecrated Bishop, though unworthy; I neither can nor ought to answere to such high matters, without the connivence and consent of my Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, my direct Iudge next after the Pope, and of the other Fathers, the Bishops, my Peeres. At which saying, the Arch-Bishops and Bishops there present, rose up and inter∣ceded to the King, for their Colleague: and when as the King, would not be entreated, the whole Clergie challenged the Bishop as a Member of the Church, and so exempt from the Kings Judicature (as if Lay men were not Mem∣bers of the Church too, as well as Bishops and Priests, and so, by this reason, exempt from Secular Jurisdiction.) The King forced thereunto with their Clamours (though for a very Traytors rescue) committed him to the Arch-Bishops custody, to answere elsewhere for these Crimes. But within few dayes after, when the King called him againe before his presence, to make answere to the matters layd against him, and there arraigned him before his Royall Tribunall for his Treasons, all the Bishops of England almost being then at London, the * 1.131 Arch-Bishops of Canterbury, Yorke, and Dublin, accompanyed with ten other Bishops, and a great troupe of men, hearing of Tarl••ons Arraignment, in great haste hyed them thither; and having their Crosses borne before them, entred the Court by vio∣lence, tooke the Prisoner from the Barre before hee had made any answere, chased away the Kings Officers by force, and carryed him away with them from the Barre, (the highest affront that ever was offered to publicke Justice in the Kingdome; and that in open Parliament, in case of High Treason against the King,) and withall they proclaimed, That no man should lay violent hands on this Traytor whom they had rescued, upon paine of Excommunication. The King being exceedingly moved with this unparalleled insolence of the Clergie, as he had reason, commanded an Inquest to bee impanelled, and a lawfull inquiry to bee made of the Treasons committed by him, in his absence.

The Jury, without feare of the King, or any hatred of the Bishop, according to the truth of the matter, finding the Bishop guilty of all the Treasons and Rebellions whereof he was indicted: the King hereupon * 1.132 banished the Bishop•• seized upon his Temporalties, Lands, and Goods; but the Bishop himselfe, by the consent of all the Arch-Bishops and Bishops, was by strong hand kept safe in the Arch-Bishop of Canterburies custodie, notwithstanding his proscrip••ion, who at last reconciled this Traytor to the King. So indu∣strious have the Bishops beene, not onely to plot and exe∣cute Treasons, but likewise to defend and int••rcede for Traytors of their owne Coat, to keepe them from execu∣tion, and to get them againe into favour, that so they might more boldly proceede on in their intended Trecheries and Rebellions, being sure to escape unpunished, by meanes of their fellow Bishops, how ever other Traytors speede. After this, the King demanded Subsidies of the Clergie, towards his Warres; which they at first stiffely denyed to grant, without the Popes Licence first obtained; which the King was enforced to procure: and notwithstanding it, they stood off a while, alledging, That the Pope had of late yeares received so many Subsidies and Procu∣rations from them, that they were not able to give the King so much as one Subsidie; who could readily grant the Pope so many: At last, upon this condition, That the King should augment and confirme those Ecclesiasti∣call Priviledges they claymed, they granted him a Sub∣sidie; and he thereupon gave the Answeres, to Articuli Cleri, and granted the Clergie to be free from Purveyances. Af∣ter this, the Queene, with Edward the third, her Sonne, went into France, to make Peace betweene France and Eng∣land; where, by the French Kings perswasions, being her Brother, she continued, refusing to returne againe into England: The King hereupon banisheth her and her Sonne; great Warres and stirres arise hereupon: divers of the Nobles, together with the Bishops of Lincolne, Here∣ford, Dublin, and Ely, side with the Queene, and levie a great summe of Money for her: The Arch-Bishop, though ad∣vanced meerely by the King, who highly favoured him, secretly joynes with the Queene against his Soveraigne, in his

greatest necessi••ies, and sent the Queene both * 1.133 monies and supplies secretly, yet keeping in with the King in outward shew, the better to betray him and his secrets. And Bishop Tarlton whom he had formerly rescued from his Arraigne∣ment, and reconciled to the King, became the chiefest stickler and Incendiary against his Soveraigne, and the Au∣thour of his subsequent murther. The King what with warres and Papall exactions, was brought to such penurie, that he was forced to borrow 260. pounds even of the Popes Collectors of Peter-pence. The Queenes side and For••es at last prevailing against the King, who was glad to lurke in Wales like a fugitive, the Arch-Bishop openly re∣volts from him, and the King by his and other the Bishops meanes, being deposed in Parliament, Edward the third his Sonne was unanimously elected King by all the people. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury with all the Prelates (here all Arch-traytors) consented to the Election, and the Arch-Bishop taking this Theame, The voyce of the People is the voyce of God, made a speech to the people, exhorting them to pray to the King of Kings for the new Elected King; who out of his filiall duty refused upon any termes to accept the Crowne, without his Fathers consent: where∣upon three Bishops, with others, were sent to the King to Kenelworth where he was imprisoned, to get his consent; which being implyedly obtained, the Arch-Bishop Crownes his Sonne King in his stead, at Westminster (the very height of Treason.) This Arch-Bishop much hindered the course of Prohibitions from the Kings Court to the Ecclesiasti∣call. At last hee was commanded by the Queene to con∣secrate one Iames Barkely Bishop of Exeter, which hee did, but for his labour was so threatned, taunted, and revi••ed by the Pope, who had reserved the Donation of this Bishopricke to himselfe, that for very griefe hee dyed.

* 1.134 Iohn Stra••ford,20 1.135 his very next successour, being made Bi∣shop of Winchester by the Popes provision, against King Edward the seconds liking, who would have preferred Ro∣bert Baldocke his Chancellour to that See, had no sooner set sooting into this Bishopricke, but the King caused all his Goods to be seized, and his Livings to be sequestred to his

use, besides, he caused him to be summoned to answer•• to severall Actions, so as for feare hee was faine to hide him∣selfe: Whereupon Proclamation was made, that no man should dare to harbour or give him entertainement, by meate, drinke or lodging: At last, after much adoe, the Arch-Bishop made his peace, and brought him into favour with the King, who dying King Edward the third advanced him to the See of Canterbury. The King going into France with a great Armie, and laying claime to that Crowne, commit∣ted the Government of the Realme here at home to the Arch-Bishop. He, besides other promises of faithfull dili∣gence in the trust committed to him, assured the King hee should want no money to expend in this exploit, whereunto all kindes of people shewed themselves so willing to yeeld what helpe they possibly might, as hee tooke ••pon him to discerne, the King might command of them what hee li••t. No sooner was the King over Seas, but infinite summes of Money were collected with the very good liking of all the people: This Money which men thought would have maintained the Warres for two or three yeares, was spent in lesse than one. The King wanting Money, puts the Arch-Bishop in minde of his promise, calling continually on him for more Monies. The Arch-Bishop blames his Officers beyond the Seas for ill managing of his Treasure, ad∣vising him to make peace with the French upon reaso∣nable conditions, sending him no more Money. The King grew exceeding angry with the Arch-Bishop for this Motion and usage, and his Souldiers calling for Mo∣ny, he told them that the Arch-Bishop had be••rayed him to the French King, who no doubt had hired him to de∣taine their pay in his hands; and to satisfie his Souldiers needes, was enforced to take up what Monies he could at hard rates from Usurers. And though some excuse the Arch-Bishop in this, yet * 1.136 others thinke him guilty of practising against the Kings further good ••ortunes in France; because Pope Benedict the Twelfth was displeased much therewith, as pretending it was pernicious to Christendome, and thereupon put Flanders under Interdict, for leaving the French King, and adhering to King Edward; and therefore the Arch-Bishop to please the Pope (whom hee obeyed

more than the King) who had written a Le••••er to the King and him, to desist from that Warre, thus thwa••••ed the Kings de••ignes, by not sending him such supplies of Money as hee promised and in moving him to peace. * 1.137 The King taking it very hainously to be thus dealt with, and that his brave be∣ginnings and proceedings in France should bee thus crossed; hereupon steps suddenly over into England, and ca••••s the Bi∣shop of Chichester, then Lord Chancellour, and the Bishop of Li••h••••eld, then Lord Treasurer, prisoners into the Tower, whither he intended to send the Arch-Bishop. But hee ha∣ving some inkling of the Kings intention, got him to Can∣terbury, and there stood upon his guard, being accused by He••••y Bishop of Lincolne, and Gregory Scrope then Lord chie••e Justice of England, of Trechery and Conspiracy with the French, and of High-treason, the whole blame, by the generall voyce of all men, lying on him: Sir Nicholas Cantilupus here∣upon ••ollowed him to Canterbury, with Iohn Fa••ingdon a pub∣like Notary, who required him to make present payment of a great summe of Money which the King had taken up of out-landish Merchants upon the Arch-Bishops credit, or else to get him over Seas immediately, and yeeld his body prisoner to them till ••he debt was discharged, for that the King upon his promise had undertaken hee should so doe. The Arch-bishop sayd, he could give no present answere, but would take time to advise thereof, writing divers Letters to the King, not to hearken to Flatterers, and those who defamed other mens action••, and to make choyse of bet∣ter Counsellour••, and not to disturbe the peace at home, whiles he made wa••••es abroad. After which hee called the Clergie and people into the Cathedrall Church of Canterbury, and made an Oration to them, taking Ecclesi∣asti••us 48.10. for his Theame, He feared not any Prince, neither ••o••ld any bring him into subjection•• no word could o∣vercome ••im, &c. In which Sermon, hee highly com∣mended and approved Th••mas Becket Arch-Bishop of Canterb••ry, who † 1.138 with-drew himselfe wholly from all Secular Affaires, and betooke himselfe onely to the Government of the Church, and blamed himselfe much, for that hee had left the care of the Church, and wholly, yea, dayly i••ployed himselfe in the managing the

Kings affaires; for which he now received no other re∣ward for his merits towards the King and Kingdome, but envie, and the danger of his head, promising with teares, that hereafter hee would be more diligent in the Govern∣ment of the Church; Which Sermon ended, to keepe off all Royall violence from him, he published certaine Ar∣ticles of Excommunication after the horrid Popish man∣ner, with Tapers burning, and Bells ringing; In which † 1.139 Articles hee Excommunicated all those who disturbed the peace of the King and Kingdome, all Lay-men who should lay violent hands on the Clergie, or invade their Lands, Houses, Goods, or violate the Liberties of the Church, or Magna Charta, or forge any crimes o•• any one, but especially every one that should draw himselfe or any Bishop of his Province into the Kings hatred or displea∣sure, or should falsely say they were guilty of Treason, or worthy of any notable or capitall punishment. Having published these Articles in the Church of Canterbury, hee commanded the Bishop of London, and all the Suffragans of his Province, to proclaime them in their Churches and Diocesse: The King hearing of this strange insolencie, writes to the Bishop of London, acquaints him how treche∣ro••sly the Arch-Bishop had dealt with him, and how by these Excommunications hee thought to shift off his cal∣ling to an account; and therefore commanded him not to publish them•• Af••er which, the King sent Ralph Ea••le of Stafford with two Notaries to the Arch-bishop, to summon, him in the Kings Name without delay to appeare•• before him, to consult with his other Nobles and Prelates concer∣ning the affaires of England and France: The Bishop gave no other answere but this, That he would deliberate upon it•• Soone after there came certaine Messengers from the Duke of Brabant, desiring to speake with the Arch-Bishop, who refusing to speake with them, they cited him by Writings, which they hanged on the High Crosse at Canterbury, to make payment of a great summe of Money which the King of England had borrowed of him. The King after this sends some Letters to the Prior and Covent of Canterbury, who shewing the Letters to the Arch-Bishop, he on Ash-Wednesday goes up into the Pulpit in the Cathedrall

Church, and there calling the Clergie and people to him, spake much to them concerning his fidelity and integrity in the Kings businesse: after which hee commanded the Kings Letters to be read, and then answered all the Crimes and Calumnies (as he ••earmed them) layd against him in those Letters, and putting his Answere, which he there uttered, into Writing, he published it throughout his whole Provinc••. The King hereupon makes a Reply to his Answere; shewing therein, how treacherously and un∣faithfully the Bishop had dealt with him: how hee refused to come to his Answere, but in full Parliament; and would not appeare before him, upon generall Summons, though he offered him Safe-conduct, under his Great Seale: how hee undutifully rayled upon him and his Councell, in his Excommunication, Letters, and Answers, calling the King himselfe an Oppressour of his people, against Justice; and how he endeavoured by his strange practises, to stirre up the People to Sedition and Rebellion. Which Letters (at large recorded by * 1.140 Matthew Parker and others, with the Bishops Answeres to them) the King commanded to bee published every where. The Arch-Bishop thereupon pub∣lisheth a large Answere to them; in the beginning whereof he affirmes, the * 1.141 Bishops Authority to be above the Kings: and therefore, that the Kings Highnesse ought to know, that hee ought to be judged by the Bishops, not they by him, nor yet to be directed at his pleasure. For who doubts, that the Priests of Christ ought to be accounted the Fa••hers and Masters of Kings, Princes, and all faithfull peo∣ple? And therefore it would bee a strange madnesse, if the Sonne should endeavour to subje••t the Father, or the Scho∣lar the Master, to their Censures. After which hee sheweth, That Popes and Bishops have excommunicated and judged divers Emperours and Kings, and therefore they ought not to judge Bishops; (by which kind of Logicke, Bishops and Clergie-men must be Judges of all other men, yea, of Kings and Emperours, but no men else Judges of them or their Actions••) concluding, That he had * 1.142 received no ho∣nour or advancement from the King, but onely from God; and that he would give an account in no Court, and to no person, but i•• Parliament. The King hereupon writes 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉

his predecessours, who were wont to honour and love their Princes, and to make prayers and supplications for them, and to instruct them with the spirit of meekenesse, begins against us and our Counsellors in the spirit of pride, a thread of rash faction, and perverse invention, by prolonging his iniquity, and seeking the consolation of miserable men, namely, to have many Consorts in punishment; And which is worse, hee endeavours all hee may to precipi••ate into our ••ontempt and irreverence with lying speeches his Suffragans in sinne, with other devout people, and our loyall Subjects. And albeit with God not the highest degree, but the best life is most approved, yet hee glorying in the altitude of his State, requires reverence to be given to him, which yet he renders not to us, though it be due from him to us. For whereas hee and other Prelates of this Kingdome, who receive the Temporalties of their Churches from us, out of the debt of sworne fidelity, ought to render us fealty, honour and reverence; ••e alone, is not ashamed, Profide PERFIDIAM•• to render us perfi∣diousnesse in stead of Loyalty, Contumely in stead of Honour, and Contempt in lieu of Reverence. Whereupon albeit wee are and alwayes have beene ready to reverence Spirituall Fathers us is mee••e; yet we ought not with conniving eyes to passe by their offences, which we behold to redound to the perill of Vs and Our Kingdome. But the same Arch-Bishop complaines, that cer∣taine crimes in our fore-sayd Letters of excuse were objected a∣gainst him being absent, unheard, and undefended, and that he was judged guilty of capitall crimes; as if we, as he foolishly pretendeth, ••ad proceeded against him criminally to the utter∣most, which is not true, whereas we onely acted the part of an ex∣cuse••, compelled by necessitie, lest we should seeme to neglect our Reputation. But let this calumnious Reprehender see if this com∣plaint may not justly be retorted on his owne head, who falsely and maliciously with assertive words hath described Vs his King, and our Counsellours, (being absent, unheard, undesended, not convicted) to be Oppressors and Transgressors of the Lawes; when as he is deser∣vedly blame-worthy, who incurs the crime reprehended by himself, and condemnes himself in that, wherein he judgeth another, whiles himselfe is found guilty of the same, &c. But because it becomes us not to contest with a contentious man, nor to consent to his per∣versenesse, we firmely enjoyne and command you in the Faith and Love wherein you are obliged to us, that notwithstanding any Mandate of the Arch-Bishop himselfe, to which you ought not to

yeeld obedience in derogation of our Royall honour against the Oath of Allegeance made unto us, that you proceede to the publi∣shing of those things contained in our fore-sayd excusatory Letters according to their order: And because we are, and ought to bee principally carefull of the conservation of our Royall Rights and Prerogatives, which the worthily to be recognized Priority of our Progenitors, Kings of England, hath magnifically defen∣ded, and the sayd Arch-Bishop to stirre up the Clergie and peo∣ple against us, and to hinder the Expedition of our Warre, which we have principally undertaken ••y his Counsell, hath made, and by others caused to be made and published certaine Denunciati∣ons and Publications of sentences of Excommunications, and in∣jurious Monitions, prejudiciall to the Right and Royall dignity of our Crowne, and by them endeavours in many Anticles to take from us the Iurisdiction notoriously knowne to be competent un∣to us, of which since we are an unconquered King, we are known to be capable, and which we and our Progenitors have peaceably used from old time, both with the knowledge and sufferance of the chiefe Pontifs, and of the Prelates and Clergie of our Kingdome, to the wounding of our Majestie, and the manifest derogation of our Rights and Prerogatives Royall: Wee strictly command you under the perill that shall ensue, that you doe not at the sayd Arch-Bishops command, or any others, in any sort by you or others, make, or as much as in you is, suffer to be made by others, these undue Denunciations, Publications, or Monitions, derogatory and prejudiciall to our Royall Rights, and Prerogatives, or any things else, whereby our Liege people may be stirred up against us, or the Expedition of our Warre by any way hindered, to the subver••ion of us and our Liege people, which God forbid: And if any thing hath beene attempted by you in this kinde, that you spee∣dily revoke it. By which we see what a loyall Subject this Arch-Prelate was: Who to adde to his former contempts, * 1.143 being required by King Edward the third to come to him at Yorke, out of his obstinate disloyall humour would not ap∣peare, by reason whereof, Scotland, the same time was lost;21 1.144 Yet was he suffered, though for this he deserved to lose his head.

The two next Arch-Bishops, Iohn Vfford, and Thomas Bradwardyn (swept away with the * 1.145 Plague within one yeares space before their instalments) had neither time nor opportunity to contest with their Soveraigne; But their next Successour Simon Islip, as he had gre••t con••ests with

the Bishop of Lincolne about the University of Oxford, and with the Arch-Bishop of Yorke about Crosse bearing, which troubled the King and Kingdome much (of which more here∣after in a peculiar Treatise of our Prelates Schisms:) So he got a grant from the Pope to receive a Subsidie of all the Clergie of his Diocesse (to wit, foure pence out of every Mark) to defray his Archie piscopall charges•• under pretext of which by mis∣interpreting the Popes Bulls, hee exacted from them a whole Tenth. He endeavoured to exempt Clerkes from Temporall Jurisdiction and Courts in cases of Felony; which being ob∣tained, divers Clerkes abused their Priviledges, committed many hainous crimes, so as the Bishops at the Kings and No∣bles earnest request, were enforced to make a strict Decree for their future punishment and restraint. Besides, he accom∣panyed Thomas Lile Bishop of Ely to the Barre, where he was arraigned and found guilty of Murther, yet admitted his appeale to purge himselfe before him as his Metropolitane after the Jury had found him guilty, in affront of Law and Justice: After which, Ely breaking prison, fled to Rome, caused the Kings Judges to be Excommunicated, together with their servants, and their Lands to be Interdicted; and such of them as dyed Excommunicated, he caused to be un∣buried, and to be digged out of their Graves in Church-yards, and cast into Mires; which caused great stirres in Eng∣land. At last this Arch-Bishop riding to Magfield, fell into a Mire himselfe with his horse; in which fall, the horse stri∣ving to recover himselfe, he was plunged over head and eares and drenched in the Myre; and comming all wet into Magfield, fell into a sleepe before his clothes were put off, and so into a Palsey, and there dyed. A just punishment for his cruelty to the dead Corps o•• those Excommunicate persons. In his time there was a great mortalitie, especially among Clergie-men, 7•• Bishops dying in one yeare, Anno 1345. and 2. the next.

22 1.146Simon Langham, his next Successour, * 1.147 was successively both Chancellour and Treasurer of England, and in his time all publike Offices of the King and Kingdome were admini∣stred by Clergie••men, for this Arch-Prelate was Chancel∣lour; Iohn Bishop of Bath, Treasurer•• David Wollor, Priest, Master of the Rolls; William Wickham Arch-deacon of Lin∣colne, Keeper of the Privie Seale; Iohn Troy, Priest; Treasurer of Ireland: Robert Caldwell, Clerke, Treasurer of the Kings

House; William Bug••rig, Generall Receiver of the Dutchie of Lancaster; William Asheby, Chancellor of the Exchequer; Iohn Newnham, one of the Chamberlaines of the Exchequer, and one of the Keepers of the Treasury and Kings Jewels, and William de Mulso the other; Iohn Ronceby, Clerke of the Houshold, and Surveyor, and Comptroller of the Kings workes; Roger Barnburgh, and 7. more Clergy-men, Clerkes of the Chancery•• Richard Chesterfield, the Kings under Trea∣surer; Thomas Brantingham, the Kings Treasurer in the parts of Guines, Marke, and Calice: All which Clerkes abounded likewise with Ecclesiasticall Benefices and Dignities; some of them possessing at least 20. Benefices and Dignities by the Popes owne license, and having further liberty to retaine as many Livings as they could get: This was in the yeare 1367. But not long after Anno 1371. upon a complaint of the No∣bles in Parliament, all Clergie-men were thrust out of Tem∣porall Offices, and Lay-men put into their places. * 1.148 Holinshed out of Caxton saith that the King this yeare in Parliament de∣manded a subsidie of 50000. pound of the Laity, and as much of the Clergie. The temporall men soone agreed to that payment, but the Clergie excused themselves with faire words, and shi••ting answeres, insomuch that the King tooke displeasure with them, and deposed certaine spi∣rituall men from their office of dignity, as the Chancelour, the Privy seale, the Treasurer, and such other, in whose roomes he placed temporall men: where as Ca••ton in truth saith, that this subsidy was raised by the Clergie by good avisement out of their Lay Fee, and that this their removall from Lay Offices was at the request and asking of the Lords in hatred of men of holy Church; with which Walsingham accords. This Arch-Prelate being very ambitious, was without the Kings pri∣vity, created by Pope Vrban Cardinall of S. Sixtus•• with which newes the King being much offended, seised on his Tempo∣ralties: At which the Arch-Bishop nothing troubled, did at last with much difficulty obtaine leave from the King to goe to Rome destitute of his Family, and stript of all his Archi∣episcopall Ensignes, where he shortly after dyed.

William Witlesey,23 1.149 who next enjoyed this See, had some * 1.150 differences with the King about granting Subsidies. At last he and the Clergie condescended to grant an Annuall Tenth upon condition that the King would free them from the in∣tolerable

yoak of the Popes oppr••••••ions; But Wil. Courtney thē Bp o•• Hereford, after Arch-Bp of Cant.) standing up stoutly in the midst o•• the Synod, sayd with a loud voyce; That neither he nor the Clergies of his Diocesse would give any thing to the King, be••ore the King had remedied those calamities under which the Clergie had long time suffered: Whereupon, the King sent Mes∣sengers to the Pope to Rome, to take away Provisions, Reser∣vations, and other Exactions wherewith the Clergie and peo∣ple of England were grieved; and put the Statute against Pro∣visions in execution.

24 1.151Simon Sudbury, who next succeeded him, about whose E∣lection there was much * 1.152 debate, was not long after his In∣stalment made Lord Chancellour of England, and sundry other Clergie-men formerly put from the Administration of Temporall Offices and affaires, by his example and meanes were restored to them againe; those Lay-men who managed them being disgracefully thrust out thereupon: Wakefeld Bishop of Worcester, being made Lord High Trea∣surer. This Arch-Bishop in the insurrection of Iacke Straw and Wat Tyler (stirred up by Iohn Ball a seditious Priest) was by this Vulgar rout (who purposed to destroy all Bishops and Abbots) proclaimed an enemie both to the King and people; who were so incensed against him as their greatest enemie, that apprehending him in the Tower of London, where the King then was, even whiles he was saying Masse; they drew him out thence, and with an Axe cut off his head like a Traytor. The manner of which Execution is thus described by * 1.153 Wal••igham, Godwin, and others. These Rebels in all haste came to the Tower, where the Court then was, requiring with great out-cries the Arch-Bishop. The Arch-Bishop, then Lord Chancellour, having had some inkling thereof the day before, had spent all that night in prayer, and just when they called for him was saying of Masse in the Chappell of the Tower. That ended, and hea∣ring of their comming, Let us now goe (saith he unto his men) surely it is better to dye, seeing to live it can be no pleasure. With that, in came these murthering Rebels, crying, Where is the Traytor, Where is the Traytor? He answered, I am the Arch-Bishop, (whom I thinke you seeke) but no Traytor. With great violence then they drew him out of the Chappell, and car∣ried him to the Tower Hill•• seeing there nothing but

swords and weapons; and hearing nothing but, Kill, kill, away with the Traytor, &c. yet he was not so amazed, but with great eloquence he could goe about to perswade them, not to imbrue their hands in the blood of their Arch-Bishop, their chiefe Pastor: assuring them, that all the Realme would be interdicted ••or it, and the fact must needes be punished first or last by the temporall Law. And lastly, though these failed, God the just Judge would revenge it, either in this, or in the world to come, if not both. But these Varlots were so eagerly bent, that the very songs of the Syrens would nothing have moved them; seeing therefore nothing but death before his face, with comfortable words forgiving the executioner (that scarce ever requested him so to doe) with a very cheerefull countenance he kneeled, and yeelded himselfe to their fury; once he was stricken in the necke so weakely, as that notwithstanding, he kneeled still upright, and putting his hand up to the wound, he used these words; A ha, it is the Hand of God. Hee had not remooved his hand from the place, when a second stroake cut off his fin∣gers ends, and felled him to the ground: with much adoe, having hacked and hewed his necke with eight blowes, they got off his head, upon Fryday Iune 14. 1381. All which day, and a part of the next, his body lay there headlesse, no man daring to offer it buriall: as for his head, they nayled his hood upon it, and so fixing it upon a pole, set it on London Bridge. By all which it appeares, that he was very odious to the people, and no other but a Traytor in their estima∣tion.

William Courtney,25 1.154 next Arch-Bishop to him in succession, as he * 1.155 opposed the grant of a subsidy to the King whiles he was Bishop of Hereford, as you heard before, in the Acts of Whitlesey; so in the yeare 1376. when hee was Bishop of London, when King Edward the third desired a pecuniary ayd to helpe to supply his wants, and defray his Warres, this proud Prelate withstood these payments, com∣plaining, that many injuries were done to him and to William Wickam Bishop of Winchester, which put into wri∣ting, he tendred to the Synod, and requested that nothing might be granted to the King before he had made satisfacti∣on to them for these injuries, which the Synod assented

to•• and thereupon Wickam, formerly banished by the King, was restored to his Bishopricke, and admitted into his Synod. † 1.156 Hee received his Arch••Bishopricke by pro∣vision from the Pope against the Law, and made great scru∣ple whether he might have his Crosier borne before him, or whether he might marry the Queene of Bo••omia his Sister, to King Richard the second, before he had received his Pall from ••he Pope; which ye•• he did at last, interposing this wary Protestation, that hee did it not in contempt o•• the Court of Rome. He excommunicated the Bailiffes o•• Can∣terbury, for p••nishing adultery and other crimes, which were to be punished by the Prelates; who neglected for to doe it. After which he excommunicated one Richard Ismonger of Ailsford in Kent, because he corrected criminals by Lay Authority, which were to be punished by the Prelates, and so violated the priviledges of the Church: he humbly desi∣red to be absolved, promising by oath, never hereafter to violate the Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction, and that he would un∣dergoe any punishment for his former contumacy and rash∣nesse that the Arch••Bishop should impose upon him; who enjoyned him this pun••shment: First, that in the Market place of West••alling in the greatest assembly of the people, he should for three Market dayes together be stript naked, and bastinadoed with clubs; and after that he should undergoe the same punishment as often both at Maidstone and Canter∣bury, and that a••ter his last castigation at Canterbury, he should enter into the Cathedrall Church there, naked, and offer a Ta∣per of five pound weight at Thomas Beckets shrine: which pu∣nishment if he refused to performe, he should relapse into his former state of excommunication: a strange punishment for the Kings Officer to undergoe, onely for executing justice upon delinquents in the Prelates defaults. This Arch-Prelate so farre incensed King Richard the second, that he comman∣ded his goods, and temporalties to be feased, and the Bishop himselfe was glad to hide his head in secret corners, with a few attendants till he had made his peace with the King. In this Arch-bishops time, there were great contests betweene him and his Suffraganes, who opposed him in his Metro∣pol••ticall visitation, and in levying the taxe of foure pence the pound on the Clergy within his Province, which he to

their great oppr••ssion had procured from the pope: He had a great contestation with the Earle of Arundell, whose ser∣vants he excommunicated for fishing in one of his Ponds in the Mannor of Southmalling in Chichester Diocesse; whereup∣on the Earle complained to the King, who hearing the cause, commanded the excommunication directed to the Bishop of Chichester, to be revoked. In this Arch-Bishops time, the Statute of Provisions and Premunire was enacted; which the Pope and Prelates laboured forthwith to cause the King to repeale, to which the Nobles and Commons would by no meanes consent. Ann. Dom. 1387. when divers causes of high Treason were debated in Parliament,* 1.157 the Arch-Bishop with his Suffraganes who by Law could not be present in the House, in debating causes of blood, departing the House made this Protestation: In the Name of God, Amen. Where∣as of right and by the custome of the Realme of England, it appertaines to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury for the time being, as also to his Suffragans, his Brethren and fellow Bishops, Ab∣bots, Priors, and all other Prelates whatsoever, holding of our Lord the King by * 1.158 Barony, to be personally present in all Par∣liaments of the King as Peeres of the said Realme, and there of the businesses of this Kingdome, and other things there usually hand∣led, with the ••est of the Peeres of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 said Kingdome, and others having right to be there present, to consul••, and handle, ordaine, decree, and define, and to doe other things, which are there ready to be executed in time of Parliament, in all, and every of which, we William Courtney, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, &c. for us and our Suffragans, fellow Bishops, and Confreers, as likewise for the Abbots, Priors, and all Prelates aforesaid, protest, and every one of them here present by himselfe or his proxie, publicke∣ly and expresly protesteth, that we and every of us, intend and in∣tendeth, will and willeth to be present in this present Parliament, and others as Peeres of the said Realme, after the usuall manner, to consult, handle, ordaine, decree, and define, and to exercise other things with others who have right to be present in the same, our state and order, and each of them in all things alwayes saved. But because in the present Parliament some matters are handled, at which by the de••rees of sacred Canons it is not lawfull for us, or any to be any wayes personally present, for those things we will and every of them protest, and every of them here present protesteth like∣wise;

that we neither intend nor desire, as by Law we neither can nor ought, neither doth any of them intend or desire to be present any way in this present Parliament, whiles such matters are or shall be in debate, but we and every of them will in this part wholly ab∣sent our selves. And we further protest, and every of them protesteth that for this our absence we neither intend, nor will, nor doth any of them intend or will, that the Processe made, or to be made in this present Parliament, as the which we neither may, nor ought to be present, as farre as it concernes us or any of them, shall in future times be any way impugned, debilitated or infringed. Which I re∣cite to shew, that Parliaments may be held and decree things without Bishops, and to checke the pride of those Prelates who this Parliament pleaded hard to be present at the debate of the Lord Straffords Cause. I cannot here pretermit the tre∣cherous and bloudy practice of William Cour••ney against the true Saints of God, and the Kings most loyall Subjects, for he being not content solemnely to * 1.159 excommunicate and per∣secute Iohn Wiclife, Iohn Ashton, Nicholas Herford, and Philip Repingdon, both at Pauls-crosse and at Oxford, for the true profession of the Gospell, did mo••eover by all meanes possi∣ble solicite King Henry the fourth, to joyn with all the pow∣er of his Temporall Sword, for that he well perceived, that hitherto as yet the Popis•• Clergy had not authority suffici∣ent by any publicke Law or Statute of this Land, to proceed unto death against any person whatsoever, in case of Religion but onely by the usurped tyranny and example of the Court of Rome: Where note (gentle Reader) for thy better un∣derstanding, the practise of the Romish Prelates, in seeking the Kings helpe to further their bloody purpose against the good Saints of God. This King being but young, and under yeares of ripe judgement, partly induced, or rather seduced by importune suite of the foresaid Arch-Bishop; party also either for feare of the Bishops, (for Kings cannot alwayes doe in their Realmes what they will) or else perhaps inticed by some hope of a Sublidy to be gathered by the Clergy, was content to adjoyne his private assent (such as it was) to the setting downe of an Ordinance, which was indeed the very first Law that is to be found made against Religion and the Professors thereof, bearing the name of an Act made in the Parliament, holden at Westminster, Ann. 5. Rich. 2. c. 5. com∣monly

intituled, An Act against the Lollards (the Contents whereof you may read in the Statutes at large, and in Ma∣ster Fox.) This Act, though it beares the name of a Sta∣tute both in written and Printed Bookes, yet it was fraudu∣lently and unduly devised by the Prelates onely, and a meere pernicious forgery to advance their owne Episcopall power and Jurisdiction, invade the Subjects liberties, tread downe Religion, and shed our Martyrs blood; with which the Com∣mons were so highly offended, as they had just cause so to be, that in the U••as of Saint Michael next following, at a Par∣liament summoned and holden at Westminster, the 6. yeare of the said King, among sundry petitions made to the King by the Commons, whereunto he assented; there is one in this forme, against this spurious Act of theirs•• * 1.160 Item, prayen the Commons, that whereas an Estatute was made the last Parliament in these words: It is ordained in this present Par∣liament, that Commissions from the King be directed to the Sheriffes and other Ministers of the King, or to other suffici∣ent persons, after, and according to the Certificates of the Pre∣lates thereof, to be made unto the Chancery from time to time, to arrest all such Preachers, and their Fautors, Maintai∣ners, and Abettors, and them to detaine in strong Prison, un∣till they will justifie themselves according to reason, and Law of holy Church. And the King wille••h and commandeth, that the Chancellor make such Commissions at all times, as shall be by the Prelates or any of them certified, and thereof re∣quired, as is aforesaid. The which was * 1.161 never agreed nor granted by the Commons; but whatsoever was moved there∣in was without their assent. That the said Statute be therefore disannulled. For it is not in any wise their meaning, that either themselves, or such as shall succeed them, shall be further justifi∣ed or bound by the Prelates, then were their Ancestors in former times: whereunto is answered, Il plest an Roy. i. e. The King is pleased. This supposed Statute, thus fraudulently devised by the Prelates onely, was in like manner most injuriously, and unorderly executed by them; for immediately upon the publishing of this Law, without further warrant either from the King or his Councell, Commissions under the Great Seale of Engl••nd, were made in this forme, Richard, by the Grace of God, &c. Witnesse my selfe at Westminster the 26. day

of Iune, in the 6. yeare of our R••igne. Without more words of Warrant under writ••en, such as in like cases are both usuall and ••equisite, viz. Per ipsu•• Regem, per Regem & Concilium; or Per breve de privato Sigillo. Al, or any of which words being utterly wanting in this place, as may be seene in the Kings Records of that time; it must therefore be done either by warrant of this fore-said Statute, or else without any warrant at all. And whereas the said Statute appointed the Commissi∣ons to be directed to the Sheriffe, or other Ministers of the Kings, or to other sufficient persons, learned for the arrest∣ing of such persons: they fraudulently procured the said Commissions to be directed to the Arch-bishop and his Suf∣••ragans, being both Judges, Accusers, Witnesses, and Parties in the Case, authorizing them further, without ei∣ther the words, or reasonable meaning of the said Statute, to imprison them in their owne houses, or where else plea∣sed them: Yea, such was this Arch-Bishops, and the other P••elates Treachery and villany in this particular, notwith∣standing this unjust and spurious Law was repealed upon the forementioned Petition of the Commons, and the fraud of the framers thereof sufficiently discovered; yet such meanes was there made by the Prelates, that this Act of re∣peale was never published, nor ever since imprinted with the rest of the Statutes of that Parliament. Insomuch as the said repeale being concealed,* 1.162 like Commissions and other Processe were made from time to time, by vertue of the said Bastard Statute, as well during the Raigne of this King, as since against the Professours of Religion; as Master Fox in his Acts and Monuments, both shewes, and proves at large. Now what is this no••orious forgery, this unjust and frau∣dulent execution of this pretended Act of Parliament, even after its repeale, by this Arch-Bishop and his Brethren, but the very heighth of Treachery, Villany, Schisme, and Sedition; yea, an In••ernall policy, to advance Episcopall Jurisdiction, erect a bloudy Inquisition, and shed our Mar∣tyrs blood, contrary both to the Lawes of God and the Realme? To end with this Prelate, * 1.163 Amm. 1385. this King called a Parliament at London, wherein the Laity gran∣ted the King one Quindisme and a halfe, upon condition that the Clergy would give him one Disme and a halfe.

This Arch-Bishop stiffely opposed this condition saying, That it ought not to be made, especially seeing the Church ought to be free, and no wayes to be taxed by Lay-men; adding, that he would rather endanger his head for this cause, then suffer the Church of England to be so much in∣slaved. Which Answer so moved the company of Com∣mons, that the Knights of the Counties, with certaine of the Nobles of the Kingdome, with great fury petitioned, that the Temporalties of the Ecclesiastickes might be taken away, saying, That the Clergy were growne to such ex∣cessive pride, that it would be a worke of piety and charity, by the taking away of their Temporalties, which did puffe them up, to compell them to be more humbly wise. These things they cryed out, these things they presented to the King in short writings, thinking to bring this Petition to effect. The Arch-Bishop to prevent the danger, con∣sulting with his Clergy, granted the King one Tenth ve∣ry willingly; which the King accepted of, and so for the present the unsatiable covetousnesse of the E∣nemies of the Church (saith Walsingham) was frustra∣ted, and this Clause of the Laity obliterated out of the Bill.

† 1.164 Thomas Arundell his immediate successour,26 1.165 by provision from the Pope, against the Law, as he resigned his Chancel∣lourship of England, so soone as ever he was made Arch-Bi∣shop, as incompatible with his function (as Thomas Becket, Walter Reynalds, Iohn Stratford, with other his predecessors had commendably done before, witnesse Matthew Parker, Godwin, and Fox, in their lives, which I wish our secular Pre∣lates would now imitate, though not in resuming this office againe, as he did at last:) so he was scarce warme in his Seat, when by King Richard the seconds displeasure, he was dis∣possessed of the same, for not onely the Arch-Bishops Bro∣ther the Earle of Arundell, was attainted and condemned of High Treason against the King in full Parliament, for which he was presently executed; but the Arch-Bishop himselfe was by Sir Iohn Bushy, in the behalfe of the Commonalty, accused of high Treason, for that hee had evill counselled his Majesty, and induced him to grant Letters of Pardon to his brother the Earle of Arundell, being a ranke Tray∣tor.

After which he was found guilty and condemned of High Treason, adjudged unto perpetuall exile (for conspi∣ring to take the King, the Dukes of Lancester and Yorke, pri∣soners, and to hang and draw the other Lords of the Kings Councell,) and commanded within forty dayes to depart the Realme, under paine of death. He thus banished got to Rome, and found such favour with the Pope, as that he first writ ear∣nestly to the King for his Restitution: the King writes a sharpe Letter against him to the Pope, wherein he sheweth, That he plotted Treason against him, and endeavoured to take away his life; that he deserved rather to be quartered and executed as a Traytor, then banished; that the whole Kingdome wondred and were offended, hee had dealt so mildly with him, and not executed him as he deserved; that hee was a man impatient of peace, of a Trayterous and se∣ditious spirit, so as he could not restore him, or re-admit him into the Realme without danger of his Life and King∣dome; and therefore, though all the World consented to his Restitution, yet hee would never doe it whiles he brea∣thed. Upon which Letters, the Pope not onely refused to restore him, but at the Kings request, made Roger Wal∣den Arch Bishop in his stead.

The Pope hereupon conferred the Arch-bishopricke of S^t. Andrews in Scotland, with other livings here in England, by way of provision, upon Arundel•• who confederating afterward with Henry Duke of Lancaster, against King Richard, they le∣vyed what forces they could, and landed with them in England so that at last King Richard upon parly with this Arundell, whom he had banished, was forced to resigne his Crowne, and to render himselfe prisoner to the Duke of Lancaster, with promise of saving his life onely: Hereupon the Arch-Bishop after the Resignation made in parliament, * 1.166 Crowned the Duke King, and made a Briefe Collation on these words, 1 King. 9. A man shall Raigne over the People; Tending wholly to the praise of the new King, and disparagement of the old; Recorded at large by Holinshed: After which hee thrust Walden out of his See, and got restitution of it againe, the Pope confirming his Restauration, and declaring Walden to be an intruder; who after a while was made Bishop of London. This Arch-Bishop thus restored to his See, and in

high favour with the King, * 1.167 proved a bloody persecutor and butcher of Gods Saints; to which end following the steppes of his predecessour Courtney, he, with the rest of the Bishops, fraudulently and surreptitiously procured by crafty•• meanes and subtile pretences, the cruell bloody Statute Ex Officio, as Master Fox doth stile it (to wit, 2. Hen. 4. c. 15.) to passe the Upper House of Parliament as a Law, without the Commons assent or Privity, whose assent they yet foisted into the written and Printed * 1.168 Coppies of that Act, to blind the world withall, and give it the colour of a Statute, though it be not to be found in the Parliament Roll the Commons never consenting to it, as Mr. Fox hath shewed at large in his Acts and Monuments, p. 539.540. and the Statute of 25. Hen. 8. c. 14. witnesseth: which ba∣stard Statute, by colour of which alone most or all our En∣glish Martyres were afterwards imprisoned, burned, tor∣tured, and put to death) being thus unduly obtained, this bloody Arch-Prelate, forthwith caused many godly Martyres to be burnt to ashes, and the Worthy honourable Lord Cobham with sundry others to be put to death; by rea∣son whereof the Kingdome of the Pope, and of the Pre∣lates his members here in this Realme, began to be•• so strong, that none durst stirre or once mutter against them. The Bishops having the King so full on their side, ar∣med moreover with these two forged Lawes, with im∣prisonments, sword, fire, and faggot, raigned and ruled as they listed, as Kings and Princes within themselves: So strong were they of power that no humane force was able to stand against them, so exalted in pride and puffed up in glory, that they thought all things to be sub∣ject to their reverend majesties. Whatsoever they set forth and decreed, though in their owne names, rites, and by their owne authorities, it must of all m••n bee received and obeyed. And it was their Superstitious blindnesse, and curious vanity, that whatsoever ••oy came once in their fan∣tacy, it was straight-way determined and established for a Law of all men to be observed, were it never so ••rivilous or superstitious; yea such was the pride, vaine-glory, and insolency of this Arch-Bishop Arundel, (who stuffed the Church with Ceremonies, and vaine Traditions of men

as his Successors doth now) that he in great snuffe suspen∣ded all the Churches in London, not onely with the Steeple and Bells, but also with the Organs, (because they did not ring ••he Bells for a triumph at his comming, when he pas∣sed by the high streete of London, with his Crosse carryed in pompe before him,) till the Ministers and Officers of the sayd Churches should doe penance, and give him compe∣tent satisfaction for this indignity. Now what shall wee thinke or conclude of these two last Arch-Bishops, Court∣ney and Arundel, who thus tooke upon them to forge even publicke Acts of Parliament for the advancement of their own•• Antichristian Hierarchie, the suppressing of the Gospel, the murthering and destroying the Kings best Subjects, and the effusion of so much Martyres blood, but that they were monsters of Trechery, Tyranny, inhumanity Tray∣tors and enemies both to the Church and Common-wealth, yea the very Divels and Popes Arch-agents to effect their wills. But God was even with the latter of them, Arun∣del, who shutting up the mouthes, and silencing the tongues of many faithfull Ministers, his owne † 1.169 Tongue at last by Gods just judgement swelled so big in his mouth, as hee was able neither to ea••e, drinke, no•• speake in many dayes, and so dyed of hunger after he had starved so many poore Chri∣stian Soules, and burned their bodyes into ashes. In the yeare 1403. King Henry the fourth, intending to goe into North Wales to chasten the presumptuous doings of the unruly Welsh-men, and wanting money to wage his Soul∣diers, there were some that counselled him to be bold with the Bishops,* 1.170 and supply his wants with their super∣fluity. But as it fortuned, Arundel Arch-bishop of Canter∣bury was there present, who in the name of all the rest boldly made answere,* 1.171 that none of his Province should bee spoyled by any of those naughty persons; but that first with hard stripes they should understand the price of their harsh enterprise. But the King neverthelesse used the matter so with the Bishops for their good wills, that the Arch-bishop at length to pleasure him, calling the Clergie together, got a grant of one Tenth, towards the Kings necessary charges. And thereby secured their tem∣poralities for that time. * 1.172 The next yeare following, a Par∣liament

being called to * 1.173 consult how the King might be re∣lieved with money for defence of the Realme against the Scots and Welshmen at home, and the Brittaines, Flemmins, and Frenchmen abroade, it was thought most expedient, that the spirituality should be deprived of their temporall possessions to relieve the Kings necessity. Hereupon rose great alteration betweene the Clergie and the Laity, the Knights affirming, that they had often times ser∣ved the King, not onely with their goods, but also with their persons in very great dangers and jeopardies, whilst the spiritualty ••it at home, and helpe the King nothing at all. Whereupon this Arch-Bishop stoutly answered, That the Clergie had alwayes given to the King as much as the Laity had done, considering they had oft∣ner given their Tenthes to him then the Laity their Fifteenes: also, that more of their Tenants went to the Kings warres, than of the Tenants of them of the Lay fee: besides this they prayed day and night for the Kings good successe against his enemies. When the Speaker named Sir Iohn Cheinie, in replying by plaine speech, seemed but little to esteeme such prayers of the Church, the Arch-Bi∣shop was set in a great chafe, and with sharpe words declaring what hee thought must needes follow both of the King and Kingdome, when Prayers and Suf∣frages of Church-men came to bee so little set by, hee grew to such impatiencie, that hee flatly told the Speaker,* 1.174 That although hee seemed little to esteeme of the Religion of the Clergie, ye•• hee would not have him to thinke that hee should thus take away the possessions of the Church, without finding such as would seeke to withstand him: For if (sayd hee) the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury may live, thou shalt have ••o•• taking away any manner of thing that is his. After this when the Arch-Bishop perceived that the King winked at these matters, hee rose from his place, and comming before the King he kneeled downe, and besought him to consider, how through the Grace and favour of Almighty God, hee had ob∣tained the Kingdome; and therefore ought to re∣member his first purpose and intent, which was, to

give to e••ery man his right, so farre as in him say•• he•• willed him likewse to have in consideration the Oath which he so willingly had received, that is, that hee should advance the Honour of the Church, and the Ministers thereof cherish and maintaine; Also to have in minde the danger and dishonour that redounded to such as brake their oathes; so that he besought him to permit and suffer the Church to enjoy the priviledges and Liberties, which in time of his Predecessours it had enjoyed, requesting him to stand in awe of that King by which all Kings did ra••gne, and to seare the censures and condemnations that those in∣••urred, which tooke or bereft ••rom the Church any good or right belonging to it, who most certainely (sayd hee) are accursed. When the Arch-Bishop had used this or the like speech, the King commanded him to goe to his seate againe, assuring him, that his intent and purpose was, to leave the Church in as good state or better than hee found it. The Arch-Bishop herewith turning to the Knights and Bur∣gesses of the Parliament, sayd unto them, You and such others as you be, have given counsell unto the King and his Predecessours to confiscate and take into their hands the goods and possessions of the Cells which the Frenchmen and Normans possessed here in England, and affirmed, that by the same he and they should heape up gr••at riches; and indeede those goods and possessions were worth many thousands of gold, and yet it is most true, that t••e King this day is not one halfe pound of silver better thereby, for you have beg∣ged and gotten them out of his hands, and have appropriated the same to your selves, so that wee may conjecture very well, that you request to have our Temporalties, not to advance the Kings profit, but to satisfie your owne greedy covetousnesse; for undoubtedly if the King (as God forbid hee should) did accomplish your wicked purposes and mindes, he should not be one farthing the richer the yeare next after: and truely sooner will I suffer this head of mine to be cut off from my shoulders, then that the Church should lose the least right that appertaineth to it. The Knights sayd little, but yet they proceeded in their suite to have their purpose for∣ward. Which the Arch-Bishop perceiving, (as another Argus•• having his eyes on every side, to marke what was done) laboured so to disappoint their doings, that he wan the favour of certaine of the Temporall Lords to assist him,

who constantly avouched by their consents, that the Church should never be spoyled of her Temporalties; and herein they acquitted the Arch-Bishop and Prelates, one plea∣sure for another, which they had done for them before, when the Commons in this Parliament required, that all such Lands and revenues which sometime belonged to the Crowne, and had beene given away by the King, or by his predecessors King Edward or King Richard, should be resto∣red againe to the Kings use; unto which request the Arch-Bishop and other the Prela••es would in no wise consent. Thus by this Arch-Bishop Arundel, that Petition of the Commons the ••pirituall Temporalities came to naught. Afterwards, in an * 1.175 other Parliament Anno 1410. the Commons of the ••ower House exhibited a Bill to the King and Lords of the Upper House, containing in ef∣fect as followeth. To the most excellent Lord our King: and to all the Nobles in this present Parliament assembled, your faith∣full Commons doe ••umbly signifie, that our Soveraigne Lord the King might have of the Temporall possess••ons, Lands, and Tene∣ments which are lewdly spent, consumed and wasted by the Bishops, Abbots and Priors within this Realme, so much in value as would suffice to finde and sustaine an 150. Earles, 1500. Knights, 6200. Esquires, and 100. Hospitals more than now be: which is more largely and particularly related in Fabian. The King (as some write) mis-liked the motion, and therefore commanded, that from thenceforth they should not pre∣sume to study about any such matters. Another thing the Commons then sued to have granted to them, but could not obtaine: That Clerkes convict should no•• thence∣forth bee delivered to Bishops Prisons: Moreover they de∣manded to have the Stat••te either revoked or qualified, which had beene enacted without their consent in the Se∣cond yeare of this Kings raigne, against such as were repu∣ted to be Heretickes or Lollards. But the King seemed so highly to favour the Clergie, that the Commons were an∣swered plainely, that they should not come by their purpose, but rather that the said statute should be made more rigorous and sharpe for the punishment of such persons: and all this by meanes of this bloodly Arch-Bishop Arundel, of whom we have heard sufficient.

27 1.176Henry Chichely, being elected Arch Bishop by the Monks of Canterbury with the Kings consent, immedia••ly after Arun∣dels death,* 1.177 hee refused to accept of this their Legall election; and against the expresse Statutes of the Realme, touching Provisions and Premuni••es, accepted of the See onely by Colla••ion from Pope Iohn the 23. in affront both of the King and those Lawes, which the Pope endeavored in vaine to get repealed, and therefore opposed in point of practise all that he might, reserving by a Decree of the Councell of Con∣stance all vacancie to his own dispo••all, bestowing all the Bishoprickes of England as soon as they were voyd at his own pleasure, by the Arch-Bishops connivence, in affront of the Lawes and the Kings royall Edicts. * 1.178 This Arch-Prelate published throughout his Province Pope Martins Bulls, for the extirpation of the Wicklevists and Hussites by force of armes, and promised the same Indulgences to those who should take up the Crossado and warre against them, as those enjoyed who went to the holy Land to fight against the Sa∣recens. For which good service the same yeare (Anno 1429.) he received the Title of the Cardinall Presbyter of S. Euse∣bius ••rom Pope Martin the 5. who also created him his Legate here in England, without the Kings privity, and contrary to Law. * 1.179 But to colour the businesse, lest he should seeme to receive that power Legatine without the Kings permission and Licence, against the Lawes and Customes of the Realme; one Richard Condray was made the Kings procurer, that hee might appeale to the next generall Councell from all inju∣ries, grievances, and prejudices offered or to be offered by the Pope or Court of Rome to the King and the Kingdome. There••ore as soon as it was known that the Arch-Bishop had received this Legatin power without the Kings privity or li∣cence, Condray made this appeale to Humfrey Duke of Gloster Lord Protector, and others o•• the Kings privie Councell, in writing. In which he expressed, that no Legate of the Sea Apostolicke ought to come into the Kingdome of the King of England or other his Lands or Dominions, but at the vocation, petition, requisition or intreaty o•• the King of England for the time being, the Roman Pontifex tolerating and consenting thereto, as well tacitely as expresly: in which appeale notwithstanding, if the sayd Arch Bishop, not as a

Legate but as a Cardinall would say, open, or propound any thing from the Pope to the King, it might be lawfull for him to doe it. In which the King would so farre assi••t as he migh•• doe it by the Lawes and Priviledges of his roy∣all Crowne, and of his famous Kingdome of England. The appeale being read, the Arch-Bishop in the presence of the Prelates and Nobles there present, confessed and protested That it was not, nor is, nor should be his intention by his entring into England, nor by any things done or to be done by him, spo∣ken or to be spoken, for to exercise the Legatine power which hee had undertaken, without the Kings permission, or to derogate in any thing from the rights, priviledges, liberties, or customes of the King or Kingdome, or t•• contradict ••hem, but to preserve, defend, maintaine, and roborate all and every of them. By this device he deluded both the King, Counsell, and Lawes: how well hee kept this his protestation, his subsequent Acts will evidence. For immediately after hee made a Synodicall Constitution, † 1.180 That no married man or Lay man should exercise any Eccle∣siasticall jurisdiction, or be Iudge or Register in any Ecclesiasticall Court in causes of correction of the soule, under paine of incur∣ring the greater excommunication ipso facto, if they offered to intermeddle in any of the premises cont••a••y to the Councels pro∣hibition; which further makes voyd all citations, processe and Acts whatsoever, had and made by Laymen in the Cases aforesayd, and suspends all Ordinaries from the exercise of Ecclesiasticall jurisdi∣ction, and ingresse into the Church, who should grant any married or Lay man power to exercise any Ecclesiasticall Office or authority under them. What the true intent of this Arch-Prelates Constitution was, and how farre this Decree intrenched upon the Kings Prerogative Royall, appeares by the Sta∣tute of 37. H. 8. c. 17. (made purposely to repeale this Constitution) which I shall here insert. * 1.181 In most hum∣ble wise shew and declare unto your highnesse your most faith∣full, humble, and obedient Subjects the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, aud the Commons of this present Parliament assem∣bled, that whereas your Majesty is, and hath alwayes justly beene by the Word of God supreame head in Earth of the Church of England, and hath full power and authority, to correct, pu∣nish, and represse all manner of Heresies, errours, vi∣ces, abuses, Idolatries, hypocrisies, and Superstitions•• springen

and growing within the same; and to exercise all manner of Iurisdictions, commonly called Ecclesiasticall Iurisdi∣ction. Neverthelesse, the Arch-Bishop of Rome and his * 1.182 adherents minding utterly as much as in him lay, to * 1.183 abolish, ob••cure, and delete such power given by God to the Princes of the earth, whereby they might ga∣ther and get to themselves the government and rule of the world; have in * 1.184 their Councells and Synods Pro∣vinciall made, ordained, and established, and decreed divers ordinances and constitutions, that no Lay or mar∣ryed man should or might exercise or occupie any Juris∣diction Ecclesiasticall, nor should be any Judge or Re∣gister•• in any Court comm••nly called Ecclesiasticall Cour••, * 1.185 lest their ••alse and usurped power, which they preten∣ded and went about to have in Christs Church, should decay, waxe vile, and of no reputation, as by the sayd Councels and Constitutions Provinciall appeareth: which standing and remaining in their effect not abolished by your Graces Lawes, did seeme to appeare to make greatly for the sayd usurped power of the sayd Bishop of Rome, and to be directly repugnant to your Majesties Title of supreame head of the Church and prerogative Royall, your Grace being a Lay-man: and albeit the sayd Decrees, Ordi∣nances and Constitutions by a Statute made the 25•• yeare of your most noble raigne be utterly abolished, frustrate and of none effect, yet because the contrary thereunto is not u∣sed nor put in practise by ••he Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Deanes, and other Ecclesiasticall persons, who have * 1.186 no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall, but by, under, and from your royall Majesty, it addeth or a•• the least may give occasion to some evill disposed perso••s to thinke and little to regard the proceeding, and censures Ecclesi∣asticall made by your Highnesse and your Vice-gerent, Officialls, Commissaries, Judges, and Visitators•• be∣ing also Lay and married men, to be of little or none effect or force, whereby the people gathereth heart and presump∣tion to doe evill, and not to have such reverence to your most godly injunctions and proceedings, as becommeth them. But forasmuch as your Majesty is the onely and un∣doubtedly supreame head of the Church of England, and

also of Ireland, to whom by Scripture all authority and po∣wer is wholly given to heare, and determine all causes Ecclesiasticall, and to correct all vice and sinne whatso∣ever, and to all such persons as your * 1.187 Majesty shall ap∣point thereunto; that in consideration thereof, as well for the instruction of ignorant persons, as also to avoyd the occa••ion of the opinion aforesayd, and setting forth of your prerogative royall and supremacy, It may therefore please your Highnesse, that it may bee ordained and en∣acted by authority of this present Parliament, that all and singular aswell Lay as those that be married now, or hereafter shall be married, being Doctors of the Civill Law, lawfully create and made in any University which shall be made, ordained, constituted, and deputed to bee a∣ny Chancellour, Vicar Generall, Commissary, Officiall, Scribe, or Register by your * 1.188 Majesty, or any of your Heires, or Successours to any•• Arch-Bishop, Bishop, Arch-Deacon, or other person whatsoever, having * 1.189 au∣thority under your Majesty, your Heires and Successours, to make any Chancellour, Vicar Generall, Commissary, Off••ciall, or Register, may lawf••lly execute and exercise all mann••r of Jurisdiction commonly called Ecclesiasti∣call Jurisdiction, and all Censures and Corrections apper∣taining o•• any wise belonging unto the same, albeit such person or persons be Lay, married, or unmarried, so that they be Doctors of the Civill Law, as is aforesayd, any Law, Constitution, or Ordinance to the contrary notwi••h∣standing. By this Act it is apparent, that the end of the former Constitution was trecherously to undermine and a∣bolish the Kings Prerogative Royall in causes Ecclesiasticall, and to make the Pope and our Prelates absolute Monarches, and our Kings meere Cyphers to execute their Mandates, when by the expresse words of this Law, with that of 1. Ed. 6. c. 2.26. H. 8. c. 1.1. Eliz. c. ••.5. Eliz. c. 1.8. Eliz. c. 1. and 1. and 2. Phil. and M••ry c. 8. it is most clearely resolved, that our Arch-Bishops and Bishops, have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall over other Ministers by any divine right, (as they now * 1.190 vainely, if not trayterously pret••nd) but by, from, and under our Kings, in whose name and right, and under whose Seale

alone all their Ecclesiasticall processe ought to issue, as hath beene * 1.191 elsewhere plentifully manifested, it being no lesse than a Premunire, by the Statute of 1. Edw. 6. c. 2. ••or any Bishops or Ecclesiasticall Judges to issue out processes in their owne names, and under their owne Seales, as now our Prelates doe. This Law of Premu∣nire, was such a curbe to our usurping Prelates, that this Arch Prelate Chichely, in the last Synod hee held Anno. 1439. without delay or difficulty granted King Henry the sixt a Tenth, and promised him large supplyes from the Clergie in all things, if he would abrogate those hard Lawes of Premunire, where-with the Clergie were very falsely accused and oft taken and ensuared as in unjust s••ares; (whereas in truth those Lawes were the principall safety both of King and people, to preserve and free them from the unjust incroachments of Popes and Prelates, upon their Liberties, Lawes, and Estates, which made the Pope and them so frequently to sollicite their repeale.) And by his countenance * 1.192 William Lindwood collected and set out the Provinciall Constitutions of the Arch-Prelates of Canterbury in their Synods, in affront of the Kings pre∣rogative Royall and the Lawes of the Realme, dedicating them to this Arch-Prelate, and entreating him to put them in due Execution being neglected, and quite dis∣regarded formerly, both by Prelates, Judges, and people, as he complaines in his Epistle Dedicatory to him. In briefe, when † 1.193 in the Parliament held at London, Anno 1414. under King Henry the fifth, the Commons re∣viewed their former Petition in Parliament made to King Henry the fourth but foure yeares before, to seize the Bishops and Abbots Temporalities, shewing how ma∣ny Earles, Knights, and Esquires they would maintaine; The Bishops and Abbots whom it touched very neare, much ••earing•• the issue•• determined to assay all wayes to put by, and overthrow this Bill, and minding ra∣ther to bow than breake, they first agreed to offer the King a great summe of money, to stay this new moven Demand. The cause of this offer seemed to some of the wise Prelates neither decent nor convenient, for they well ••oresaw, and perfectly knew, that if the

Commons perceived, that they by rewards or by offer of money would resist their request and petition, that they stirred and moved with a fury, would not onely raile and despise them as corrupters of Princes, and enemies of the Publicke••Wealth, but would so cry and call on the King, and the ••emporall Lords, that they were like to lose both worke and oyle, cost and lining. Wherefore they determined to cast all chances, which might serve their purpose, and in speciall, to replenish the Kings braine with some pleasant study, so as that hee should neither phantasie nor regard the serious Petition of the importunate Commons. Wherefore on a day, when the King was present in Parliament, this Henry Chichely Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, after low Obeysance made to the King, made a publicke Oration in Parliament be••ore the King, and Peeres, wherein hee shewed the Kings un∣doubted Title to sundry Provinces and the whole Realme of France; with the injustice and nullity of the Salicke Law, the onely Obstacle to his Title, stirring up the King and Nobles by force of Armes to regaine the same: and with∣all declared that his loving Clergie and subjects of the spi∣ritualty, to shew their willingnesse and desire to ayde his Majesty for the recovery of his ancient Right, and true In∣heritance, had in their Convocation, granted to his High∣nesse such a Summe of money as by Spirituall Persons, never was to any P••ince thorough the whole Christian World, before those times, given or advanced: By which device seconded by the Duke of Exe••er, he diverted and shifted off the Petition of the Commons, and engaged the King and Kingdome in a long, bloody, and costly Warre. The King himselfe professing on his death Bed, that before the beginning of the same Warres, hee was fully perswa∣ded by men both Wise, Pious, and of great holinesse of life, that in prosecuting his just Title, he might & ought both begin the same Warres, and follow them till he brought them to an end, justly and rightly, and that without all danger of Gods displeasure, or perill of soule. Such an incendiary of war, was this Arch-Embassadour of peace that should be.

* 1.194 Iohn Stafford,28 1.195 preferred to the Bishopricke of Bath and

Wells by provision from Pope Martin the fifth, contrary to the Lawes enacted against Provisions from Rome, immedi∣ately after Chichelyes death, was in farther affront of the sayd Lawes promoted to the See of Canterbury, by Pope Eugenius; that prohibited usurpation of Papall Provisions, de••ended by so many Lawes and Statutes, being no whit abated, through the Popes industry, and the Prelates Trea∣chery and ambition, who would rather incurre the danger of these Lawes, and dis-savour of their Princes, then want a far Bishopricke, though they paid Popes dearely for it. This Arch-Prelate in the first Synod held under him at London, Anno. 1444. confederating with the rest of the Clergie, when a Subsidie was demanded of them, petitio∣ned, that the Statutes of Provisors, and the Writs or Actions of Praemunire, which by the crafty and malicious interpreta∣tion of the Lawyers, as they ••alsely ••urmised, were turned to the destruction of the Clergie, and disturbance of Ecclesiasti∣call Discipline, might be either wholly abrogated, or their ri∣gour moderated•• and that Lay-men for suing Clergie-men falsly in Temporal Courts, might have some severe punishment inflicted on them by a Law. But this their motion vanishing into smoake, and the Judges restraining their extravagant proceedings in Ecclesiasticall Courts by Prohibitions, and bringing them within the compasse of the Statutes against Provisions, and in the danger of Premunire's, which did much terrifie them; hereupon the Arch-Bishop and Pre∣lates in their next Synod at London, An. 1446. presented a new Petition to the King in the Name of the whole Clergie of England, wherein they grievously complained of the Lay-Judges, who were ever very troublesome and despightfull to Clerkes; desiring that the Statutes of Provision and Praemunire might be more equally expounded in favour of the Prelates by the Parliamen, than it was by the Lawyers, and that they might be restrained from granting Prohibi∣tions to, and exercising•• any Jurisdiction over Spirituall Judges; But this Petition proved ineffectuall; it being provided by Statute, that no spirituall Law shall have place contrary to a Common Law or Act of Parliament. And this were not (as the Lord * 1.196 Audley Chancellour of England,

once told Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester in the Par∣liament House, who thought it strange, that Bishops au∣thorized by the King could fall in a Praemunire) the Bi∣shops would enter in with the King, and by meanes of his Supremacie order the Lairy as they listed; but wee will provide, quoth he, that the Praemunire shall ever hang over your heads, and so we Laymen shall bee sure to enjoy our inheritance, by the Common Lawes and Acts of Parliament. After this, the Pope exacted of the Clergie of England a Tenth of all their Revenues, and sent Nuncioes to the Arch-Bishop with Bulls to collect it. But the King hea∣ring of this secret fraud, commanded the Arch-Bishop not to obey the Pope herein, who yet was so farre a servant to the Pope, and enemie to the King, that during all his Ar∣chiepiscopall Raigne the Pope made Bishops by Provision, against the Lawes of the Realme.

* 1.197 Iohn Kemp,29 1.198 the next Arch-Bishop, elected lawfully by the Monkes of Canterbury with the Kings consent, refused to take his Arch-Bishoprike from the King, but waving his Election, received it by Provision from the Pope, who sent over sixe severall Bulls to this end, the first to the Arch-Bishop himselfe, the second to the Chapter of Can∣terbury: the third, to his Provinciall Suffragans; the fourth, to the Clergie of the City and Diocesse of Canterbury; the fifth, to the people of the same; the sixth, to the Vas∣sals of the Arch-Bishop; by which Bulls the Pope increased much hi•• Revenues: And ••o obliege this Arch-Prelate the faster to him, the Pop•• by another Bull created him Cardinall of Saint Ruffine: But this Arch-Bishop dying within one yeare and an halfe after his Consecration, could doe him but little service.

* 1.199 Thomas Burgchier,30 1.200 immedia••ely succeeding him, by the speciall favour of King Henry the sixth, this ingratefull Pre∣late (made a Cardinall by the Pope) some ••ew yeeres after (An. 1461.) crowned and consecrated Edward the fourth at Westminster to be King in his stead, during King Henry his life, and in a full Synod procured the Clergie to grant him a Tenth: Afterwards in a Synod at London, An. 1463. he•• granted him another Subsidie, and obtained a Grant from

King Edward under his Seale, that the Prelates should bri∣dle the malice of those by whom their rights were viola∣ted, as well by old Ecclesiasticall Lawes as by those new Lawes they should make, both in all causes belonging to the Ecclesiasticall Court, as also in the Tythe of great Trees of twenty yeares growth or more, without the feare or penalty of the Statutes of Provisors, or of the Writs or Actions of Premunire, or of any Prohibition, and that they might proceede therein without any consultation ob∣tained: And that if any of the Kings Judges, or other se∣cular Judges should by any Writs or Processe hinder or deterre any Arch-Bishop, Bishop, or Arch-deacon, or their Vicars, Officialls, Commissaries, or other Ecclesia∣sticall Judges: That then upon the monition of the sayd Arch-Bishop, Bishop, &c. so hindered or scared, the sayd Judge should appeare in the Chancery at such day as the said Arch-Bishop or Ecclesiasticall Judge should appoint, on paine of two hundred pound, to answere to the King for this his contempt, and that his Processe against the Ecclesiasti∣call Judge, should by Royall Authority bee rescinded, and pronounced to be voyd and frustrate. In his time there were many Pilgrimages made both by King Edward, the Queene, and others to that Arch-traytor Beckets Shrine at Canterbury, where they offered many rich gifts: Afterwards, Anno. 1469. the Earle of Warwicke conspiring with others to free King Henry the Sixth from the Tower of London; King Edward hearing of it, went in Pilgrimage to Beckets Tombe to Canterbury, and there held a Councell of five Bishops and many Peeres of the Realme, from which the Arch-Bi∣shop being suspected (as trecherous and unfaithfull) was wholly excluded: King Edward deceasing, this Arch-Pre∣late though hee made a Will sequestred all his goods as or∣dinary, and seized the Great Seale, the Privie Seale, and the Royall Signer, which hee detained in his custodie; and whereas Richard Duke of Gloucester had traytorously plotted to murther his Nephewes, Edward the Fifth, and his Brother, this Arch-bishop was imployed by him to goe to the Queene, to * 1.201 get the young Duke of Clarence from her out of the Sanctuary at Westminster, who using many

reasons and flattering words to her in vaine, at last made this deepe protestation: That if she were content to deliver the Duke to him, and to the other Lords present, he durst lay his owne body and soule both in pledge, not onely for his surety, but also for his estate, &c. Whereupon, with much adoe, shee delivered the Duke into his treacherous hands, who forthwith brought him into the Starre-Chamber to his Uncle the Lord Protector•• Hee having both Brothers now in his power, pretends them to bee illegitimate, proclaimes him∣selfe right Heire to the Crowne, procures first Pinker; and then * 1.202 Doctor Shaw (no doubt by the Arch Bishops helpe and privity) in a Sermon at Pauls Crosse (by which Ser∣mon hee lost his honesty, and soone after his life, for very shame of the World, into which hee never durst after to come abroad) to publish to the people, T••at Edward the fifth and his Brother were unlawfully begotten in Adultery, not by the Duke of Yorke, but others; That Richard of Gloce∣ster was right Heire to the Crowne, extolling him to the skies, and slandering King Edward the Fourth with his Queene, as never lawfully marryed to her. Then proceeding treacherously to murther his poore young Nephewes, and usurping their Royall Throne; this * 1.203 Arch-bishop readily crownes him (though a bloody and unnaturall Usurper) as lawfull King of England, and his Lady likewise Queene, the other Bi∣shops and Abbots assisting him in this action, and accom∣panying him in their Pontificalibus. This Usurper being afterward slaine, the Arch-Bishop (ever turning with the ••yde of things) crownes Henry the 7. likewise King of Eng∣land, and shortly after departed this world, Anno 1486. I finde not (writes † 1.204 Godwin in his life) that ever any English man con∣nued so long a Bishop, or that any Arch-bishop either before or after him in 800. yeares enjoyed that place so long; for he continu∣ed Arch-Bishop 32 yeares, and lived after the time of his first Consecration and promotion to the Bishopricke of Worcester 51. yeares, and I marvell much, that in all that while he never endea∣voured to leave behinde him any good Deed for the perservation of his Memory. Sure I am, that his Treachery to the young Duke of Clarence, and King Henry who advanced him, and his Treasons in crowning two Usurpers, with his base

temporising, remaine as so many survi••ing Monuments of his in••amie and disloyalty.

31 1.205 * 1.206 Iohn Morton his Successour, whiles Bishop of Ely, was accused by Richard the Third of many great Treasons, and committed by him to the Tower: from whence being removed and committed to the custody of Henry Duke of Buckingham, he by degrees stirred up the Duke to plot the deposing of King Richard the Usurper, and se••ting up of the Earle of Richmond, for which the Duke not long after lost his head: The Bishop in the meane time disguising himselfe, escaped out of the Dukes custody, fled first to Ely, next to Flanders, after which hee went to Rome, never more intending to meddle with the world. But King Henry the seventh having got the Crowne, married King Edward the fourth his daughter, and so united the Houses of Lancaster and Yorke, (which marriage was first devised by this Prelate) called him home againe, made him Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and Chancellour of Eng∣land; whereunto the Pope annexed the honour of a Cardi∣nall, translating him from Ely to Canterbury, by no lesse than sixe ••everall Bulls, (all against Law) to augment the Fees. In his * 1.207 time Richard Simon, a Priest, an ambitious wretch, on hope to make himselfe the principall Bishop in England, plotted the advancement of Lambert Synmell; (being his Pupill in the University of Oxford) to the Crowne of England, under the name of Edward Earle of Warwicke; and conveying this Imposter to Dublin in Ireland, hee there cau∣sed him to be proclaimed King of England; * 1.208 after this, to land with an Armie in England, where in a Battell at Stocke∣field, in which many were slaine, this Priest and his Co••••∣••erfeit were both taken Prisoners, and attainted of High Treason, yet this Simon (or rather Sinon) out of the ex∣traordinary reverence to his function was not executed, but onely committed to the Arch-Bishop, who imprisoning him some space in his owne Prison, delivering him over to the Major of London, condemned him to a Dungeon and perpetuall shackles. After which this * 1.209 Arch-Bi∣shop imposed two great Subsidies on the Clergie of his Pro∣vince to their great oppression, forcing ••hem by the Popes

authoritie to contribute so largely toward the charges of his tran••lation, as of his owne Diocesse onely (which is one of the least o•• England) hee received 354. pound: sent Pope Inno••ents Bulls to all the Suffraga••es of his Province to pub∣li••h and execute, in open affront of the Lawes of ••he Realme, the King•• Prerogative Royall, and the Subjects Libe••ties; for which good Service, the Pope by his Bulls appointed him to be Visi••••r of all the Monasteries and other places exempt from Archiepiscopall and Ordinary Jurisdiction throughout England, and made him Cardinall of Saint Ana∣stasia; he perswaded the King to sue to the Pope, not one∣ly for the Popes canonization of King Henry the Sixth, but likewise for the translation of his dead Corps from Windsor to Westminster Abbey, and that in an unwor••hy manner, when as the King might have done it by his own meere Roy∣all Authoritie onely. He procured his Rebellio••s predeces∣sour Anselme, with a great summe of money, to be canoni∣zed at Rome for a Sa••nt; and had many conflicts and con∣testations with the Bishops of London, and other his Suf∣fraganes, abou•• Probate of Wills and Jurisdiction of their Eccl••••ia••••icall Cour••s, which caused Appeales to Rome, whereupon ••he ••nferiour Priests, with many others of his Province, ca•••• for••h sundry publike calumnies to his dis∣grace; against whom Pope Alexander sent forth a Bull, cruelly fulminating Excommunications against them. And by this meanes the priviledges of the See of Canterbury, oft times called into dou••t and controversie in former time, were at la••t e••••ablish••••. It seemes the Bishops in his dayes were very much hated by the inferiour Clergie: whereupon in a Synod * 1.210 at London under him, Anno Dom. 1487. certaine Preachers were sharpely reproved and threat••ed, who in their Sermons, cum plausu populari, eloquentia canina, latran•• immodestius in Episcopos absentes, did with popular applause, a••d doggish eloquence barke immodestly again•••• B••shops that were absent. * 1.211 In the latter end of this Arch-Bishop Mortons rule, one Patricke an Augu••••ine Fryer, had a Scholar called Ralph Wilford, whom ••e in open Pulpit decla••ed to be the Earle of Warwicke, and desired all men of helpe: but the head of this sedition was Sommer topped, that it could have no time to spring

any higher, the Master and Scholler being both apprehended, imprisoned and attain••ed, the Scholler was afterwards han∣ged, but the Master (the Grand Traytor) onely condem∣ned to perpetuall Prison: For at that time (writes Hall) here in England so much Reverence was attributed to the Holy Orders, that to a P••iest, although hee * 1.212 had commit∣ted High Treason against his Soveraigne Lord, and to all other offenders in murder, rape; or theft, which had received any of the three higher Holy Orders, the life was given and the punishment of death released. The chiefe cause of this favour (saith he) was this, because Bishops of a long time did not take knowledge, nor intermit themselves with the search and punishment of such heynous and detes••able offences, by reason whereof they did not disgrade and deprive from holy Orders su••h Malefactors and wicked per∣sons, which without that ceremony by the Canonicall Law could not bee put to death. Furthermore, what should a man say, it was also used, that hee that could but onely reade (though he understood not what he read) how heynous or detestable crime soever hee had committed (Treason onely excepted) should likewise as aff••nes and allies to the holy Orders, be saved, and committed to the Bishops prison. And to the intent that if they should escape, and be againe taken committing the like offence, that their lives should be no more to them pardoned, it was ordained, that Murthe••ers should bee burnt on the brawne of the left hand with an hot Iron, signed with this letter M, and theeves in the same place with this letter T, so that if•• they once signed with any of these markes, did reiterate like crime againe, they should suffer the punish∣ments they had deserved: which devise was enacted and established in * 1.213 Parliament in the fourth yeare of H. the 7. and taken, as I conjecture, from the French Nation, which are won•• if they take any such offender, to cut off one of his eares, as a sure marke hereafter of h••s evill doing. And the charge of keeping such offenders, because it soundeth to spirituall Religion, is committed to the Bishops and Rulers of the spiritualty, with a penalty set upon them, if any such Prisoner doe afterwards escape. The which Act and priviledge did nourish and increase abundantly the Sect and swarme of

Theeves and Murtherers; for after that time there were an hundred wayes practised and invented how at one time or o∣ther to deliver or convey them out of prison, by making their purgation (by what sleight & meanes they care not) of such of∣fences as before they were convicted and found guilty, if no man be present to lay exceptions to the same. For if the party offended and hurt be absent at the day of the purgation making, the theefe or murtherer truely found guilty from the beginning, shall be both excused and set at liberty. And of∣tentimes the sooner, because the Bishop would not lose the sum of an hundred pound for the escape of a poore Knave, scant worth a dandy prat: so Hall; whose words I have re∣cited, to manifest what favorers and Protectors our Bishops have beene of Traytors and Malefactors in all ages, especially of those of their owne Tribe, who by meanes of their Orders, Sanctuaries, Purgations, and other pretended exemptions and devises, were seldome brought to execution for their most horrid Treasons, which made them the more bold and inso∣lent to commit them. And for my part I deeme it true both in Law and conscience, that the Patrons, Receivers, and Re∣s••ners of Traytors and other Malefactors (as our Prelates have ever beene) are as bad, nay worse, than the Traytors and Malefactors themselves, and worthy more severe punishment than they. But it is time to conclude with this Arch-Bishop.

Henry Deane who next injoyed this See,32 1.214 was ••ormerly made Chancellour of Ireland by King Henry the seventh,* 1.215 where hee played the Warriour, and drave Perkin Warberke thence, forcing him to fly into Scotland: after this being made Bishop of Bangor, he had many great suites and ••ontests with divers about the Lands won or taken from his See. And among o∣ther particulars, pretending the Island of Seales betweene Holy-head and Anglesy to be unjustly detained from his Church by the possessers thereof: they refusing to give him possession, the Bishop thereupon brings a great power of armed men and a Navie thither, and drives out the Inhabitants thence by force, annexing it to his See. This Prelate being afterward Translated to Salisbury, and from thence to Canterbury, the Pope sent him a Pall by Adrian of Castello Secretary to his holinesse, upon the receite whereof he tooke this Solemne Oath to the Pope (as his Predecessors and other Bishops for∣merly

used, yet practised in fo••••aine parts) which made him a Traytor, or halfe subject onely, to his King. * 1.216 I Henry Arch∣bishop of Canterbury from this houre forward shall be faithfull and obedient to S. Peter and to the holy Church of Rome, and to my Lord the Pope and his Successors Canonically entring, I shall not be of Councell nor consent, that they shall lose either life or member, or shall be taken or suffer any violence or any wrong by any meanes. Their Councell to me credi••ed by them, their Messengers, or Letters, I shall not willingly discover to any person. The Pope-dome of Rome, the Rules of the Holy Fathers, and the Regalities of S. P••te••, I shall helpe and retaine, and defend against all men. The Legate of the See Apostolicke going and comming I shall honou∣rably entreate. The Rights, Honours, Priviledges, Authorities of the Church of Rome, and of the Pope and his Successours, I shall cause to be conserved, defended, augmented, and promoted. I shall not be in * 1.217 Councell, Treaty, or any Act, in the which any thing shall be imagined against him, or the Church of Rome, their Rights, States, Honours, or powers, and if I know any such to be moved or compassed, I shall resist it to my power, and as soone as I can, I shall advertise him or such as may give him knowledge. The Rules of the Holy Fathers, the De••rees, Ordinances, Sentences, Dispositi∣ons, Rese••vations, Provisions, and Commandements Apostolike, to my power I shall keepe and cause to be kept of others, Heretickes, Schismatickes, and Rebels to our holy Father and his Successours, I shall resist and perse••ute to my power. I shall come to the Synod when I am called, except I be letted by a Canonicall impediment. The* 1.218 Lights of the Apostles on this side the Alpes, I shall visite per∣sonally, or by my Deputy once every yeare, and those beyond the Alpes once every two yeares, unlesse I am there-from absolved by an Apo∣stolicall dispensation. I shall not alien or sell the possessions belong∣ing to my Arch-Bishopricke, nor give, nor morgage, nor infeofe any of them afresh, or any wayes alien them without the Popes Counsell. So God me help and the holy Evangelists. This Oath every Arch-Bishop and Bishop not onely in England,* 1.219 but likewise in Spaine, France, Germany, and other Kingdomes, used to take to the Popes unholinesse. No wonder therefore if they were such Traytors, Rebels, and Conspirators against their Kings, such sticklers ••or the Pope, such Champions ••or his unjust usur∣pations upon th••ir Soveraignes Prerogatives, and so forward to twhart and discover al those designes o•• their Princes, which

were any wayes displeasing or disadvantagious to the Pope; who as long as this Oath continued, and Bishops that tooke it bore sway in our Kingdome (being both Privie Counsellers of State, Lord Chancellours, Lord Privie Seales, Lord Trea∣surers, or other great Officers) never lost his hold or usurped power among us, which he still ke••pes, onely by meanes of Bishops in other Kingdomes, where the Prelates * 1.220 yet take this Oath of Alleagiance to him. But this Oath which like a mystery of Iniquity was concealed from our Princes, be∣ing discovered to King Henry the eighth in the twenty fourth yeare of his raigne,* 1.221 this wise Prince considering the disloyal••ty and mischiefe of it, sending for the Speaker and Commons House of Parliament spake thus unto them, Welbeloved Sub∣jects, We had thought the Clergie of our Realme had beene our Subjects, but now We have well perceived that they be but halfe Our Subjects, yea and scarce our Subjects. For all the Prelates at their Consecrations take an Oath to the Pope cleane contrary to the Oath they make unto Vs: (* 1.222 with which the Pope usually dis∣pensed, but never with any Oath made to himselfe, which must be observed and stand good, what ever Oath else bee violated:) so that they seeme to be his Subjects, and not ours. And so delivering them the Coppy of both Oathes (of this to the Pope and the other to himselfe,) required them, to invent some order that he might not be thus deluded. The discovering and opening of these Oathes (which were read in Parliament) both to the King and People (as both Hall and Mr. Fox record) was the occasion that the Pope lost all h••s interest and Jurisdiction here in England within short while after: This Oath to the Pope being thereupon abolished and made voyd by the Statute, and a * 1.223 new Oath to the King pre∣scribed and ministred to the Bishops, together with an Oath of Alleagiance; wherein the Popes Authority stands abjured, and the King acknowledged Supreame head on earth under Christ of the Church of England: the forme of which Oathes are recorded in Mr. Fox, Mr. Hall, and the Statute of 28. Hen. 8. c. 10. The Prologue of which Act, with the Oath ••herein prescribed, being pertinent to our purpose, I shall here recite.

AN ACT EXTINGVISHING the Authority of the Bishop of Rome.

* 2.1FOrasmuch as notwithstanding the good and wholsome Lawes, Ordinances and Statutes heretofore made, en∣acted and established by the Kings Highnesse, our most gra∣cious Soveraigne Lord, and by the whole consent of his High Court of Parliament, for the extirpation abolition and extinguishment out of this Realme, and other his graces Do∣minions, Seigniories, and Countries, of the pretended power and usurped authority of the Bishop of Rome, by some cal∣led the Pope, used within the same, or elsewhere concerning the same Realme, Dominions, Seigniories or Countries, which did obsuscate, and wrest Gods holy Word and Testament, a long season, from the spirituall and true meaning thereof, to his worldly and carnall affections, as Pompe, Glory, Avarice, Ambition, and Tyranny; covering and shadowing the same with his humane and politicke Devises, Traditions and inven∣tions, set forth to promote and stablish his onely Dominion both upon the soules and also the bodies and goods of all Christian people, excluding Christ out of his Kingdome and rule of mans soule, as much as he may, and all other tempo∣rall Kings and Princes out of their Dominions, which they ought to have by Gods Law upon the bodies and goods o•• their Subjects, whereby he did not onely rob the Kings Majestie (being onely the supreame head of this his Realme of England, immediately under God,) of his honour, right, and preheminence due unto him by the Law of God, but spoyled this his Realme yearely of innumerable treasure, and with the losse o•• the same, deceived the Kings loving and obedient Subjects, perswading to them by his Lawes, Bulls, and other his deceivable meanes, such dreames, vanities and fantasies, as by the same many of them were seduced and con∣veyed

unto superstitious and erronious opinions, so that the Kings Majestie, the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, and the Commons of this Realme being over-wearied and fatigated with the Experience of the infinite abominations and mis∣chie••es proceeding of his impostures and craftily colouring of his deceits, to the great damages of soules, bodies and goods, were forced of necessity for the publicke weale of this Realme, to exclude that forraine pretended power, juris∣diction and authority, used and usurped within this Realme, and to devise such remedies for their reliefe in the same, as doth not onely redound to the honour of God, the high praise and advancement of the Kings Majestie and o•• his Realme, but also to the great and inestimable utility of the same. And notwithstanding the sayd wholsome Lawes so made, and hereto••ore established, yet it is commen to the knowledge of the Kings Highnesse, and also to divers and many his loving, faithfull and obedient Subjects, how that divers seditious and contentious persons, being * 2.2 Impes of the sayd Bishop of Rome and his See, and in heart members of his pretended Monarchy, doe in corners and else-where as they dare whisper, inculke, preach, and perswade, and from time to time instill into the eares and heads of the poore simple and unlettered people, the advancement and continu∣ance of the sayd Bishops fained and pretended authority, pretending the same to have his * 2.3 ground and originall of Gods Law, whereby the opinions of many be suspended their judgements corrupted and deceived, and diversitie in opinions augmented and increased, to the great displeasure of Almighty God, the high discontentation of our sayd most Dread Soveraigne Lord, and the interruption of the unity love, Charity, concord, and agreement that ought to be in a Christian Region and Congregation. For avoyding whereof nd repression of the follies of such seditious persons 〈◊〉〈◊〉 are the meanes and Authors of such inconveniences; Be it enacted, ordained and established by the King our Soveraigne Lord and the Lords spirituall and temporall, and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled, and by Authority of the same; That if any person or persons, dwelling, demurring, inhabiting or resiant within this Realme, or within any other the Kings Dominions, Signiories, or Countries, or the Marches

of the same, or elsewhere within or under his obeysance and power, of what Estate, Dignity, Preheminence, Order, Degree or Condition soever he or they be, after the last day of July, which shall be in the yeare of our Lord God, 1530•• shall by Writing, Cyphering, Printing, Preaching, or Teaching Deed or Act, obstinately or malicio••sly hold, or stand with, to ex∣toll, set forth, maintaine or defend, the Authority, Jurisdicti∣on, or Power of the Bishop of Rome, or of his See hereto••ore claimed, used, or usurped within this Realme, or in any Do∣minion or Countie, being of, within, or under the Kings power or obeysance; or by any pretence obstinately or ma∣liciously invent any thing for the extolling, advancing, set∣ting forth maintenance or defence of the same, or any part thereof•• or by any pretence obstinately or maliciously attri∣bute any manner of Jurisdiction, Authority, or P••ehemi∣nence to the sayd See of Rome, or to any Bishop of the same See for the time being within this Realme or in any of the Kings Dominions or Counties: That then every such person or persons so doing or offending, their ayders, assistants, com∣forters, abettors, procurers, maintainers, factors, Counsellours concealors, and every of them, being thereof lawfully convicted according to the Lawes of this Realme, for every such default and offence, shall incurre and run into the dangers, penalties, paines, and forfei••ures ordained and provided by the Satute of Provision and Prae••••nire, made in the ••6. yeare of the Raigne of the Noble and Valiant Prince King Richard the second, a∣gainst such as attempt, procure, or make provision to the See of Rome, or elsewhere, for any thing or things, to the dero∣gation or contrary to the Prerogative Royall, or Jurisdiction of the Crowne and Dignitie of this Realme.

And for stronger defence and maintenance of this Act, It is or∣dained and enacted by authority aforesayd, that all & every Ec∣clesiastical Judge, ordinary, chancellour, commissary, official, vi∣car-generall, and other Ecclesiastical officer or minister, of what dignity, preheminence, or Degree soever they shall be; and all and every Temporall judge, justicia••, Major, bayliffe, sheriffe, under-sheriffe, Escheater, Alderman, Iurat, Constable, Head-borough, third-borough, borsholder, & every other said officer & Minister to be made, created, elected, or admitted within this Realme, or any other the Kings Dominions, of what state, order,

degree or condition soever he shall be, from and after the sayd last day of July, shall before he take upon him the Execution of such Office, make, take and receive, a Corporall oath upon the Evangelists, before such person or persons as have or shall have Authority to admit him: That he from henceforth shall utterly renounce, refuse, relinquish, or forsake the Bishop of Rome and his authority, power, and jurisdiction; and that he shall never consent nor agree, that the Bishop of Rome shall practise, exercise, or have any manner of authority, jurisdiction or power within this Realme or any other the Kings Dominions, but that he shall re••ist the same at all times to the uttermost of his power; and that from hen••eforth he shall accept, repute and take the Kings Majestie to be the onely su∣preame head in earth of the Church of England, and that to his cun∣ning, wit, and uttermost of his power, without guile, fraud, or other undue meanes, he shall observe, keepe, maintaine and defend the whole effects and contents of all and singular Acts and Statutes, made, and to be made, within this Realme, in derogation, extirpation, and extinguishment, of the Bishop of Rome and his authority: and all o∣ther Acts and Statutes made and to be made, in reformation and cor∣roboration of the Kings power of supreame head in earth of the Church of England, and this he shall doe against all manner of per∣sons of what estate, dignity, degree, or condition they be; and in no wise doe nor attempt, nor to his power suffer to be done, or attempted, directly or indirectly, any thing or things, privily or apertly, to the let, hinderance, dammage, or derogation thereof, or of any part thereof, by any manner of meanes, or for any manner of pretence: and in case any o••th be made, or hath beene made by him to any person or persons in maintenance, defence, or favour of the Bishop of Rome, or his authority, jurisdiction, or power, he repute the same as vaine and adnihilate; So helpe him God, &c. I could wi••h this ob∣solete Oath were now againe revived, to hinder the further growth of Popery.

This forementioned Oath to the Pope, usually taken by all our Prelates, being one maine Pillar to support the Popes usur∣ped Monarchy both at home and abroade; and a chiefe engine to undermine the royall Prerogatives of Christian Princes; and perchance the groundworke of many of our owne and forraine Prelates Treasons, Treacheries, Rebellions, Conspiracies, and contempts against their Soveraignes; It will not be amisse, no•• impertinent here to inser•• that excellent discourse, which our

famous Martyr, (m) 2.4 Doctor Barnes hath long since made upon it, in his Supplication to King Henry the 8. where he thus writes.

I dare boldly say that if we poore men, which be now con∣demned for Hereticks, and also for Traytors against our King, had not beene, the Realme of England had not stood in ••o good a condition as it is, for men had beene bound still in their Conscience, to obey this wretched Idoll: who durst have kept this innumerable summe of money, within the Realme, that yearely was sucked out, by this Adder, if our godly learning had not instructed their Conscience? Let all the Li∣braries be sought in England, and there shall not be one Book written in 4. C. yeares, (and admitted by the Church of Rome, and by our spiritualty) found, that doth teach this o∣bedience, and fidelity toward Princes, and delivereth our Realme from the bondage of this wicked Sathan the Pope, or else that is able to satisfie, and to quie•• any mans Conscience within this Realme: and yet I dare say he is no•• in England, that can reprove our learning by the doctrine of our Master Christ, or else of his holy Apostles. Yea, men have studyed and devised how they might bring our mighty Prince, and his Noble Realme, under the feete of this Devill. There could be nothing handled so secretly within this Realme, but if it were either pleasant or profitable to the Pope to know, then were all the Bishops in England sworne, to reveale tha•• matter to him. This may well be proved by their shamefull and trayterous oath, that they contrary to Gods Law, mans Law, and order of nature, have made to this false man the Pope. The words of their oath, written in their (n) 2.5 owne Law, be these•• Then he recites the forementioned oath, which he descants on in this manner•• There hath been wondrous packing used, and hath cost many a thousand mens lives, ere that the spiritualty brought it to passe, that all they should be sworne to the Pope, and owe none obedience to any man, but to him onely. This matter hath beene wondrous craftily con∣veyed, for at the beginning the Bishops were not sworne so straitely unto the Pope as now. For I doe reade in the ••ime of Gregory the third, which w••s in the yeare of our Lord 759. how their oath was no more, but to sweare for to keepe the faith of our Holy Church, and to abide in the unity of the same, and not to consent for any man•• pleasure to the con∣trary,

to promise also to seeke the profits of the Church of Rome. And if any Bishops did live against the old Sta∣tutes of Holy Fathers, with him they should have no conver∣sation, but rather forbid it, if they could, or else truely to shew the Pope of it. This Oath continued a great many of yeares, till that a mortall hatred sprang betweene the Empe∣rour, and the Pope, for confirming of Bishops; then as many Bishops as were confirmed by the Pope did sweare the Oath that I have first written. For this Oath that Gregory maketh mention of, was not sufficient•• because that by it the Bishops were not bound to betray their Princes, not to revela••e their Counsailes to the Pope. The which thing the Pope must needes know, or else he could not bring to passe his purpose, that is to say, he could not be Lord over the world, and cause Emperours and Kings, to fetch their confirmations of him, and to kneele downe, and kisse his feete. The which when he had brought to passe, he proceeded further, adding more things to the Bishops Oath•• to the maintaining of his worldly honour and dignity, as it shall afterward appeare. But first we will examine this Oath, how it standeth with Gods Word; and with the true obedience to our Prince: I pray you tell me out of what Scripture, or else out of what example of our Master Christ and his Holy Apostles you have taken this do∣ctrine, to learne to sweare to S. Peter? or else to the Church of Rome? or else to the * 2.6 Pope? What neede you to sweare to S. Peter? ye can neither doe him good by your fidelity, no•• yet hurt by your falshood. Oathes be taken, that he that the Oath is made unto, might be sure of the true helpe and su••cour of him that sweareth, against all men that could hurt him. Now S. Peter hath none enemies, and though he had, yet is not he afraid of them, neither can you helpe him, nor deliver him if he had neede. But the verity is, that good S. Peter must here stand in the fore-front to make men afrayd with, and to make men beleeve that you are his friends, but God knoweth that you neither favour his person, learning nor living. For if S. Peters person were here with his net on his necke, I thinke you would bid him walke begger, if you called him not Hereticke. Why doe you not swe••re to follow his living? and to preach and teach his Doctrine? but that maketh no∣thing for your purpose. Therefore you sweare all onely ••o

Saint Peters name. But wherein will you be faithfull to Saint Peter? to maintaine his worldly honours, dignities, or riches? you know well he saith, that he hath forsaken all these things for Christs sake, and for these things, I thinke he will require none Oath of you. Wherefore if you will needes be faithfull, and sworne unto S. Peter, it must be in maintaining, and in de∣fending spirituall things, as preaching of Christs Gospell pure∣ly and sincerely, ministring truely after the institution of our Master Christ, the blessed Sacraments of holy Church, and in vertuous living, giving example to the Holy Church of Christ. But now if this be your Oath, truely you are perjured, and worthy to weare Papers, for you doe reckon your selves too high and too honourable, to goe about such simple things as these be. And therefore you have applyed your selves to other greater matters, as to Christening of Bells, to hallowing of Churches,* 2.7 to blessing of Candles, to consecrating of Holy Oyle, to hallowing of Chalices, vestments, and A••tars, and to giving 40. dayes of pardon to them that receive your bles∣sings in the streete, and to some that visite Holy Saints, and such like great matters, which pertaine nothing to your Oath. Wherefore I doe reckon that after the true forme of your Oath, we have but few Bishops, but that be perjured or abjured (call it what you will) both against God, against S. Peter, and against their Prince. It followeth. And to the Holy Church of Rome. What needeth this? what good can you doe to the Church of Rome, or what profit is it to her that you sweare? thinke you that ••he will compell you by your Oath to be true to her? then must she needes sue you of perjury if you breake your Oath. But marke how the Church of Rome is set in your Oath, as the better person before the Pope: wherefore it must needes follow, that the Pope is un∣der the Church, and lesse than the Church, and no head of the Church, except you will make him a third person: ye•• neither pertaineth to S. Peter nor yet to holy Church: but is a thing of himselfe, and as your (o) 2.8 Law saith; neither God nor man, but middle betweene them both, that is as much to say, after my learning, as the Devill himselfe. But what meaneth it, that you sweare onely to the Holy Church of Rome? will you be traytors to the Holy Church of Constantinople? or else to the Holy Church of England? Or doe you thinke other

Churches not holy? tell us what you meane; for it seemeth a marveilous thing, and also a speciall thing, that you make such an Oath all onely to the Holy Church of Rome, naming none other Church. Why are you not rather sworne to keep? and to feede? to nourish? and to be true to your owne Church of the which you have taken cure and charge? As (p) 2.9 S. Peter commandeth you. See that you feede Christs flocke which is among you. For of these you have taken your name, living and dignity, you are called Bishop of Winchester, of London, and of Lincolne; and of these you are Fed, but these be forgotten in your Oath, and these you little regard, but to maintaine the Holy Church of Rome, that giveth you never a penny, but robbeth all other Churches, you must be ••••raite∣ly sworne. And why? Antichrist must have a cloake for his Treason. For now if he be a Traytor, he is to be excused: Why? for he is sworne to it.* 2.10 But shall I tell you what I doe take out of it? The truth is, that you sweare to betray, to kill, and slay all members of all other Churches, saving those that live after the whoredome, and mischief that is used in Rome. For if you should be bound to seeke out in Rome Christened men, and those that doe live after the living of the holy Church, I thinke you should finde but few, yea and unto those, you would thinke scorne to be sworne. Ergo, it must follow that you are sworne to the worst sort of Rome, and that your holy Church of Rome is taken for such a sort, as liveth against his blessed Word, against the living of holy Apostles, against the conditions of our holy Mother the Church. I would say in all oppression, in all Sodomitry, in all murther, in all pompe and pride, summa summarum in all manner of mischiefe, what tongue can tell, or heart can thinke. But I will not say so: for men would reckon me uncharitable and too vehement. Ne∣verthelesse all the world knoweth, that you doe reckon your selfe, by the vertue of your Oath, bound to no men, but unto such, as in very deede, liveth after this ungracious manner; and yet will you be faithfull, and true unto them against all men? yea I dare say: if that their con••cience had not condemned them of such mischiefe, they would never have desired this assistance of you. But the verity is, they are naught, and have neede of maintainers in their mischiefe. And also suspect you not to be t••••e, except you made an Oath to them, yea and

scarsely then, unlesse that you in very deede, at time and place convenient, doe betray your Princes, for that is the cause of your Oath, and other profit hath not the King by it, I will be reported by all practise that ever came out of your Oath. It followeth, And to my Lord the Pope. I would gladly learne where the Pope hath got the dignity of a Lord. This thing is little regarded of my Lords the Bishops, to bring in such a worldly dignity, yea they will say, it is but a trifle, and mocke men for speaking against it; but ••he truth is, i•• they durst as much now, as in times past, they would burne for this little trifle, the best Lord in England. For I dare say, it hath cost many a mans life, or ever they brought the Pope to Lord∣ship. Blessed S. Peter (whose successor the Pope boasteth himself to be) knew nothing of this Lordship, for he saith unto his fellowes, They (q) 2.11 shall not exercise any lordship over the Con∣gregation. And likewise (r) 2.12 S. Paul durst not take upon him to command as a Lord, collections to be made for poore men, but meekely desires them without any Lordship. Also in ano∣the•• place: (s) 2.13 Let no man judge us, but as the Ministers of Christ; blessed S. Paul reckoneth himselfe but a Minister and a Servant: and yet the day hath beene, that he was so good, as my Lord the Pope. Our Master Christ, that came to teach both Peter and Paul, learned his Disciples not to use them∣selves (t) 2.14 as Lords but as Servants. And marke the occasion of that he had sayd, there be two new disciples brought unto him, and the old (being not yet perfect) thought scorne that these two should sit above all other, the one of the right hand, and the other of the l••ft hand: but our Master Christ reprove••h this proud stomacke of theirs, very straightly, saying, How the Princes and Rulers of the infidels hath power over their Subjects; but so shall not yee: for he that will be greatest among you, shall be least. Here our Master Christ learneth none Hypocrisie, that they should be called least in name, and be greatest in very deede: but he will that this Doctrine shall be expressed in their deedes. My Lord the Pope calleth himselfe in words, the Servant of all servants, but in very deed h•• will be Lord over all Lords. Yea ••nd my Lords Bishops will be sworne to him, as unto a Lord, and they will reckon themselves perjured if they burne not all them that will take the Pope but for a ser∣vant. Is not this a marvellous Hypocrisie, to be called servant

of all servants; and yet desire to be taken as Lord and King over all Kings? Yea, and unto this be our Bishops sworne, cause they will be obedient to their Princes. But and their * 2.15 consciences were ripped, you should finde no man sit there as a King, but my Losell the Pope, and we poore men must be condemned for reproving of this. And why? verily be∣cause my Lords have sworne to him, against their Prince, and all his true subjects. But how standeth it with your Oath to∣ward your Prince, for to be sworne to the Pope? which is not all onely another Lord, but also contrary, yea and as the world now is, the greatest mortall enemie, that our Prince hath. For I dare say, that if this wre••ched Clement could drowne our Noble Prince with one word, it would not be long (By Cardinall Poles practise and Instigations) undone sine clementia. The Common saying went in Hamburgh, that this caitise hath not all onely excommunicated our Noble Prince, but also given away the Kingdome to another. And this fact must you defend, for you are sworne to ••he Pope: Yea I dare say, if you had convenient occasion, you would de∣clare your fidelity. I doe Judge after your ••acts, that you have done to Kings in times past, whensoever that you had power and might to bring to passe that which you have conceived a∣gainst your Prince. If you thinke I judge amisse, or else doe you wrong, let me be put to my proose, and you shall see, what an heape of holy facts that I will bring you out of your owne Chronicles and Bookes, for the which you will be lau∣ded, and praised Highly, that you have so faithfully stucke un∣to this damnable Idoll of Rome: yea I dare say it had beene Heresie within this two yeares, to have written, or sayd thus much against the l••mme of the Devill on our Princes side. This all the world can testifie, where••ore I thinke yo•• will put me to no ••ryall. But to your Oath. How doth it stand with your allegiance toward you•• Prince, to be sworne to the Pope: your owne (v) 2.16 Law saith, that a leige man can make none Oath of fidelity to none other man, but to his ow••e King. Moreover you doe remember your Oath made unto you•• Prince, wherein you doe renounce all clauses, words and sentences, made unto the Pope, which may be hur••full or prejudiciall to his High∣nesse: how agreeth these two Oathes? you may set them to∣gether as well as you can; but I know no wayes to avoyd your

perjury.* 2.17 For the very truth is, that the Kings grace, and his councell, considering your Oath made to the Pope, to be pre∣judiciall to his regall power, causeth you in your Oath a••ter∣ward made unto him, to revoke those things that thou hast afore sworne to ••he Pope: and to declare, that his grace and his councell did reckon your Oath made to the Pope to bee against him: therefore he maketh you to revoke it by name, naming the same Oath, and also the same Pope. So that you may clearely perceive, how that our Prince doth suspect you, for your Oath making. And in very deede the Popes meaning and yours was none other, but for to betray the King, and his Realme: and therefore as soone as there was any variance be∣tweene the King and the Pope, then were you first of all as∣soyled of your allegeance due unto our King, and that absolu∣tion was blazen and blowne, preached and taught through∣out all the world, and all doores and postes must bee decked with papers and bulls for your discharge. But for to helpe your Prince, you could never be discharged of your hereticall and trayterous Oath made unto the Pope, against your Prince. Here neither Peter nor Paul can helpe, nor there is no key that can open that locke. O Lord God how have we beene blin∣ded thus trayterously to handle our naturall Prince? But how this Caterpiller is come to be Lord and hath brought Kings under his feete, I will speake (God willing) after this in a particular treatise It followeth, and to his successors, lawfully and regularly entring in. After what Law? I read in your owne * 2.18 Bookes of law, after which me thinkes there be very few Bishops made, wherein I finde among all other good things, that he should be chaste of living, meeke, gentle to speake to, mercifull, well learned in the new and old Testament, and that he should not forbid marriage, nor should blame the eating of flesh, and should also beleeve, that all manner of sinnes, as well actuall as originall, be clearely forgiven in Baptisme. How many of these things the Popes Holinesse is indowed withall, and how many he alloweth, his owne bookes and deedes will testifie. Where∣fore I reckon that your oath doth not meane this Law, nor yet the Law that blessed (y) 2.19 Saint Paul writeth of. For then I rec∣kon, that by the vertue of your Oath, you have not beene bound to one Pope this 400. yeares, so that it must follow, that you have other Lawes, than blessed S. Paul speaketh of,

or the Councell of Carthaginence to choose your Pope by, the which as farre as men can reckon, by common experience and practise be these. Inprimis, He that shall be able to be Pope,* 2.20 must be a vengeable tyrant, never keeping peace but alwayes warring for the defence (as ye call it) of S. Peters patrimony. To suffer no Prince to dwell in rest by him, but to snatch his possessiones to the unholy Church of Rome. To set Princes together by the eares, till they be both weary, and then to take the matter in his hand, and never to make an end, till both parties hath given some possessions to his Holy Father-head: to assoyle the soules, that hath been slaine through his pac∣king:* 2.21 and he that dare most boldly, and with least shame, de∣pose Princes without a cause, he is best able to be Pope. He that can by any traine, craft, or subtilty, bring under him any Bishop or any spirituall person, or invent any new clause in their Oath, he is to be allowed afore other. Moreover, he that keepeth fewest women, and hath most of them, that you wo•• of, he is holiest, and apt to be head of your Church. And he that can most tyrannously burne men for preaching of the Go∣spell, and he himselfe to take no labours therein. Item, to burne Priests that marry wives and he himself to live in all mis∣chiefe, and whoredome, yea in such abominablenesse, as no man may with honesty speake (you know what I meane,) this man I say hath a testimony, afore his spiritual••y, that he is a lawfull man to that Office. Furthermore, he that is a whores sonne, as our Holy Father is now, and can finde the meanes that 12. men will forswear themselves, that he is lawfully born•• as this holy Clement did. This is a fit Fat••••••, for such children. Finally, he that can give most money, and buy the greatest part or Cardinals of his side, he is best worthy to be called Pope, and to set on Peters stoole. For it cannot be unknowne to you how that Thomas VVoulcy, an holy pillar of your Church, would have been Pope, when this Clement was chosen, and did offer for it a reasonable penny; but Clement dashed him out of conceite, with 2000•• pound more than he offered, and so he was judged best worthy, and entred in lawfully and regularly, and unto him our Bishops be sworne, and obedient. And why? because they will have such a head, as they be mem∣bers: for how could else their Kingdome stand? For if one should be chosen after the rule of blessed S. Paul, or else after

the living of these new Heretickes, which be simple and poor••, and care not for no dignities, nor will never sweare nor fight, and would rather marry a wife of their owne, then take other mens, and are alwayes studying and preaching Gods Word, seeking onely the honour of God, and the profit of his neigh∣bour, and will be subject and obedient in all things (desiring none exception) to his Prince. This man, I say, should be un∣lawfull, and not elegible, for he were able to destroy the whole Kingdome of the Papists, and not worthy to receive an Oath of my Lords the Bishops, which will not gladly be prejured for such a mans sake. For he were able to destroy the whole Church of Rome, unto the which our Bishops have beene before sworne. It followeth in your Oath, I shall no•• consent in Counsell or in deede, that they should lose either life or member, or that they should be taken or trapped by any evill meanes. What neede you to sweare thus unto the Pope? doth not the order of Charity binde you thus to use your selfe toward all men, that is to say, neither to hurt them, nor to harme them, neither to intrappe them, nor betray them. But all men must be betray'd, and with craft and subtletie undone, for the maintenance of this one person. The truth is, that ne∣ver man spake against this Popet, but you destroy him, and betray'd him: but this Popet hath blasphemed, and betrayed all Protestants, and yet you were never against him. And why, because you be sworne to him. And you will keepe your Oath be it right or wrong. But in your last Oath, which hath beene newly made, is added this clause, that no man should lay vio∣lent hands upon them in any wise, or any wrong should be done unto them by any manner of Colour. This part is newly brought in, si••••e the flesh of the Pope hath beene so holy, that no man might touch it but Harlots. Christian men must patiently suffer injuries and wrongs, but your head will for∣sweare that point, and maintaine himselfe through your power against all men. How neere that this is the Apostles living, all Christian men can well judge. It followeth in your Oath: Their Councell that shall be shewed unto me; either by their letters, or by their messengers, I shall open to no man to their hurt or damage. Let Princes beware when the Pope sendeth couns••lls unto you, for their meaning is to betray them. For all the world knoweth that the Pope and you doe little regard,

what the beggars of the world doth handle: But what Empe∣rours, Kings, and Dukes doth handle, ••hat must you let and destroy. For that is the Counsell, and you may shew it to no man, No not to your King, and why? because you are sworne to the Pope. But what say you to your Oath made unto your Prince? wherein you sweare, that you shall be faith∣full and true, and beare unto him above all creatures, love and favour, to live and to dye with him, and to open him all manner of Counsells, that may be hurtfull unto his grace. Now it is well knowne, that the Pope hath done and dayly doth handle such Counsells as be against our Princes honour,* 2.22 and conversation. And yet you may neither tell it to your Prince, nor let it, and why, because you be sworne to the Pope, and forsworne to your Prince. Tell me when any thing was opened unto our Prince, by you, that the Pope had handled in coun∣sell against our Prince: Of this thing I will take record of his Noble grace, whether I say true or false•• and yet must I be accu∣sed of Treason. And why, because you are sworne to the Pope, and I am true to the King: It followeth: I will helpe to de∣fend and maintaine the Papistry of Rome, against all men, sa∣ving mine order. And in your, new Oath, now in our days made is added, The regalls of Saint Peter. What and in all men be contained your Prince? you must needes defend him. And why, because ye be sworne to the Pope, and forsworne to your Prince;(z) 2.23 For your Oath to your Prince is to defend him with all your wit and reason against all men, now must you forsake one of them; and your practise hath beene alwayes to forsake your Prince, and sticke to the Pope:* 2.24 for of your Oath made to your Prince, you have been oftentimes assoiled. And as your Law saith, the Church of Rome is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so to doe. But of your Oath made unto the Pope, there is no absolution, neither in heaven nor earth. Neither was it ever read, heard, nor seene, that there could be any dispensation for it. Let me be reported by all the Bookes that ever were written, and by all the Bulls that ever were granted, and by all the experience that ever was used; and if I be found false, let me be blamed; and yet I am sure many men will reckon that I speake uncha∣ritably; but I would faine learne of all Charitable men in England, with what other English words I could declare this intolerable or subtile treason, thus long and shamefully used

ag••inst my Prince, which is necessary to be knowne. And I am compelled by violence to declare both my con••ession and learning in this cause. For men hath not beene ashamed to re∣port that I would (which am but a wretch and poore simple wonne, and not able to kill a Cat, though I would doe my utte••most) to make insurrection against my Noble and mighty Prince, whom (as God knoweth) I doe honour, wor••hip, love and favour to the uttermost power of my heart, and am not satisfied because it is no more. This I speake afore God. Let him be mercifull unto me as it is true: and if I were not so true in my heart, it were not possible for me so earnestly to write against them, whom I doe reckon to handle unfaithfully, and untruely with their Prince, yea against both Gods law and mans law. The very truth is, I can suffer, (through Gods grace) all manner of wrongs, injuries, and slanders; but to be called an hereticke against God, or a Traytor against my Pri••ce, he liveth not, but I will say he lyeth; and will be able so to prove him, if I may be reported by my workes or deedes, by my con∣versation or living, or by any thing that ever I did; (and I dare say as much of my self, notwithstanding our Prelates slanders of me.) But unto my purpose; the Bishops doth swear one Oath to the Pope, & another contrary to their Prince. And yet they will be taken for good and faithfull children: And I poore man must be condemned,* 2.25 and all my workes for Heresi••, and no man to reade them under the paine of Treason. And why? because I write against their perjurie toward their Prince. But how commeth Saint Peter by these regales that you are sworne to defend? seeing that he was never no King, but a Fisher? All the world knoweth, that Regalia belongeth to Kings, and to like power of Kings. Why are you no•• rather sworne to de∣fend Peters net and his Fisherie? the which things hee both had and used, and never regalls.* 2.26 But these things will not maintaine the holy Church of Rome, and therefore yee sweare not to maintaine them. But what meane you by that sentence; Saving mine order? why say you not, saving my Kings pleasure your glosse saith, you may not defend these things with wea∣pons. But oh Lord God what unshamefulnesse is this,* 2.27 thus to delude with words all the whole world? Men knoweth that when the Pope hath neede of your helpe, there is no men sooner in Armes than you are, if you call Armes Harneys,

Bylles, and Glaves, swords and gunnes, and such other things. Doe you not remember how soone the Bishop of Norwich, Henry Spenser, was in Armes to defend Pop•• Vrban, it were but folly to recite examples.* 2.28 In the yeare of our Lord 1164. was there a controversie betweene the Kings Grace, and the Bishops of England, for certaice Prerogatives belonging to the King. Wherefore the King required an Oath, and a con∣firmation of the Bishops, as concerning those Articles prero∣gatives. But answere was made of the Bishops, that those pre∣rogatives, cum omnibus pravitatibus in regio scrip••o contentis, were of none effect, nor strength, because they did forbid to appeale to the Court of Rome, unlesse the King gave licence. And because that no Bishop might goe at the Popes•• calling out of the Realme, without the Kings assent. And because the Clerkes should be convented in criminall causes a fore a temporall Judge. And because the King would heare mat∣ters, as concerning tithes and other Spirituall causes.* 2.29 And be∣cause that it was against the See of Rome, and the dignity of the same, that a Bishop should be convented afore the King. Briefely, they would not be under the King, but this addition should be set unto it, Salvo honore Dei, & Ecclesiiae Romanae, & ordine nostro,* 2.30 that is, we will be under your grace, saving the honour of God, of the Church of Rome, and of our order: the cause why they did except these things, was this, as they themselves grant. For Kings received their authorities, and power of the Church,* 2.31 but the Church receiveth her authority of Christ onely, wherefore they conclude that the King cannot command over Bishops, nor absolve any of them, nor to judge of tithes, nor of Churches, neither ye•• to forbid Bishops, the handling of any spirituall cause. Is not here a marveilous blindnesse and obstinacie against their Prince? They will make it against Gods honour, to obey their King, and are not ashamed to say in the Kings face, that his power is of them. But I pray you whether was Kings before Bishops, or Bishops before Kings? you shall finde, that God had long admitted Kings, or any Bishops (as you take him) was thought of. Doth not the Holy Ghost command that we should honour King?* 2.32 Also in another place. Let all men b•• under the higher powers, for the power is of God, and he that res••steth, resisteth the power of Gods Ordinance,* 2.33 Here Paul saith that Kings power is of God, &

of Bishops. Furthermore, what reason is it to defend the Popes Prerogative against your Princes?* 2.34 Is not your Prince nearer, and more naturall unto you then this wretch the Pope? But here is a thing, that maketh me to marveile. When you sweare to the Pope (saving your order) is as much to say, as you shall not use no weapons, but else you shall be ready and obedient in all things. But when you shall sweare to your King, then (saving your order) is as much to say,* 2.35 as you have authoritie to confirme Kings, and to be their fellowes, and neither to be obedient unto them, nor yet to answere to any Justice before them, but clearely to be exempted, and they not to meddle with you, except they will give you some worldly promotion. If I would use my selfe as uncharitably against you, as you have handled me, doubtlesse I could make something of this, that should displease you. How would you cry, and how would you handle me poore wretch, ••f you had halfe so much against me as this is, but I will let you passe, God hath preserved me hitherto o•• his infinite mercy against your insatiable malice, and no doubt but he will doe the same still. I will returne to your Oath. It followeth,* 2.36 I shall come to the Synod when I am called, unlesse I shall be lawfully let. But why doe you not sweare to compell the Pope to call a Coun∣cell? seeing that it hath beene so often, and so instantly requi∣red of him, by many & Noble Princes of Christendome, yea see∣ing that al Christendom, (such was their desire of Reformation) doth require with great sighes, an order to be taken, and set in the highest Articles of our faith: but unto this you are not sworne. And why: because it is against your holy Pope of Rome: for it there were a generall Councell, both he, and you doe know, that there must needes follow, both over him and you a streight reformation. Therefore after my Counsell say, that you cannot come, for you be lawfully let. It followeth; I shall honourably entreate the Popes Loga••, both going and comming, and in his necessity I shall helpe him. I pray you see, and provide well that he goe not a begging as Peter did. And see also that he neither preach nor teach, but pill and poll, with all mischiefe and unshame fastnesse. And why•• because you are sworne this to maintaine. It followeth: I shall visit yearely my selfe, or by some other messenger, the Pope of Rome, unlesse I ••e dispenced with of them. I pray

you what pertaineth this to the Office of a Bishop, yearely to visit Rome? Christ and the most of his Apostles were never at Rome, and yet they were meetly good Christian men. But I reade in the traditions of the Turke,* 2.37 that certaine of them must yearely visit their Mahomet. From whom I thinke you have taken this custome. Your owne Law saith, that unto this clause must these Bishops all onely be bound, that be im∣mediately underneath the Pope. Now are not you such, for you sweare an oath to the King, that you will immediately take your Bishopricke of him, and hold it all onely of his grace. Wherefore then doe you here sweare against your owne Law? And also against your Oath made to your Prince? Moreover, you know that there was an old custome, in the dayes of King Henry the second, that no Bishop should goe out of the Realme, without the Kings Licence.* 2.38 Are you not bound to keepe this custome: but answere, that the Pope hath dispensed with you, and that you are not bound to keepe any obedience toward the acts that your Prince ma∣keth. Moreover, I marvaile sore, that you be all so straightly sworne of so long time, and never one of you that ever went in my dayes to discharge this Oath. And why? because you are dispensed with. But were it not as good to leave it out of your Oath at first, seeing you intend not to keepe it, as after∣ward to dispence with you for it. No forsooth for then the Pope could not bind you to come to Rome at his pleasure, and betray your King, and all his Counsailes. But in your Oath that is newly made, and that you have sworne last, is ad∣ded, that if the Pope be on this side the mountaines, then you shall visite him every yeare: but if he be beyond the mountaines, then every three yeares. O•••• that knew not your practise and the circumstances of you•• facts that hath beene done, would little suspect this addition: but the very truth is, there is a mischievous and abominable treason in it against Princes. For if it chanced the Emperour, or else any temporall Prince neere unto Rome, to fall at variance with the Pope, then did the Pope straight runne into France, that is to say on this side the Mountaines,* 2.39 where you must visite him yearely. And why? because your God is in distresse, and hath conceived a deadly hatred against a Prince, and cannot bring it to passe, without your helpe and counsell. Where∣••ore

you must come yearely. And also he must know, through your betraying, how your Prince is minded, and whether he be addicted to his contrarie part or not. If he be, you must be∣tray his Counsell, and that yearely: and why? because the Pope is on this side the Mountaines. But and if he be in Rome, and hath all Princes neckes under his girdle, yet is it suffici∣ent that you come every third yeare. For you can at once com∣ming devise as much Treason, as Princes shall avoyd in five yeares. But what belongeth this unto a Bishop: that the Pope is on this side the mountaines, or beyond. If he be bound by Gods Law, yearely to visite the Pope,* 2.40 then must you visite him wheresoever he be, though he were either with God or the Devill: and if you be not bound by Gods Law, what a presumption is it of him to bind you? yea what an over-sight is it of you, to let your selfe thus to be bound? and what a wickednesse is it of you so straightly to keepe this Oath: to the which you are not bound by Scripture, against your obe∣dience made to your Prince, which is commanded by Gods Word? But I pray you what example hath either he, or bles∣sed Saint Peter, to bind by vertue of an Oath, the other Apo∣stles yearely to visit him at Rome? All the world may perceive that this Oath is invented of insatiable covetousnesse, that the Pope and you have toward honours and dignities. And that is well declared by these words, that follow in your Oath. The possessions of my Church, I shall not sell, give, lay to morgage, or make any feoffement, or by any other meanes alienate the same without the Counsell of the Pope.* 2.41 But I pray you tell me one thing, why doe you not sweare that you shall neither buy, nor yet receive any possessions to your Church, nor you shall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pill nor poll, nor shave, to encrease the possessions of y••••r Church? But the truth is, all is fish that commeth to the net with you. And if it come once within your clouches it never commeth out againe, though the king and his Realme should stand in never so great need: but to re∣ceive all his Land, you are alwayes ready, and it is not against your Oath. I doe not say thus, because I would ye should sell or alienate the Possessions of the Church, but because I see that there is nothing maintained by them, but all onely your mischievous pompe and your pride. Your owne law comman∣deth, that the fourth part of the spirituall goods, should be

distributed among poore men. And for that cause they be cal∣led, Bona pauperum, but how little their part is, all the world can testifie. Wherefore doe you sweare,12 2.42 not to alienate your goods, without the Popes licence? The Pope gave them not to you, but the King and his subjects. How commeth he now to be so neare of your Counsell in alienating them? and the King is thrust out, the which hath deserved best to be of your Counsell. But doe you not remember your owne Law? the which doth forbid, that the Pope in any wise, or for any necessity, ••hould alienate the goods of the Church,12 2.43 except it be old houses, which cannot be kept without great charges. This is your owne Law, and against this will you sweare? then must you needes be perjured: for if you alienate your goods with the Popes licence, then is this decree against you and curseth you. Wherefore then put you this in your Oath, see∣ing you cannot alienate your goods with his consent nor yet without it? It followeth in your new Oath, Decrees, Ordi∣nances, Sentences, Dispositions, Reservations, Provisions and Commandments Apostolicke, with all my power, I will ob∣serve, and shall cause other men to observe them: These things were added, when this Idoll was brought so high, that no man durst winch against him,* 2.44 and when he might say & doe what he would. And as your Law Commandeth, no man so hardy to aske him why he doth so. Then began Decrees, Or∣dinances, Depositions, Dispositions, Reservations, Provisions with like shamefulnesse for to spring, and there is no remedie, but they must continue: And why? Because you are sworne to keepe them your selfe, and to compell other men also to keepe them. And out of the keeping of this part of your Oath, springeth forth another sentence th•••• ••••••loweth,* 2.45 which is this: All Heretickes, Schismatickes, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 towards our sayd Lord the Pope, to my power I shall prosecute and with∣stand. This is the cause that made us poore men so great Heretickes. For it can never be proved, that ever wee spake against God, or our King, and yet we be Heretickes. And why, forsooth because the Bishops are sworne to the Popes Decrees, the which condemneth all them for. Heretickes, that speaketh against his holinesse, though he be as holy as my horse; for he saith himselfe in his law,* 2.46 that he needeth not to be holy himselfe, but it is sufficient, that he sitteth in an

holy seate, the••e be his words: who doubteth but he is holy, the which is exalted to so great a dignity?* 2.47 In whom though good workes of his owne merits be wanting, yet are those good workes sufficient, the which were done by his prede∣cessours: upon the which text their glosse saith, that if it bee openly knowne, that the Pope be an Adulterer, or a Murde∣rer, yet ought he not to be accused, &c. Now we poore men cannot suffer such mischievous voyces, wherefore we must be Heretickes.* 2.48 But why? because my Lords the Bishops are sworne to persecute us: but neverthelesse, I trust to Gods grace, and the Kings, that my Lords the Bishops will not be so hard in this point of their Oath, as they have beene. And why? because men may now come to their answere; Surely, there be many clauses in his last Oath added, that be cleare injurie unto P••inces, and against Gods Law, and mans Law, and yet our Bishops will sweare them, yea and that which is worst of all, they will accuse other men of Treason and Re∣bellion and there is no man sworne to treason nor Rebel∣lion but they onely. Wherefore most gracious Prince with all meekenesse and lowlinesse that is due to so noble a Prince, and also that doth become a true subject to doe, I low∣ly and meekely require and desire your grace, to judge be∣tweene the Bishops and me, which of us is truest and faithful∣lest to God and to your Grace:* 2.49 I speake all onely of those that hath, and also would now (if they durst) defend the Pope, and his Lawes. Against them I make this supplication, and against them have I declared the learning and Doctrine, that I have both taught and written. And as for my facts and deeds, what I have done against God and your grace, I require them to say 〈◊〉〈◊〉 uttermost that they can prove, or else by your graciou•• ••••vour, I am here present and offer my selfe to prove them lyars; and that under any manner of paine, that your grace shall assigne: and against them I have declared the learning and Doctrine of their Church, and also brought ex∣amples of their facts and deedes, with the which they have put their Doctrine in exercise. Now if they be grieved or thinke themselves wrongfully handled of me, then I require no more of your grace but indifferently and graciously to heare both them and me, the which thing no doubt as your grace doth know our heavenly Father doth require of you: who pre∣serve your highnesse in all honour and dignity, Amen. Thus far Dr Barnes.

But to returne againe from these Trayterly disloyall Oathes to our Arch-Bishops: (a) 2.50 William Warham,31 2.51 the next Arch-Bishop, as he received his confirmation, consecration, Pall, to∣gether with a power Legatine from Pope Iulius, by sundry Bulls, against the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme, and tooke the forenamed Oath to the Pope, which made him no good Sub∣ject to his Prince; so the Royall Pompe at his instalment and in∣thronization was meerely Anti-Christian. The day before his comming to Canterbury, went thither the Duke of Buckingham who was his * 2.52 Steward [a goodly Office ••or the grea••est Peere of the Realme] attended with 140. horse, to see all things in a readinesse. This Duke had also the Office of Chiefe Butler; and being unable to execute both duties, he deputed Sir George Bourchier unto the Butlership. The Duke himselfe tooke great paines to see that nothing requisite, for the performance of this Solemnity in the most magnificent manner, might be wanting. The next day [being Sunday] he me•• the Arch-bishop over against S. Andrewes Church, and doing low obeysance unto him•• went before him bareheaded to Christ Church: from which Church he was attended by the Duke in like ••ort as he was thi∣ther ward. The Cheere at dinner was as great as for money it might be made, with severall Verses, Pageants, Theaters, Sceans, and Player-like representations, in natu••e o•• a Puppet-play, (made in puffe-past or March-pane) before every Course, de∣••cribed more largely by (b) 2.53 Matthew Parker, fitter for a Maske than a Bishops Consecration; and savoring of more than Asian Luxurie, as this his Suc••essor confesseth. Be••ore the first Messe, the Duke himselfe came riding into the Hall upon a great Horse, bare headed, with his white staffe in his han•••• and when the first dish was set on the Table, made obey ••an••••••••••y bowing his body to the Arch-bishop.(c) 2.54 Such Vassals did ••ho••e proud Popes of Canterbury make the very greatest Nobles, as thus to become their Servants, and waite upon their Roche••s. In this Arch-Bishops time, there fell out great contestations and s••ites at Rome betweene him, and the Bishops of Winchester, London, Lin∣colne, Exeter, and other his Suffragans, touching the Iurisdicti∣ons of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury; which cost much mo∣ney. After this he, and Cardinall Wolsi••, who by his power Le∣gatine invaded and swallowed up all the Jurisdiction & Rightes of the other Pr••••a••es and of the See of Canterbury) had divers

contests, and bickerings. Anno 1512. This Arch-Prelate by an Oration in Parliament against the French King, raised up a bloody warre betweene England and France, towards which two fifteenes were granted by the temporalty and two tenths by the Clergie: after which, Anno. 152••. (d) 2.55 When the Commons were assembled in the nether house, they began to Commune of their grie••es, wherewith the Spiritualty had be∣fore time grievously oppressed them, both contrary to the Law of the Realme, and contrary to all right, and in speciall they were sore moved with sixe great causes.

• [unspec 1] The first, for the excessive fines, which the Ordinaries tooke for Probate of Testaments, insomuch that Sir Henry Guildford Knight of the Garter, and Controller of the Kings house, de∣clared in the open Parliament on his fidelity, that he and others being Executors to sir William Crompton Knight, payed for the Probate of his Will to the Cardinall and the Bishop of Canterbu∣ry a thousand Markes sterling. After this Declaration where shew∣ed so many extortions done by Ordinaries for Probates of Wills, that it were too much to rehearse.
• [unspec 2] The second was, the great polling and extreame exaction, which the Spirituall men used in taking of Corps, Presents, or Mortuaries. For the Children of the desunct should all dye for hunger, and goe a begging, rather than they would of Charity give to them the seely Cow which the dead man ought, if hee had but onely one, such was the Charity then.
• [unspec 3] The third cause was, that Priests being Surveiors, Stewards, and Officers to Bishops, Abbots, and other Spirituall heads•• had and occupied Farmes, Granges, and Grasing in every Country, so that the poore Husband men could have nothing but of them; and yet for that they should pay deerely.
• [unspec 4] The fourth cause was, that Abbats, Priors and Spirituall men kept Tan-houses, and bought and fold Wooll, Cloath, and all manner of Merchandize, as other Temporall Merchants did.
• [unspec 5] The fifth cause was, because that Spirituall Persons promo∣ted to great benefices, and having their Livings of their Flocke, were lying in the Court in Lords houses, and tooke all of the parishioners, and nothing spent on them at all, so that for lacke of Residence, both the poore of the Parish lacked refreshing, and universally all the Parishioners lacked Preaching and true••

• Instruction of Gods Word, to the great perrill of their Soules.
• The sixth cause was, to see one Priest little learned to have [unspec 6] ten or twelve Benefices, and to be resident upon none, and to know many well learned Scholars in the Universities, which were able to preach and teach, to have neither Benefice nor exhibition. These things before this time might in no wise be touched, nor yet talked off by any man, except hee would be made an Hereticke, or lose all that he had. For the * 2.56 Bishops were Chancellors, and had all the rule about the King, so that no man durst once presume to attempt any thing contrary to their profit or commodity. But now, when God had illuminated the eyes of the King, and that their subtile doings were once espied; then men began charitably to desire a Reformation; and so at this Parliament men began to shew their grudges. Where∣upon the Burgesses of the Parliament, appointed ••uch as were learned in the Law, being of the Commons house, to draw one Bill of the Probates of Testaments, another for Mortuaries, and the third for Non-residence, Pluralities, and taking of farme•• by spi∣rituall men. The learned men tooke much paines, and first set forth the Bill of Mortuaries, which passed the Commons house, and was sent up to the Lords. To this Bill the Spirituall Lords made a faire face, saying, that surely Priests and Curats tooke more than they should, and therefore it were well done to take some reaso∣nable order: thus they spake, because it touched them little. But within two dayes after was sent up the Bill concerning Probate of Testaments; at the which the Arch-bishop of Canterbury in e∣speciall, and all other Bishops in generall both frowned and gra••nted, for that touched their profit. Insomuch as D. Iohn Fisher Bishop of Rochester said openly in the Parliament Cham∣ber these words: My Lords, you see dayly what Bills come hither from the Commons house, and all is to the * 2.57 destruction of the Church. For Gods sake see what a Realme the Kingdome of Bohemia was, and when the Church went downe, then fell the glory of the King∣dome: now with the Commons is nothing but downe with the Church, and all this me seemeth is for lacke of faith onely. When these words were reported to the Commons of the nether House, that the Bishop should say, that all their doings were for lacke of faith, they tooke the matter grievously, for they imagined, that the Bishop esteemed them as Heretickes, and so by his slanderous words would have perswaded the Temporall Lords, to have

• restrained their consent from the sayd two Bills, which they before had passed. Wherefore the Commons after long debate, determined to send the Speaker of the Parliament to the Kings highnesse, with a grievous complaint against the Bishop of Rochester; and so on a day, when the King was at leasure, Tho∣mas Audley speaker for the Commons, and thirty of the chiefe of the Commons House, came to the Kings presence in his Pa∣lace at Westminster, which before was called Yorke-place, and there very eloquently declared, What a dishonour to the King, and the Realme it was, to say, that they which were ele∣cted for the wisest men of all the Shires, Cities, and Boroughs, within the Realme of England, should be declared in so Noble and open a presence, to lack faith; which was equivalent to say, that they were infidels, and no Christians, as ill as Turkes or Sarazens, so that what paine or study soever they tooke for the Common wealth, or what Acts or Lawes soever they made or stablished, should be taken as Lawes made by Painims and Hea••hen People, and not worthy to be kept by Christian men. Wherefore he most humbly beso••ght the Kings Highnesse, to call the sayd Bishop before him, and to cause him to speake more discreetly of such a number as was in the Commons-house. The King was not well contented with the saying of the Bi∣shop, yet he gently answered the Speaker, that he would send for the Bishop, and send them word what answere he made; and so they departed againe. After this the King sent for the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury and sixe other Bishops, and for the Bishop of Rochester also, and there declared to him the grudge of the Commons: to the which the Bishop answe••ed, * 2.58 that he meant the doings of the Bohemians, was for lacke of Faith, and not the doings of them that were in the Commons House. Which say∣ing was confirmed by the Bishops being present, who had him in great reputation: and so by that onely saying, the King ac∣cepted his excuse, and thereof sent word to the Commons by Sir VVilliam-Fitz-VVilliams Knight, Treasurer of his House∣hold, which blind excuse pleased the Commons nothing at all. After, divers assemblies were kept betweene certaine of the Lords, and certaine of the Commons, for the Bills of Probates of Testaments, and the Mortuaries; the Temporalty layd to the Spiritualty their owne Lawes and Constitutions, and the Spiri∣tualty sore defended them by prescription and usage; to whom

• this answer was made by a Gentleman of Grayes-Inne, The usage hath ever beene of theeves to Rob on Shooters-hill, Ergo, is it Lawfull With this answere the Spiritual men were sore offended, because their doings were called robberies. But the Temporall men stood still by their sayings, insomuch that the said Gentleman said to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, that both the exaction of Probates of Testaments, and the taking of Mortuaries as they were used, were open Robbery and theft. After long disputa∣tion, the Temporall Lords began to leane to the Commons, but for all that the Bills remained unconcluded for a while. The King like a good and discreete Prince, not long after ayded them for the redresse of their griefes against the Spiritualty, and caused two new Bills to be made indifferently, both for the (e) 2.59 Probates of Testaments and Mortuaries; which Bills were so reasonable, that the Spirituall Lords assented to them all; though they were sore against their minds, and in especiall the Probates of Testaments sore displeased the Bishops, and the Mortuaries sore displ••ased•• the Parsons and Vicars. After these acts thus agreed, the Commons made another (f) 2.60 Act for Plura∣lities of benefices, Non-Residence, buying, selling, and taking of Farmes by Spirituall Persons; which Act so displeased the Spi∣ritually, that the * 2.61 Priests railed on the Commons of the Com∣mon house, and called them Heretickes and Schismatickes; ••or the which divers Priests were punished. This Act was sore de∣ba••ed above in the Parliament Chamber, and the Lords Spiritu∣all would in no wise consent. Wherefore the King perceiving the grudge of his Commons, c••used ••i••ht Lords and eight of his Commons to mee••e in the S••a••••••h••••••er a•• an after-noone; and there was sore debating of the cause, insomuch that the Temporall Lords of the Upper house which were there, ••ooke part with the Commons against the Spirituall Lords, and by force of reason caused them to assent to the ••ill with a little qualifying. Which Bill the•• next day was wholly agreed to in the Lords house, to the great rejoycing•• of the Lay people, and to the great displeasure of the Spirituall persons•• Immedi∣ately after this, not onely Cardinall VVol••e himselfe, but the Arch-bishop and whole Cle••gi•• of ••••gland were brought in∣to a Pr〈7 letters〉〈7 letters〉 by this Parliamen•• the Cardinall for accepting of a power Legati••e from th•• Pope, contrary to the Lawes of the Realme, and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Cl••••••i•• for consenting and sub∣mitted

• thereunto, and holding a Synode by vertue of i••: to avoid this danger, and purchase a pardon, the Clergie of the Province of Canterbury pro••fered to give the King one h••n∣dred thousand pounds, and the Clergie of the Province of Yorke 18000 ••ounds more; but the King would not accept of this summe, unlesse they would declare him in the Act by which they granted him this subsidie, to be supreame head of the Church of England here on earth, next under Christ: but procee∣ded to take the forfeiture of the Premunire against them. This put the Prelates, the Popes sworne vassals, to a great Dilemma; for either they must plainly renounce the Popes usurped supre∣macie, or the Kings mercy, and fall under the lash of a Premu∣nire, whereby all their Bishoprickes, goods, livings were for∣••eited to his Majestie; and their lives and liberties at his devo∣tion. Loath were the Bishops to forsake their old Lord the Pope, whose servants they had beene so long, and therefore they used all delayes and adjournments to spin out the time, and delude the King, but hee would not be mocked by them. At last therefore they agreed upon this recognition. Wee ac∣knowledge the Kings Majestie to be the singular Protector, the supreame Lord, and likewise supreame head of the Church and Clergie of England so farre forth as it is lawfull for him to be by the Lawes of Christ. But the King much offended with this ambiguous dubious, and equivocating acknowledgement (which in truth was no concession of what he demanded) required them to make a full and plaine acknowledgement of his supremacie in direct and positive termes, without ambi∣guity or shifts, or else to denie and conclude against it, and in∣cur••e the penalty of the Premunire. Being thus put to it the Archbishop and Bishops hereupon made many ad∣journments of the Convocation, and at last put it over from Aprill, to the fifth of October, to ••hunne the rocke on which they were like to split themselves, or their holy Father the Pope, in which space the Archbishop died: At last they agre∣ed to give the King the Title he desired, and inserted it into a publike instrument: Whereupon the King at last granted them a generall pardon, in Parliament, which begins thus: (g) 2.62 The King our Soveraigne Lord, calling to his blessed and most gra∣cious remembrance, that his good and loving sub••ects, the most Reverend Father in God the Archbishop of Can••erbury, and

• other Bishops, Suffragans, Prelates, and other spirituall per∣sons of the Province of the Archbishopricke of Canterbury, of this his Realme of England, and the Ministers under-written, which have exercised, practised, or executed in spirituall Courts, and other jurisdictions within the said Province, have fallen, and incurred into divers dangers of his Lawes by things done, perpetrated, and committed contrary to the order of his Lawes, and sp••••ially, contrary to the forme of the Sta∣tutes of Provisours, Provisions, and Premunire: and his High∣nesse having alway a tender eye, with mercy, pitty, and compas∣sion ••owards his spirituall subjects, minding of his high good∣nesse and great benignity, so alwayes to impart the same unto them, as justice being duly administred, all rigour being ex∣cluded, and the great and benevolent minds of his said sub∣jects, largely, and many times approved towards his highnesse, and specially in their Convocation, and Synode now presently being in the Chapiter house of the Monastery of Westminster, by correspondence of gratitude to them to be requi••ed: of his meere motion, benignity, and liberality, by authority of this his Parliament, hath given and granted his liberall and free par∣don to his said good and loving spirituall subjects, and the said Ministers, and to every of them to be had, taken and enjoyed to and by them and every of them by vertue of this present Act, in manner and forme ensuing: that is, to wit; The Kings High∣nesse of his said benignity, and high liberality, in consideration that the sad Archbishop, Bishops, and Clergie of the said Pro∣vince of Canterbury in their said Convocation, now being, have given and granted to him a subsidie of one hundred thousand pounds of lawful••mony currant in this Realme, to be levied and collected by the said Clergy at their proper costs and charges, and to be paid in certaine forme specified in their said graunt thereof, is fully and resolutely contended and pleased, that it be ordained, established, and enacted by authority of this his said Parliament, that the most Reverend Father in God William Archbishop of Canterbury, Metropolitan and Primate of all England, and all other Bishops, and Suffragans, Prelates, &c, shall be by authority of this present pardon, acquired, par∣doned, released, and discharged against his Highnesse, his heires, successours, and executors, and every of them, of all and all manner offences, contempts, and trespasses committed or

• done, against all and singular Statute and Statutes of Provisours, Provisions, and Premunire, and every of them, and of all for∣feitures, and titles, that may grow to the Kings Highnesse by reason of any of the same Statutes, and of all and singular tres∣passes, wrongs, deceits, misdemeanours, for••eitures, penalties and profits, summes of mony, paines of death, paines co••porall and pecuniar, as generally of all other things, causes, quarrels, suits, judgements and exactions in this present Act hereafter no•• excepted, nor soreprised, which may be or can be by his High∣nesse in any wise, or by any meanes pardoned, before and to the ten••h day of the moneth of March, in the 22. yeare of his most Noble Raigne to every of his said loving subjects. Pro∣vided alway that this Act of free pardon shall not in any wise extend or be beneficiall to the Reverend Father in God Iohn Archbishop of Dublin, now being in the Kings Dominions of Ireland, nor shall in any wise extend to pardon, discharge, or acquit the Bishop Hereford, Peter Ligham, Iohn Baker, Adam Travers, Robert Cliffe; Rouland Philips, and Thomas Pelles Clerkes: who it seemes were guilty of some notorious crimes against the King, and therefore excepted out of this generall pardon: But to returne againe to Warham. This (h) 2.63 Arch∣bishop persecuted, and shed the blood of some of our Martyrs, and caused the corpes of VVilliam Tracy Esq. for some ortho∣doxe passages in his Will, to be taken out of the grave, and burn•• for an Hereticke by an Order made in Convocation: sending a Commission to Doctor Parker Chancellour of Wor∣cester to execute this wicked sentence, who accomplished the same. King Henry the eighth hearing his Subject to be taken ou•• of the ground, and burnt without his knowledge or due order of Law, sent for the Chancellour, laid this to his charge as an high offence, who excused himselfe by this Archbishops command then newly dead, but in conclusion it cost the Chancellour 300•• to pu••chase his pardon, and would have cost the Archbishop more, had not his death prevented this danger: In fine, this (i) 2.64 Archbishop VVarham, and Fisher B. of Rochester, gave credit and countenance to the forged visions & revelations of Elizabeth Barton, afterwards condemned of high Treason for the same, as ••••nding to the reproach, perill, and destruction of the Kings pers••n, honou••, fame, and dignity; and Thomas Laurence Register to the Archbishop (it is likely by his Masters privity) proceeded so

• farre, as to write a booke of her counterfeit miracles, revelations and holinesse: for which she and her complyces were afterwards execu••ed as Tiburne as they had justly deserved, being attainted of treason by Parliament: among which cursed c••ue, Richard Maister Priest, Edward Bocking Doctor of Divinity, and Henry Deering Munkes of Canterbury, Henry Gold Bachelor of Di∣vinity, Thomas Laurence Register to the Archbishop o•• Canter∣bury Warham, and Hugh Ric. a Frier observant (who seduced this silly girle to effect their owne, and the Prelates designes the better thereby) suffered death as Traytors, by hanging, drawing, and quartering at Tiburne: The act of their attainder, treasons and execution is at large related by M. Hall in his Chronicle, 25. H. 8. f. 218, 221, 222, 223, 224. to which I shall referre the Reader.

Thomas Cranmer next to him in succession, was made Arch∣bishop by King Henry the 8. much against his will:34 2.65 for in his Discourse with (k) 2.66 D. Martyn, a little before his Martyrdome, being charged by him, that he had aspired to the Archbishopricke of Canterbury; he replyed, I protest before you all, there was ne∣ver man came more unwillingly to a Bishopricke than I did to that, insomuch that when King Henry did send for mee in Post that I should come over, I prolonged my journey by seven weekes at the least, ••hinking that ••ee would be forgetfull of mee in the meane time. Hee comming to the (l) 2.67 See, tooke the like Oath to the Pope as his prede∣c••ss••••rs had done, and therefore was deeply charged of perju••y by Martyn, for renouncing and swearing against the Popes Supremacie afterward, though he answered, that the first oath was against the Lawes of God, of the Realme, the Kings Prerogative, and made void by Parliament, and so not binding. After the nullifying of which oath, partly by his meanes, but principally by the Lord Cro••wels (whom the King made his (m) 2.68 Vicegerent Generall in all Ecclesiasticall affaires and causes, and superiour to the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury in place and Ecclesiasticall power) the Popes Supremacy, and usurped jurisdiction was by severall Acts of Par∣liament quite abolished out of England, as prejudiciall, and di∣rectly opposite to the Kings Prerogative Royall: King Henry dying, the Archbishop swore to his will, by which Queene Mary was to succeed to the Crowne as next heire, in case King Edward died without issue. King Edward seeing the obstinacie of Q••••en•• Mary in matters of Religion, what a pillar she was like to prove to the

Church of Rome, and persecutor of the true Professors of the Go∣spell (n) 2.69 ordaines by his last VVill, that Queene Mary should be put by the Crowne, and the Lady Jane succeed him as next Heire; to which Testament all the Councell swore, and the Archbishop too at last, after much adoe: Whereupon King Edward, and Queene Mary getting the Crowne, and putting by the Lady ••ane; Cran∣mer (o) 2.70 who also aided the Duke of Northumberland with horse and men against the Queene, was thereupon committed prisoner to the Tower, and soone after condemned of high treason, and that by an (p) 2.71 ordinary Iury, for seeking thus to disinherit the Queen: who par∣doning all the rest that were guilty of this crime, released likewise the Treason against him, (q) 2.72 (though shee excepted him out of her ge∣nerall pardon, and some other Bishops,) and accused him onely of heresie as those times deemed it, for which hee was deprived, de∣graded, and burnt at last for a Martyr, repenting of that Re∣cantation, which he had over-cowardly made before, out of feare, and humane frailty. And here, not to detract any thing from the due praise of this our glorious Martyr, give mee leave onely to observe.

• [unspec 1] First that hee had a hand in the condemnation, and execution of (r) 2.73 Lambert, Frith, and some other of our godly Marryrs, before hee was thoroughly instructed in the points of our Religion.
• [unspec 2] Secondly, that hee was the chiefe man in accomplishing the divorce betweene Henry the 8, and Queene Katharine, which occasioned much trouble, dissention, warre; and a furtherer of this Kings subsequent lustfull, if lawfull marriages.
• [unspec 3] Thirdly, that the Lincolne-shire rebels in the sixt Article of their grievances presented to King Henry the 8. complaine thus against this Archbishop, and other Prelates. (s) 2.74 That wee your true Subjects find them grieved, that there be divers Bishops of England of your Graces late promotion, that have subverted the faith of Christ, as wee thinke, which is the (t) 2.75Archbishop of Canterbury, the (u) 2.76 Bishop of Rochester, the Bishop of Sa∣lisbury, the Bishop of S. Daveyes, and the Bishop of Develin, And in speciall, as we thinke, the beginning of all the trouble of this Realme, and the great exactions that hath beene taken of your poore Communalty, have risen by the occasion of the (x) 2.77 Bishop of Lincolne, by whose Officers, and by other of the Lord Cromwells servants, a great rumor and noyse is risen, and the common voyce is, that such jewels, plate, and other

• ornaments of our Parish Churches, which wee occupy in the service and honour of God, should be taken from us, and spoy∣led in like manner and fashion, as the houses of Religion have beene. Adde to this.
• Fourthly, that though the Popes Supremacy were abolished [unspec 4] in his time, by sundry Acts of Parliament, yet the Bishops of that age laboured underhand to support it, what they might, and were both willing to continue & set it up againe, as is cleare by ••1 H•• 8. c. 14. the two notable Statutes of 37. H. 8. c. 17. and 1. Ed. 6. c. 2. worthy consideration. And likewise by M. Tin∣dall, in his obedience of a Christian man, and practise of Popish Prelates, by Rodoricke Mors his complaint to the Par∣liament, c. 19, 20, 21. by VVilliam VVraghtons hunting and finding ou•• of the Romish Fox among the English Bishops, and his rescuing of the Fox, by Henry Stalbridge his exhortato∣ry Epistle, D. Barnes his supplication to King Henry the 8. (s) 2.78M. Fox, and other Treatises written in those dayes even by Protestants, which prove the Bishops of those times to be Tray∣tors to the King; close enemies to the Kings Prerogative, and fast friends to the Popes unjust us••rpation, as Bonner, Stephen Gardener, with other of them shewed themselves in Queene Maries daies. By which it appeares, that the Bishops in those times were ge∣nerally disliked and complained against on all hands. [unspec 5]
• Fifthly, that the bloody Statute of 31. H. 8. c. 14. called by (t) 2.79 some the sixe Articles, by others the whip with sixe strings, and by the most part the bloody statute, was made and devised in this Archbishops time, by the cruelty and policy of the Bishops, especially of Stephen Gardener Bishop of VVinchester: which Statute for the miserable and pernicious tyranny & rigid execution, of the same is worthy of no memory among Christian men, but rather to be bu∣ried in perpetuall silence of oblivion, as (u) 2.80M. Fox determines. (x) 2.81 Ma••thew Parker indeed records that Cranmer opposed this Act at first, then caused it to be (y) 2.82 moderated, and at last to be repealed in King Edwards dayes, but others seeme to imply that he gave consent thereto at first.
• Sixtly, that he is the onely Martyr of all the Archbishops of [unspec 6] Canterbury, none ever dying in defence of the Gospell of Christ but he alone; the others making many Martyrs in all ages by their persecutions, but never being any themselves. Hence Matthew Parker his Successour, writes thus; (z) 2.83 Cranmerus fide

• ... integra, non Pontificia censura in libro vitae scriptus coelestem h••••re∣ditatatem cum Christo consecutus est, ut si in hominibus gloriari fas esset, non ab Augustino, Dunstano, Elphego, Anselmo, Thoma Becket, Edmundo, & reliqua pontificia ••urba, sed ab hoc uno, qui solus in Christi causa contra Antichristum Flammarum incredibili dolore•• ad coelos subla••us est, Cantuariensis sedes nobilitata esse videatur.
• [unspec 7] Seventhly, that as this Prelate at first, was unwilling to be made a Bishop, so he suffered Martyrdome onely after his de∣privation and degradation from his Bishopricke, not whilst hee was a Bishop.
• [unspec 8] Eightly, that hee failed more in his Marty••dome by reason of his cowardly recantation, than any of his fellow Martyrs, and that (a) 2.84 through promises and hopes of life and restitution to his former dignity and Archbishopricke, the chiefe motives inducing him to this shamefull recantation.
• Ninthly, that though he suffered Martyrdome for Religion only as a private Christian, after he was put from his Bishoprick, [unspec 9] not whiles he continued Archbishop, yet he was condemned as a Traytor for-high treason, and that justly, as he confessed, whiles hee was an Archbishop, for an Act done by him as an Arch∣bishop, and Counsellour of State, for which he professed both his sorrow, and repentance; And this Archprelate, and (b) 2.85 Bi∣shop Ridley (committed likewise for Treason) were very importu∣nate suitors to King Edward the 6. to tolerate the use of Masse in his Sister Maries familie;(c) 2.86 pressing him with divers politicke reasons to condescend to this their importunate suite, which the infant King, not onely rejected with strong pious reasons, but teares, to these Bi∣shops great reproach: who thereupon said to M. Cheeke the Kings Tutor: Ah M. Cheeke, you may be glad all the dayes of your life, that you may have such a Scholler, for he hath more Divin••••y in his little finger, than all we have in all our bodies.

35 2.87But to passe from this Martyr to Cardinall Poole, his imme∣diate successor. (d) 2.88 This Archprelate though almost, if not quite a Protestant in the point of justification, was yet a notori-Traytor, and so procliamed by King Henry the 8. who there∣upon gave his D••anery of Exeter to another, and that no•• without just cause: for he refused to come out of Italy to the King his Soveraigne when he sent for him: hee was sent twice by the Pope as his Legate, both to the French King, and the

Germans, to stirre them up to make warre against King Henry the 8. and to invade England, though with ill successe; The King thereupon requested th••m to send him over into England, that he might proceed against him as a Traytor. He was intimate with the Pope, studied to advance his power, and suppresse his Soveraignes, stirred up his friends in England against the King by his letters, whereupon the King banished both him and his mother the Countesse of Salisbury by Act of Parliament, proclay∣med him a Traytor (whence Father Latimer in his 5. Sermon before King Edward calls him Cardinall Poole the Kings Tray∣tor, &c.) and after that be headed his mother and elder brother Vicount Mountacute for high treason. What manner of person,* 2.89 and Traytor this Cardinall was to his Soveraigne, will appeare by a (f) 2.90 Letter written to him being at Rome by Cutbert Tonsiall Bishop of Duresme, and Iohn Stokerley, Bishop of London, which begins thus: For the good will that we have borne unto you in times past, as long as you continued the Kings true subject, wee cannot a little lament and mourne that you neither regarding the inestimable kindnesse of the Kings highnesse, heretofore shewed unto you, in your bringing up, nor the honour of the house that you be come of, nor the wealth of the Country that you are borne in, should so decline from your duty to your Prince, that you should be seduced by faire words, and vaine promises of the Bishop of Rome, to wind with him, going about by all meanes possible to pull downe, and put under foot your naturall Prince and Master, to the destruction of the Coun∣try that hath brought you up; and for the vain-glory of a Red Ha••, to make your selfe an instrument to set forth his malice, who hath stirred up by all meanes that he could, all such Chri∣stian princes as would give eares unto him, to depose the Kings highnesse from his Kingdome and to offer it as a prey to them that should execute his malice, and to stirre if he could his sub∣jects against him in stirring, and nourishing rebellions in his Realme: where the office and duty of all good Christians, and namely of us that be Priests, should be to bring all commotion to tranquillity, and trouble to quietnesse, all discord to con∣cord, and in doing the contrary, wee shew our selves to be but the Ministers of Sathan, and no•• of Christ, who ordai∣ned all us that be Priests to use in all places the legation of peace, and not of discord. But since that cannot be undone,

that is done, the second is, to make amends, and to ••ollow the doing of the Prodigall Sonne spoken of in the Gospell, who re∣turned home to his father, and was well accepted, as no doub•• you might be, if you will say as he said, in acknowledging your folly, and do as hee did, in returning home againe from your wandring abroad in service of them who little care what come of you, so that their purpose by you be served.

This Cardinals Treason, ingratitude, and perfidiousnesse, is yet further exemplified by the same Cutbert Tonstall, in his Sermon which he preached before King Henry the 8. upon Palme Sunday, in the yeare of of our Lord, 1538. Printed anciently by i•• selfe, in part recited by Holinshed p. 1164, 1165. and more largely by (g) 2.91 Thomas Becon, where he thus blazons both the Pope and him in their native colours.

The Bishop of Rome, because he can not longer in this Realm wrongfully use his usurped power in all things as hee was wont to doe, and sucke out of this Realme by avarice insatiable, in∣numerable summes of money yearly to the great exhausting of the same; hee therefore moved and repleat with furious ire, and pestilent malice, goeth about to stirre all Christian Nati∣ons that will give eare to his Devillish enchantments, to move warre against this Realme of England,* 2.92 giving it in prey to all those that by his instigation will invade it. And the Bishop of Rome now of late to set forth his pestilent malice the more, hath allured to his purpose a subject of this Realme Reginald Pole, comming of a noble blood, and thereby the more arrant Tray∣tor, to goe about from Prince to Prince, and from Country to Country, to stirre them to warre against this Realme, and to destroy the same being his native country;* 2.93 whose pestilent purpose, the Princes that hee breaketh it unto, have in much abomination, both for that the Bishop of Rome (who being a Bishop should procure peace) is a stirrer of warre, and because this most arrant and unkind Traytor is his minister to so devil∣lish a purpose, to destroy the Country that he was borne in, which any heathen man would abhorre to doe. But for all that without shame hee still goeth on, exhorting thereunto all Princes that will heare him, who do abhorre to see such unna∣••uralnesse in any man as he shamelesse doth set forwards; whose pernitious treasons late secretly wrought against this Realme, have been by the worke of Almighty God, so marvellously

detected, and by his owne brother without looking ••herefore so diclosed, and condigne punis••ment ensued, that hereafter (God willing) they shall not take any more such roote to ••he noysance of this Realme. And where all Nations of Gentiles, by reasons and by law of nature, do preferre their Coun∣try before their Parents, so that for their Country they will dye against their Parents being traytors; this pestilent man, worse than a Pagan, is not ashamed to destroy (if he could) his native Country. And whereas Curtius an Heathen man was content for saving of the City of Rome where he was borne, to leape into a gaping of the earth, which by the illusions of the devill was answered should not be shut, but that it must first have one: this pernicious man is contented to ru••ne headlong into hell, so that he may destroy thereby his native country of England, being in that behalfe incomparably worse than any Pagan. And besides his pestilent treason, his unkindnesse against the Kings Majestie, who brought him up of a very child, and promoted both him, and likewise restored his blood being tainted, to be of the Peeres of this Realme, and gave him money yearly out of his coffers to maintaine him honou∣rably at study, makes his Treason much more detestable to all the world, and him to be repured more wild and cruell than Tyger. But for all this thou English man take courage unto thee, and be nothing afraid, thou hast God on thy side, who hath gi∣ven this Realme to the generation of Englishmen, to every man in his degree after the lawes of the same: thou hast a Noble, Victorious and Vertuous King, hardy as a Lyon, who will not suffer thee to be so devoured by such wild beasts. Onely take an English heart unto thee, and mistrust not God, but trust firm∣ly in him, and surely the ruine intended against thee shall fall on their owne neckes that intend it, and ••eare not though the devill and his disciples be against thee, for God thy protector is stronger than hee, or any other, and shall by his grace give him and them a fall; and so shew unto thee, that God is on thy side. Consider, that it is written in Prov. 6. that amongst many crimes there rehearsed, that God hateth chiefly, hee doth detest those persons that sow discord among their brethren (as all we Chri∣stians are brethren under our heavenly Father) Also it is writ∣ten in Iohn 8. that those that do stirre men to murther are chil∣dren of the Devill, which was from the beginning a murtherer,

and brought Adam to sinne, and thereby to death; as the Jewes (his children) stirred the peop••e to put Christ to death. Saint Paul also in Rom. 16. warneth them to beware of those that make dissention and debate among them, against the Doctrine that he had taught them, and biddeth them eschew their com∣pany; wherein the Holy Ghost wrought in Paul, for these ma∣ny yeares past little warre hath beene in these parts of Chri∣stendome,* 2.94 but the Bishop of Rome either hath beene a stirrer of it, or a nourisher of it, and seldome any compounder of it, un∣lesse it was for his ambition and profit. Where••ore since as S. Paul saith in 1 Cor. 14. that God is not the God of dissenti∣on, but of peace, who commandeth by his Word peace alway to be kept; we are sure that all those that goe about to breake peace betweene Realmes, and to bring them to warre, are the children of the devill,* 2.95 what holy names soever they pretend to cloake their pestilent malice withall, which cloaking under hy∣pocrisie is double devillishnesse, and of Christ most de••ested; because under his blessed name they do play the Devills part. And therefore seeing Christ is on ourside against them, let us not feare them at all, but putting our confidence in Almighty God, & cleaving fast to the Kings Majesty, our supreme head on earth next under Christ of this Church of England, as ••aithfull subjects by Godslaw ought to do; though they goe about to stirre Gog & Magog, and all the ravenners of the world against us, we trust in God verily, and doubt not but they shall have such a ruine as is prophesied by Ezekiel in C. 39. against Gog and Magog going about to destroy the people of God, whom the people of God shall so vanquish and overthrow on the mountaines of Israel, that none of them shall escape, but their carkasses there to lye to be devoured by ki••es, and crowes, and birds of the aire; and if they shall persist in their pestilent malice, to make invasion into this Realme: then let us wish that their great Captaine Gog, (I meane the Bishop of Rome) may come to them to drinke with them of the same cup that hee maliciously goeth about to prepare for us, that the people of God might surely live in peace. Thus Tonstall, concerning the Pope and the Car∣dinall, though a Papist. It is an Italian proverbe of our English men (h) 2.96 That an Italianated English man, is a devill incarnate: such a one was this Cardinall; qui Italis pontificiisque adulationi∣bus, con••iliis, atque technis in Regis atque Patriae discrimine sic se

〈…〉〈…〉 passus ••st, •••• non modo 〈…〉〈…〉 PRODITOR, writes his immedia••e successor of him•• (i) 2.97 In the 31. yeare of King Henry the 8•• he put the King & Kingdome to extraordina∣ry trouble and expence ••or the King being then enformed by his ••rusty and faithfull friends, that the cankered and cruell Serpent the Bishop of Rome, by that Arch-tr••ytor Reginald Poole, enemy to Gods Words, and his naturall country, had moved and stir∣red divers great Princes and Potentates of Christendome to in∣vade the Realme of England, and utterly to destroy the whole Nation of the same; Wherefore his Majesty in his owne person, without any delay, tooke very laborious and pain••ull journeys ••owards the Sea coasts; also hee sent divers of his Nobles and Counsellours to view and search all the Ports and dangers of the Coasts where any mee••e and convenient landing place might be supposed, as well on the borders of England, as also of VVales, and in all such doubtfull places his highnesse caused divers and many Bulwarkes and ••ortifications to be made: And further, his Highnesse caused the Lord Admirall, Earle of Southhampton, to prepare in readinesse ships for the Sea, to his great cost and charges: And beside this, to have all people in a readinesse, hee directed his commissions throughout the Realme to have his people mustered, and the harnesse and weapons seene and view∣ed, to the intent that all things should be in readinesse if his enemies should make any attempt into this Realme, and like∣wise caused a generall muster to be made of all the Citizens of London betweene the age of 60. and 16. This (k) 2.98 Arch-traytor after the Pope had imployed him to move the Emperour and King of Spaine to breake their league with King Henry, and to proclaime warre against him, kept a continuall guard about him, lest the King should send some to murther him. And re∣tiring to Viterbium, where he lived some space neere a Nunnery, he bega•• two bastards (a sonne and a daughter) on the Abbe••se, who oft repaired to his lodging; which was afterwards obje∣cted to him, when he was (l) 2.99 elected Pope by the major part of Cardinals, and yet lost that Antichristian See by his owne negli∣gence and delayes King Edward the 6. deceasing and Queene Mary comming to the Crowne, she presently sent for this Tray∣tor home; the Pope upon this occasion makes him his Legate, to reduce England under his vassallage, and tyranny. The Car∣dinall hereupon sore longed homeward, not doubting but if

things stood, as hee thought, to get a dispensation to lay off the Hat, and put on a Crowne. But the Emperour mistrusting what the Prelate intended, found devises to hold him beyond the seas, untill the match was concluded betweene Queene Ma••y and his sonne. Anno 1554. he arrived in England, and the same day he landed, an Act passed in the Parliament house (through the Queenes, and VVinchesiers meanes) for his restitution in blood, and the utter repealing of the Act of at••ainder against him in King Henry the 8. his raigne. The Cardinall soone after caused Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury to be deprived and degra∣ded, seating himselfe in his See; and making a long Oration in Parliament, declaring the offence and schisme of the Kingdome in casting off the Pope, and his willingnesse to receive them into the bosome of the Church againe upon their submission; he caused the Parliament to make an Act, repealing all Statutes, Articles, and Provisions made against the See of Rome since the 20. yeare of Henry the 8. reviving the Popes supremacie, and denying the Queens, wherein the whole Realm submitted it selfe to the Pope: some parts of which Act, pertinent to my purpose, I shall crave leave to recite,

(m) 2.100 Whereas since the 20. yeare of K. Henry the 8. of fa∣mous memory, Father unto your Majesty, our most naturall So∣veraigne, and gracious Lady and Queene, much false and erro∣neous Doctrine hath beene taught, preached, and written, part∣ly by divers naturall borne subjects of this Realme, and partly being brought in hither from sundry other forraine Countries, hath beene sowne and spread a broad within the same, by reason wherof, as well the spirituali••y as the temporality of your High∣nesse Realmes and Dominions have swerved from the obedience of the See Apostolicke, and declined from the unity of Christs Church, and so have continued, untill such time as your Majesty being first raised up by God, and set in the seat royall over us, & then by his divine & gracious providence knit in marriage with the most Noble and Vertuous Prince the King our Soveraigne Lord your husband, the Popes holinesse, and the See Apostolike sent hither unto your Majesties, as unto persons undefiled, and by Gods goodnesse preserved from the common infection aforesaid, & to the whole Realm the most reverend father in God the Lord Cardinall Poole, Legate de Latere, to call us home againe into the right way, from whence we have all this long while wandred, and

strayed abroad; and we a••••er sundry long and grievous plagues, and calamities, seeing by the goodnesse of God•• our owne er∣rours, have acknowledged the same unto the said most reverend Father, and by him have beene and are the rather at the contemplation of your Majesties, received and embraced in∣to the unity and bosome of Christs Church, and upon our humble submission, and promise made for a declaration of our repentance, to repeale and abrogate such Acts and Statures as had beene made in Parliament since the said 20. yeare of the said King Henry the 8. against the supremacie of the See Apo••stolike, as in our submission exhibited to the said most reverend Father in God by your Majesties appeareth. The tenor where∣of ensueth. Wee the Lords spirituall and temporall, and the Commons assembled in this present Parliament, representing the whole body of the Realme of England,* 2.101 and the Dominions of the same, in the name of our selves particularly, and also of the said body universally, in this our supplication directed to your Majesties, with most humble suit, that it may by your gra∣ces intercession and meanes be exhibited, to the most reverend Father in God, the Lord Cardinall Poole Legate, sent specially hither from our most holy Father Pope Iulius the third, and the See Apostolike of Rome, do declare our selves very sory and repentant of the Schisme and disobedience committed in this Realme and dominions aforesaid, against the said See Aposto∣like,* 2.102 either by making agreeing, or executing any Lawes or∣dinances, or Commandements against the supremacy of the said See, or otherwise doing or speaking that might impugne the same, offering our selves, and promising by this our suppli∣cation, that for a token and knowledge of our said repentance, we are and shall be alwayes ready under, and with the Autho∣rities of your Majesties, to the uttermost of our powers to doe what shall lye in us for the abrogation and repealing of the said Lawes and Ordinances in this present Parliament, as well for our selves as for the whole body whom wee represent: where∣upon wee most humbly desire your Majesties, as personages undefiled, in the offence of this body towards the said See, which neverthelesse God by his providence hath made subject to you, so to set forth this our most humble suit, that wee may obtaine from the See Apostolike, by the said most reverend Father, as well particularly as generally, absolution, release, and dis∣charge

from all danger of such censures and sen••en••••s, as by the Lawes of the Church wee are fallen into; and that wee may a•• children repentant be received into the bosome, and unity of Christs Church, so as this noble Realme, with all•• the members thereof may in this unity and perfect obedience to the See A∣postolike, and Popes for the time being, serve God and your Majesties to the furtherance and advancement of his honou•• and glory: wee are at the intercession of your Majesties, by the authority of our holy Father Pope Iulius the third, and of the See Apostolicke, assoyled, discharged and delivered from ex∣communication, interdictions, and other censures Ecclesiasticall, which have hanged over our heads for our said defaults since the time of the said schisme mentioned in our said supplicati∣on. The which time the said Lord Legate, and wee do all de∣clare, recognise, and meane by this Act to be onely since the 20. yeare o•• the raigne of your most Noble Father King Henry the 8. It may now like your Majesties, that for the accomplish∣ment of our promise, made in th•• said supplication, that is, to repeale all Lawes and Statutes made contrary to the said supre∣macie and See Apostolike, during the said schisme, which is to be understood, since the 20. yeare of the raigne of the said late King Henry the 8. and so the Lord Legate doth accept, and recognise the same. After which they repeale in this Act also, the Statutes against the Popes supremacie, and profit: And declare, that the title or stile of supemacie, or supreme head of the Church of England, and of Ireland, or either of them, ne∣ver was, nor could be justly or lawfully attributed, or acknow∣ledged to any King or Soveraigne Governour of this Realme, nor in any wise could or might rightfully, justly, or lawfully by any King or Soveraigne Governour of this Realme, be clay∣med, challenged, or used. And withall they commend Queene Mary for omitting this stile, though s••••••led by * 2.103 Act of Parlia∣ment. And to colour this disloyalty and prejudice to the Crown, they adde this srivolous clause to the end of this Act, And foras∣much as we your Majesties humble & obedient subjects the Lords spirituall and temporall, and Commons in this present Parlia∣ment assembled, neither by the making or delivering of either the supplications afor••said, nor by any clause, Articles or Sentence thereof, or of any other Clause, A••ticle, or Sentence of this or any other Statu••e, or the preambles of the same, made or

agreed upon in this Session of this pr••s••nt Parliament, by any manner of interpretation, construction, implication, or other∣wise intend to derogate, impaire, or diminish any of the prero∣gatives, liber••ies, franchesies, preheminences, or jurisdictions of your Crowne imperiall of this Realme, and other the Domi∣nions to the same belonging; Wee do most humbly beseech your Majesties that it may be declared and ordained, and be it ••nac••ed and declared by authority of this present Parliament, that neither the making exhibiting or inferring in this present Statute, or in the preambles of the same, of the supplica••ions or promise aforesaid, or either of them, nor any other things, words, sentences, clauses, Articles in the preambles, or body of the Acts aforesaid, shall be construed, understood, or expoun∣ded to derogate, diminish or take away any the liberties, privi∣ledges, prerogatives, preheminences, authorities, or juris∣dictions, or any part or parcell thereof, which were in your Im∣periall Crowne of this Realme, or did belong to your said Imperiall Crowne, the 20. yeare of the raigne of your the Queens Majesties, most noble Father, (Henry the 8.) or any o∣ther your most noble Progenitors before the said 20: yeare. And the * 2.104 Popes holinesse, and See Apostolicke to be restored, & have and enjoy such authority, preheminence and jurisdiction, as his Holinesse used and exercised, or might lawfully have used and exercised by authority of his supremacie, the said 20. yeare of the raigne of the King your Father within this your Realme of England, and other your Dominions without diminution or enlargement of the same, and none other, and the Ecclesiasti∣call jurisdiction of the * 2.105 Archbishops, Bishops, and Ordina∣naries to be in the same Sta••e for processe of sui••s, punishment of crimes, and execution of censures of the Church, with knowledge of causes belonging to the same, and as large in these points as the said jurisdiction was the said 20. yeare.

Where observe, that the Prelates usurped Jurisdiction over the Kings prerogative was much eclipsed, if not quite abo∣lished by severall statutes made in King Henry the 8. and Ed∣ward the 6. his raigne, and expired together with the Popes, as appeares by these words of the Clergies supplication reci∣ted in the body of this Act. Nos Episcopi & Clerus, &c. cum omni debita humilitate & reverentia, exponimus Majestatibus ve∣stris, quod licet Ecclesiarum, quibus in Episcopos, Decanos, Archi∣diaconos

&c. constituti sumus bona, Iurisdictiones & jura in pernicioso hujus Regni praeterito schismate DEPERDITA ET AMISSA, omni studio & totis nostris v••ribus, recuperare, & ad pristinum ecclesiarum jus revocare, juris remediis niti deberemus, &c. Insu∣per Majestatibus vestris supplicamus, ut pro sua pietate effi∣cere dignentur, ut ea quae ad jurisdictionem nostram & libertatem Ecclesiasticam pertinent, sine quibus debitum nostri pastoralis of∣ficii & curae animarum nobis commissae exercere non possumus, nobis superiorum temporum injuria ablata, restituantur, & ea nobis & ec∣clesiis perpetuo illaesa & salva permaneant; & ut omnes leges, quae hanc nostram jurisdictionem & libertatem Ecclesiasticam tollunt, seu quovis modo impediunt, abrogentur, ad honorem dei, & majestatum vestrarum, &c.

As therefore the Bishops & Popes Jurisdiction were suppres∣sed together before, so it is worth the observation, that they are both revived together by this Act, upon the restauration of Popery; And good reason, for Nicholas le Maistre in his In∣stauration of the Ancient Principality of Bishops, Dedicated to the great French Cardinall Richeleiu, Printed at Paris 1633. in his Dedicatory Epistle to this Cardinall informes us; That verily the Majestie of the Pontificall and Episcopall jurisdiction is so conjoyned and confederated together, that the enemies cannot so guide their hands, but with the same audacity where∣with they assaulted the Popes Crowne, they likewise shaked the Bishops Miters, and as it were with one bloody wound pierced both their sides. Whence it came to passe, that the atrocity of the Bishops sorrowes increased so farre, that their patience suffi∣cient to digest their owne domesticke injuries, was let loose to the dangers of the chiefe Pontise, the Pope, and brake forth into the most sharpe indignation and hatred•• that thence it might appeare, that the glory of their owne name could never be more secure, than when and where the Popes greatnesse shall be a∣dorned with greatest honours: which being violated, all the splendor of the Episcopall Order must necessarily dye and grow contemptible. Hence we see it comes to passe by a certaine Divine assent and Counsell, that the Authority of Bishops should be expelled out of the same Provinces, out of which un∣happy lust had thrust out the Papall Majestie. So this Author of late, by which we may discerne what a neare and indissoluble connexion there is betweene the Papacy and the Prelacie, and

how the Pope and Prelates ever mutually strive to support and advance one anothers authority. Cardinall Poole thus reviving the Popes and Prelates Jurisdiction, and suppressing and eclip∣sing the Royall Prerogative, as you have heard, hereupon the Queenes name and Title * 2.106 formerly used in all Ecclesiasticall Processe, with this clause, Suprema Autoritate Regia legitime ful∣citus & the like, was wholly omitted out of them; and whereas all such processes were sealed with her seale, and all Probates of Wills and Letters of Administration granted in her name, and under her seale onely, not the Bishops, like Writs at the Com∣mon Law, according to the Statute of 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. the Bishops thenceforth used onely their owne seales and names, excluding hers, and so set themselves in her Royall Throne. To effect this, the * 2.107 Cardinall and Prelates caused Queene Mary to send Articles to the Ordinaries to be put in Execution, whereof this was one; * 2.108 that no Bishop or his O••ficer, or any other Person hereafter in any of their Ecclesiastical writings, in proces or other extrajudiciall Acts, doe use to put in this clause or sentence, Regia autoritate fulcitus, or doe demand any Oath touching the Primacy: to which Master Fox annexeth this Marginall anno∣tation, The Kings Authority giveth place to the Popes Autho∣rity, the supremacy of the King repealed; and hereupon in the * 2.109 Queenes writ to Bonner, ••or the sommoning of a Convocation, her stile of Supremum caput was taken away; where note (good Reader, writes Master Fox) concerning the altering and chan∣ging of the Queenes stile, the later part hereof to be le••t out of her Title which is, Ecclesiae Anglicanae & Hibernae supremum ca∣put, because in the Parliament last past, the supremacy being gi∣ven away from the Crowne of England to the Pope, thereupon this parcell of the Title was also taken away: likewise the sayd Bonner giving his Certificate upon the same, left out, Autori∣tate illustrissimae, &c. legitime fulcitus; w^ch parcell also in the said Parliament was reprived and taken away the same time.* 2.110 Which notable usurpation upon the Crowne, though abolished by 1. El. c. 1.8. El. c. 1.1. ••ac. c. 25. and other Acts which revive the statute 1. El. 6. c. 2. being nothing but the Common Law, our Prelates (in imitation of these and other their undutifull Popish Predecessors) have not onely continued, but likewise upon the now Arch-Bishop of Canterburies motion in Star-Chamber, pro∣cured a Resolution and Certificate of all the Judges of England

against the Laws & Kings prerogative royall, to justifie this their usurpation, of issuing out processe under their owne names and seales, and keeping Visitations and Courts in their owne names, without any Patent or Commission from his Majestie, to be le∣gall; as appeares by * 2.111 two Orders of Starre-Chamber, 12. Maii, and 4. Iunii. 13. Caroli. This Arch-prelate Cardinall, having thus re-established the Popes and Prelates jurisdiction here by Act of Parliament, * 2.112 caused divers of our Martyrs to be burnt, of which his Predecessor Cranmer was one; and in his Visitation at Oxford and Cambridge, caused the dead rotten Corps of learned Martin Bucer, Paulus Fagius, Peter Martyrs wise to be digged out of their graves, and burnt to ashes for Heretiques: yea * 2.113 the common talke was, that he purposed to have taken up King Henry the 8. his body at Windsor, and to have burnt it, yea and King Edward the 6. his Corps too, as many thought. I cannot here omit what his immediate suc••essor * 2.114 Matthew Parker, re∣cords of him, that this Cardinall being out of hope to get the Crowne of England to himselfe, to which he aspired, endeavou∣red to transferre all his right therein to King Philip, le••t Queene Mary dying without issue, Queene Elizabeth (who differed from him and the Papists in matters of Religion, whose life he and they had layd in waite for, keeping her in long and strict impri∣sonment) should of right injoy it: to which purpose they very secretly entred into most wicked consultations concerning this matter, to this effect; that Mary not onely by the Common Law should be proclaimed Queene, but likewise a conquerour of the Kingdome by right of warre; so as by this pretext shee might change all publike and private rights and interests, and give the Kingdome to whom soever she pleased. But this coun∣••ell, though liked of at first, yet because it was doubtfull and dangerous, was not long approved of. Wherefore rejecting it they thought it best and most expedient for the establishment of the Popes affaires, that the Lady Elizabeth should be either dispatched out of the way, or married to some Noble Spaniard. But God providing for her and our safety, dissipated all these wicked consultations, and brought them to nothing. And Car∣dinall Poole perswading Queene Mary to joyne with King Phi∣lip her husband in a warre against the French King, with whom Pope Paul the fourth had confederated against the Emperour seeking to betray the Kingdome o•• Naples to him; the Pope

was ••arre exasperated hereby against the Cardinall, * 2.115 that he re∣voked his power Legatine, imprisoned Cardinall Moron Prote∣ctor of the English at Rome, and Pooles speciall friend, cited Poole to appeare at Rome as suspected of Heresie, and created William Peter a Franciscan to be his Legate in his place. The Queene hereupon intercedes for the Cardinall, who having intelli∣gence of this matter refused to have his silver Crosse (the badge of his authority) carried be••ore him, till by the intercession o•• Ormanet the Popes D••tary here in England, and the Queenes mediation, he was at last restored to his Office. In 〈◊〉〈◊〉, * 2.116 the flames of persecution consumed 5. Bishops, 2••. Divines, 8. Gentlemen, 84. Artificers, 100. Husbandmen, Servants, and Labourers, 26. Wives, 20. Widowes, 9. Virgins, a•• Boyes, and 2. Infants. To close up all concerning him in Holmsheds words, * 2.117 A Trayter he lived, and a Traytor he dyed: * 2.118 the same day on which Queene Mary expired, the Tydings of whose depar••ure strucke him quite dead, being sicke before of a quartane Fea∣ver * 2.119 Illud autem (saith his Successour) ad aternam ••mmanitatis Pontificiae memoriam, infamiamque contra Polum valebit, quod eo Legato ac accelerante, integerrimus, Doctissimusque Archiepiscopus Cra••nerus igne crematus est, quod Archiepiscopo praeterea (quod legimus) accidit nemini (sew or none of them having zeale enough to make them Martyrs) pluresque in ill•• sue legationis triennio ferro, sta••maque crudeliter macta•••• sun••, qu••m in ••uius∣quam regis eorum, qui post Lucium huic insulae imperabant, longis∣simo regno. Ita Cranmerum Martyren••, Polum tyram••um ••antua∣ria celebrat: hic plumbo depressus, ille cineribus atque flamma ad coelos elatus est.

Matthew Parker his immediate successor,36 2.120 though a man of better temper, a learned Antiquary,* 2.121 a frequent Preacher of Gods Word, not onely in his Cathedrall at Canterbury, but in sundry Parish Churches; was yet over-Pontificall and Princely in his buildings, feasts, houshold-stuffe, and apparell, if not an over••stiffe maintainer of his Jurisdiction and Ecclesiasticall Courts, which grew so odious among the people, that they offered vio∣lence to the Ministers and Promoters of those Courts (Anno. 1566.) ••eating and vexing them with clamors and out-cryes, as they went along the streetes; which insolency the Queene by her opportun•• severity repressed: Two yeares af••er (Anno•• 1568.) C••lem••n, Burton, Hallingham, Benson, and others, making profession of

the purer Religion more zealously than was knowne before, would allow of nothing but what was taken out of the Scrip∣tnres, and out of a desire of reformation, not onely openly que∣stioned but condemned the received Discipline of the Church of England, with the Church Liturgie, and the very calling o•• Bi∣shop, as favouring too much of the Popish Religion; protesting in the Pulpits, that it was an impious thing to hold any thing Common with the Church of Rome, using all diligence to have the Church of England reformed in every point, according to the Rule of the Church of Geneva. These the Queene (by this Arch-Bishops instigation) commanded to be layd by the heeles: yet it is almost incredible how upon a sudden their followers in∣creased every where (knowne by the envious name of Puri∣tanes) through a kinde of obstinate perversenesse of their owne, stopping their eares against all advise; (so Martyn, though I think rather out of solide judgement and the inconveniences they saw and found in the Lordly Prelacie in thos•• best times) which ••saith hee) might seeme to be helped forward also by the sloathfull connivency of the Bishops (some of whom then mis∣liked their owne calling and government, and could have beene content with its dissolution and change to a better) and the se∣cret favour of some Noble men at Court; whom Martyn slaun∣ders, to have gaped after the goods of the Church; when as they rather did it out of the mischiefes and dislike of the Prela∣ticall government. In his time the * 2.122 Earles of Northumberland, and Westmerland, the Lord Dacres and others•• Anno 1569. be∣ing pressed forward by one Nicholas Martin a Romish Priest, sen•• from the Bishop of Rome to pronounce Queene Elizabeth an Hereticke, and therefore to have lost all Dominion and Sove∣raignty, raised a Rebellion in the North to set up Popery and restore the Romish Religion, the 5. wounds of Christ being painted in their Banners: Murrey, then Regent of Scotland, in∣formed the Queene, that the Bishop of Rosse, then in England, was the Author of that Rebellion•• whereupon he was commit∣ted to the Bishop of London and remained his prisoner. And the same yeare * 2.123 Pope Pius the fifth by his Bull excommunicated and deprived Queene Elizabeth from her Crowne, and absol∣ved all her Nobles, Subjects, and people of the Realme from their Oath of allegiance or any other duty to her, which Bull Iohn Felton setting up at the Bishop of Londons Palace gate, was

executed for his paines: yet I read of no re••utation of it made by this Archprelate.

Edmund Grindall next enjoying this See,37 2.124 a grave and pious man, and a fugitive in Queene Maries raigne, stood highly in Queene Elizabeths ••avour for a long time: till by the cunning devises of some, who accused him as a favourer of the Puritans,* 2.125 Conventicles, and prophecying (which he justified in a particular treatise which I have seene, dedicated to the Queene, and sub∣scribed by all his suffragans) hee utterly lost the same; being thereupon suspended from his Bishopricke and so dyed su∣spended. Martin records, that the true cause of his suspension was, for disallowing the matrimony of Julio, an Italian Physitian, with another mans wife, therein thwarting the Earle of Leicesters plea∣sure. In his dayes M. Iohn (or rather Philip) Stubs of Lincolnes Inne, lost his hand, for writing a booke against the Queenes in∣tended match with the Duke of Anjou, with this Title, The gulfe wherein England will be swallowed up by the French marri∣age, with which the Queene was sorely vexed and displeased. Sentence was pronounced against him by vertue of a Law made in the raigne of Philip and Mary, then expired, and personall to them; whereupon the Iudges and chiefe Lawyers were at va∣riance concerning the force of that Statute:38 2.126 but might prevailed therein against right. And about the same time Edward Cam∣pian, Ralph Sherwin, Luke Kerby, Alexander Briant Priests, were indited, condemned, and executed for high Treason, for plotting the ruine of the Queene and Kingdome, as adhering to the Pope, the Queenes enemie, and comming into England to raise forces against her.

Iohn VVhitegift, next to him in succession, a stately Pontifi∣call Bishop, * 2.127 contested much for the authority and Lordly jurisdiction of Prelates, in defence whereof hee then writ, though hee durst not averre our Archbishops to be of divine institution. Hee had some contestations with the Judges, whom he much troubled about Prohibitions, ex officio oathes, and proceedings, the power of the high Commission and other Exclesiasticall Courts, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he endeavoured to enlarge to the prejudice of the Queenes prerogative, and the Subjects liber∣ties; whereupon, in the Parliament Anno 1585. divers Bils and complaints were exhibited against the oath ex officio, the granting of faculties by Bishops, Non-residencie, and other abuses,

which this Prelate by his power, to prevent a reformation•• crossed and frustrated, to the great disturbance of the Church and State, and the increase o•• schismes and divisions in both. After this Anno 1588. hee procured these reverend Ministers and Gentlemen, M. Vdall, M. Penry,, M. Cartwright, King, Prudlar, Paine, M. Knightly, M. Wigstone, and others, to be questioned, and fined in Starchamber, for writing against the English Hie∣rarchy, and caused M. Penry, Vdall, and others against all Law, and Justice to be condemned, and executed for this cause, whereupon the Judge, before whom they were ar∣raigned, much troubled in conscience, fell into desperation, and died miserably. These his violent proceedings stirred up VVigginton, Coppinger, and franticke Hacket (whom the Prelates oppression made starke mad) to accuse the, Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke of high Treason, and to runne into extra∣vagant actions and opinions, which they afterward recanted. And not these alone, but others likewise, opposing the go∣vernment of the Church of England, disallowed the calling of Bishops, and got some eminent Lawyers (as M. Maurice At∣turney of the Court of Wards, and others) to write against the government of Bishops, and the Oath ex of••icio, which troubled much the whole Church, State, Judges, Parliament and King∣dome, and fired them almost into an uproare; this Archprelate straining his Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction beyond its bounds, farre higher than any of his predecessors since the reformation. Whereupon multitudes of bookes were written against the cal∣ling, Lordlinesse, and extravagances of the Prelates, and their Courts, some in serious, others in more light and jesting man∣ner, wherewith the Prelates were much nettled, and their go∣vernment rendred very odious among the people, which cer∣tainly had then beene subverted, had not the power of this Archprelate made a privy Counsellor, and of Chancellour Hat∣••on (a man popishly affected, as was generally then reported) kept it from ruine. This Archprelates traine of servants was extraordinary great, to the number of above 60 menservants) who were all trained up to martia•••• ••••••ires, and mustred almost every weeke, his stable being sti••l well furnished with good store of great horses; a commendable thing in a warlike Pre∣late, though scarce allowable in a pious Apostolicall Bishop, who should rather traine up schollers for the pulpit, than soul∣diers for the field.

Richard Bancroft his great creature,39 2.128 and immediate successor, had many conflicts with the Judges, concerning prohibitions, ex officio, Oathes, and the power of the High Commissioners, before the King and Councell, to the great disquiet of the Realme, and oppression of the people: hee * 2.129 defended the Bi∣shops Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to be jure Divino, and not de∣rived immediately by Letters Patents from the King, like an ungratefull wretch; contrary to the expresse Acts of 26. H. 8. c. 1.31. H. 8 c. 9, 10.37. H. 8. c. 17. 1. Edw. 6. c.. 1. Eliz. c. 1.1. & 2. Phil. & Mar. c. 8. 8. Eliz. c. 1. and the whole streame of the Fathers, forraine Protestants, and our English writers, to the great affront of the Kings prerogative royall: And if some men yet alive may be credited (who accused him to the Councell of these crimes, and offered to prove them) hee had a hand in the compiling of Dolmans the Jesuites Booke concer∣ning the succession of the Crowne of England; the maine scope of which booke (written, as * 2.130 some say, by Cardinall Allen, and Fr. Ingelfield, Dolmans enemies) was to exclude all persons, how neere soever allyed to the Crown, unlesse they were Roman Catholikes, contending further for the right of Isabel Infanta of Spaine, and seeking to disprove King Iames his most rightfull title there∣unto; which Dolman with other old Priests and Jesuites hee harboured in his house; where they affirme this booke was Printed: and some thought hee was privie to that devillish plot of the Gunpowder-treason, most of the traytors lying at Lambeth whiles they were about that hellish worke. This Re∣lation I had from others, who averred it for truth, and offered to prove it in his lifetime, could they have beene heard. And it seemes for the point of Dolmans booke, and conniving at such other seditious, traiterly, popish pamphlets of that nature, this Prelate was not altogether cleare: for in the * 2.131 Conference at Hampton Court before King Iames, when D. Reynolds mo∣ved the King, that such unlawfull and seditious bookes might be suppressed, at least restrained, which unsetled and corrup∣ted the minds of many young Schollers in both Universities, instancing in Ficlerus a Papist, De jure Magistratus in subditos, for one: Bancroft (then Bishop of London) supposing him∣selfe principally aimed (and why should hee have such a sus∣pition, unlesse conscious of some guilt, upon such a generall motion and information?) answered, first in the Generall: that

there was no such licentious divulging of those Bookes as hee imagined, or complained off. And secondly, to the particular instance of Ficlerus, that he detested both the Author and ap∣plyer alike. But for the first my Lord Cecill justified the com∣plaint true; taxing also the unlimited liberty of dispersing and divulging these Popish and seditious Pamplets both in Pauls Church-yard, and the Universities; instancing in one then late∣ly set forth, and published, namely, Speculum Tragicum; which both his Majesty, and the Lord Henry Howard Earle of North-Hampton, termed a dangerous booke both for matter and in∣tention. Yea Lewis Hughes, an ancient Minister * 2.132 writes thus of this Arch-Prelate; In the later end of Queene Elizabeths raigne, when shee began to be sickly, and not like to live long; D. Bancroft (then Bishop of London) knowing that King Iames was to succeed her, and fearing that his Majestie would reforme things amisse in the worship and service of God, and in the government of the Church, did license a booke written by a Jesuite that hee kept in his house, wherein was written, That it was in the Popes power as a gift appropriate to Saint Peters Chaire, to depose the Kings of England, and to give authority to the people to elect and set up another. Fifteene hundred of those bookes were printed, and dispersed, and being questioned for it, his answer was, that hee did set the Jesuites to write one against another, that hee might out of their writings picke matter against them. It was thought by many, hee had no good meaning in licensing, and suffering so many dangerous Bookes to be dispersed. So hee. Which sufficiently discovers this Arch-Prelates traiterly heart to his Soveraigne, his affection to the Popes supremacy, and disaffection to our Religion; he being a great Persecutor and Silencer of hundreds of our most conscio∣nable preaching Ministers; and, if I may credit other mens re∣ports, his life was ill, and his death fearfull.

40 2.133George Abbot, his successor in this See, though a man of a better temper, and worthy praise for his frequent preaching; was yet taxed by some, for being over-stately to his fellow bre∣thren, and for his overmuch delight in shooting at deere, which he exercised so long, till at last by the unhappy glance of his arrow, hee kild his keeper instead of the Bucke hee let loose at. He incurred his Majesties displeasure so farre (by whose means I know nor, unlesse by his successors,) that hee was debarred

acc••sse to the Kings Court, yea & suspended from his o••fice of Arch-Bishop for a season, which was executed in the interim by Commissioners. He was a means of some good mens troubles in the High Commission,41 2.134 where he caused M. Huntly a Kentish Minister to be most unjustly fined,* 2.135 and imprisoned, for denying to preach a Visitation Sermon, when hee was sicke and unable to doe it, and therefore sent the Arch-deacon 20^s to procure another, which was refused; and which is ••arre more inju••i∣ous, when this poore Minister after many motions was released by the Judges of the Kings Bench by an Habeas Corpus, ••rom his unjust imprisonment, hee, and the other Prelates caused him for this very Act of seeking his just relief in a legall way, to be apprehended by their pursevant immediately after the Judges had bayled him,* 2.136 even in the face of the Court, and for this very cause deprived and degraded him in the High Commission, and committed him a fresh, and gave his living to his Chaplaine, to the great affron•• of justice; for which act he might have smar∣••ed in a high degree, had hee beene but questioned.

I should now descend to the present Archbishop,* 2.137 William Laud, the last of this See, but that I must first ascend to Au••tin the first Archbishop of Canterbury, whom I have purposely re∣served to this place the better to parallell them together.

The Archbishopricke of Canterbury, had its originall creati∣on from Pope Gregory the first, (a very traytor to his Soveraigne Mauritius, and flatterer of the usurper Phocas) about the yeare of our Lord. 600. This its unhappy derivation from ••uch a trecherous, and rebellious parentage, hath tainted the whole line of our Canterburian Arch-Prelates, and infused such an oc∣cult pernicious quality into this See, as hath made it a very chaire of Pestilence, which hath infected all, or most of those, who have sate therein, and made them as great Traytors, and rebels to their Soveraignes of England, as their Holy Fathers of Rome have proved to their liege Lord••, the Roman Emperours, and to plague our ••and with civill dissentions, warres, and blood∣shed, almost as much as the Popes have molested Italy and Ger∣many in this kind.

Augustine the first Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, sent from Rome by Gregory the first, rather to pervert, that convert our Nation to the Christian faith, about 600. yeares after Christ, was consecrated Bishop of the English Nation (for no lesse Diocesse

or title would content him) by Etherius Archbishop of Arelat, electing Canterbury for his Archiepiscopall See. After which by the assistance of King Ethelbert in the yeare 602. hee caused the Brittish Bishops, and learned men to meete together in a Synode at a place called Augustines Ok••, to dispute with them, concer∣ning the observation of Easter day, and the Ceremonies of Baptisme; wherein they differed from the Church of Rome, to whom hee would have them conforme, not onely in doctrine, but even in rites and cere∣monies, using both perswasions, prayers, and threatnings to bring them under his yoke and discipline. But the Britains refusing to con∣form to his demands at this Synode: Augustine, not long after caused another Synode to be sommoned: Whereunto 7. British Bishops, and a great number of Monkes, especially of the fa∣mous Monastery of Bangor, repaired; who inquired of an holy Anchorite living among them, whether they should submit to Austins preaching, and ceremonies, or no? who answered, If hee be a man of God, then obey him: They replying, How shall wee know him to be such a one? hee subjoyned, If hee be meeke and humble, it is credible that he beares the yoke of Christ, and will of∣fer it to you to beare; but if he bee haughty and proud, hee is not of God, and therefore not to be lis••ned to by you. But how, said ••hey, shall wee know this? Observe, quoth hee, how he carrieth himselfe when hee first enters into the Synode, and if hee shall rise up to y••u, know that hee is Christs servant, and obey him in all things: bnt if hee shall do contrary, and whereas you are many, shall proudly despise you, do ye neglect and contemne him againe. Augustine en∣••ers first into the Synode with pride and pompe, with the ban∣ner of his Apostleship, a silver Crosse, a Letany, Procession, Pageants, painted Images, Reliques, Anthems, and such like rituall trifles: The British Bishops approaching neare him, sitting ambitiously in his chaire, he did not onely not rise up to salute them, but also no•• so much as daigne to shew them any signe of love, or benevolence with his countenance or gesture. The Britons observing this arrogancy of the man, contradicted what ever he propounded to them: and whereas hee comman∣ded them to observe the manners and customes of the Church of Rome in all things: they not onely stoutly repugned them, but likewise affirmed their owne rites and ceremenies to be farre ancienter and better than those hee prescribed them, which having received from their ancesters who were followers of the Apostles,

and having so long observed, they ought not to change propter no vos dogmatistas, for new dogmatists pleasures. They further added, that they would not account him for their Archbishop; s••eing they had an Archbishop of their owne already resident at Leicester, to whom t••ey ought to and would obey, and that they would not subject themselves to a forraine Bishop. With which answer Augustine ••eing enraged, fiercely threatned future warres, and revenge of death unto them, which followed soone after. For Augustine requesting the Britons in this Synode, that they would receive him for their Archbishop, and joyne in common labour with him to preach the Gospell to the English Saxons; The Britons who were driven out of their owne country by them refused to doe it, adding, that they had worthily hated the English and their religion, which were esteemed by them but as dogs, and therefore un∣worthily contemned. This answer of the Britons Augustine gladly ••aid hold on, imagining that he had gained an occasion from them, whence hee might revenge their neglect and contempt of him. Therefore hee greedily carries the newes of this contu∣mely to King Ethelbert, which this King not unwillingly laid hold on, and thereupon instigated Edelfred King of the Nor∣thumbrians, his kinsman, although a Pagan, against the Britons: who thereupon, Anno Dom. 613. comes with a numerous, and almost ••tupendious army to Leicester, called by the Britons Ca••••legan (now Chester) where Brochinal the Captaine of the Britans expected his comming, and whether Abbot Dinoth-with a great number of Priests, Hermites, and Monkes, ••specially such as were of Bangor monastery, had fled. These keeping a fast for three dayes space, prayed to God to protect his people from the swords of the Barbarians. The King commanded them to turne their armies first of all upon those who fought against him, though not with armes, yet with their prayers which was more, whom Brochinal their Generall also, (terrified with the first comming of the enemies, flying most shamefully) exposed weaponlesse and naked to the swords of the enemies; 50. men onely of them escaped by flight, the re∣sidue to the number of 1200 were slaine with the sword of ••del∣fred. Beda relates, that Augustine taught by divine Oracle, fore∣told this warre to the British Bishops, and Clerkes in the Au∣gustinian Councell; when as it is more likely, that hee having communicated counsell with King Ethelbert, was not onely

cons••ious to the inferring of that warre, but also the cause there∣of. For he was familiar with the King, by whose perswasion and instigation Edelfred inflicted this calamity on the Britons. And verily it is * 2.138 reported, that Augustine in his first con∣ference concerning these Rites, when hee could not per∣swade them by entreaties, threatned them. Moreover, * 2.139 Aman∣dus Xierixiensis, a man of the order of the Friers Mino∣rites, seemes to suffragate to this conjecture, whose very words I will subjoyne. VVhereas the ••ritains, saith he, were Catholikes, the Saxons were Gentiles, to convert whom S. Gregory sent Augustine and Mellitus, who converted the Saxons. But when as Augustine with his Apostolicall authority would perswade the Brittish Bishops and Abbots to receive him for their Legate, and to preach with him to the English, discord was moved for their dis∣obedience to Saint Augustine, so a warre was raised betweene the King of the Britons, and the King of the Sa••ons, who now be∣ing converted would make the Britons subject to Augustine: by whom (writes Matthew Parker) we are able to prove out of hi∣storians, that Religion was overturned and rooted out, or at least depraved and corrupted. And this they say was predicted by Merlin in these words•• Religion shall be blotted out againe, and there shall be a transmutation of the chiefe Sees: The dignity of London shall adorne Canterbury; which was fulfilled by Augu∣stine, who caused 1200. of the Monkes of Bangor in Wales to be slaine, because they obeyed him not in the councell, as Alexan∣der Essebiensis plainly teacheth. It is marvellous that Merlin in one prophecie and in coherent words should thus foretell the deletion of religion, the transmutation of the Principall Sees and the transferring of the dignity of London to Canterbury. This slaughter of these Monkes of Bangor by Edelfred, the a∣venger of Augustines wrath, was avenged soone after by God, who hated his cruelty: for whiles the King hastned to ••oote out the remainder of them, and burne their famous Monastery; three Dukes of the Britaines met him, slew ten thousand and sixty of his souldiers, routed his whole army, wounded the King himselfe, and put him to a shamefull flight. This was the fruit of this first Archbishop of Canterbury, to raise up such a bloody warre within the bowels of our Kingdomes, to the ruine of both parties, and all to advance his owne jurisdiction, and intro∣duce his Roman ceremonies. And verily (writes * 2.140 Matthew

Parker his successour) that first contention raysed by Augustine about the introducing of Roman Rites, which could not be appeased but with the overthrow and blood of the innocent Britaines, ad no∣s••ra recentiora tempora, cum simili pernicie, coedeque Christia∣norum pervenit, is desceuded to our latter times, with the like de∣struction of Christians.

And had he lived to have seen and heard the violent actions & practises of his present successor William Laud;42 2.141 whose min••on * 2.142 D. Iohn Pocklinton, in two severall pernitious Pamphlets (adjudged solemnely to be burnt in both Universities by the Lords House of Parliament, though licensed for the Presse by D. Bray this Canterburies owne domesticke Chaplain, who by like order fron the Lords House hath publikely recanted his licensing of these Pamphlets in a Sermon at Saint Margarets in VVestminster, before sundry of the Commons House) hath pro∣claimed to the World, that this present Prelate of Canterbury de∣rived his lineall succession from this Augustine; first Prelate of this See, and so through his loynes from Pope Gregory the first founder of it, and through his predecessours, from S. Peters Chaire at Rome; though I doubt * 2.143 Peter never sate Bishop, nor ever had any chaire there: I say, had he but survived to have seene Bishop Lauds strange violent acts, and tyranno••s proceedings to advance his Archiepiscopall authority, and erect Romes superstitions, rites, and ceremonies in the Churches of England, Scotland, and Ireland; and that even by warre, by blood shed rather than saile in his designes; by cutting of Ministers, Lawyers, Physiti∣ans and Mechanicks eares, searing their che••kes, slitting their noses, whipping them openly through the streetes at carts tailes; banishing them their Country, shutting them up close Prisoners in remote Ilands, where neither their kindred, friends, wives, nor children must have any accesse to them, no nor yet once set footing in those Ilands to enq••ire how their husbands did, under paine of like imprisonment, no•• they have pen, inke, or paper once allowed them to write to their friends for neces∣saries; and by a bloody cruell warre betweene England and Scotland, which Bishop Peirce truly termed Bellum Episcopale, the Bishops warre:* 2.144 he would have thought himselfe a Prophet, & this saying of his more experimentally verefied by this Arch-prelate, than by any of his Predecessors; all whose tyranny, malice, fury, violence, injustice, lawlesnesse, oppression, inhu∣manity,

trechery, pride, ambition, extravagances, treasons, and prelaticall vices seeme to meere and lodge together in him, as in their prop••r center, as I could largely manifest by particu∣lars, did not his unjust and rigorous proceedings against my selfe, and all who had relation to mee, without any just cause or provocation on my part or theirs, command mee silence, lest I might seeme malicious or revengefull. Since therefore these his practises are so notorious unto all, I shall forbeare to rip up particulars, and close up all concerning him, with the whole house of Commons, Articles, and Charges of high Trea∣son against him, as they were transmitted to the Lords by that worthy Gentleman (my much honoured friend) M. Iohn Pymme, which being a publike charge of all the Commons by way of justice, in the supremest Court of Judicature, published alrea∣dy to the world in Print: I hope it will neither be reputed a scandalum magnatum, nor matter of revenge in mee, if I here in∣sert them, since most pertinent to the Subject matter of this Treatise, which I had in part digested many yeares by-past, be∣fore his last information in Starchamber exhibited against mee.

A true Copy of the Articles of the Commons assembled in Parlia∣ment, against WILLIAM LAUD Archbishop of Canter∣bury, in maintenance of their accusation, whereby hee stands charged with high Treason: and of the Speech or Declaration of JOHN PYMME, Esquire, upon the same: upon their transmission to the Lord.

My Lords,

* 3.1I Am commanded by the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses now assembled for the Commons in Parliament; to de∣liver to your Lordships these Articles, in maintenance of their Charge against the Archbishop of Canterbury. Their desire is, that first your Lordships would be pleased to heare the Arti∣cles read, and then I shall endeavour to present to you the sense of the Commons, concerning the nature of the Charge, and the order of their proceedings.

Articles of the Commons assembled in Parliament, in maintenance of their accusation against WILLIAM LAUD, Arch∣bishop of Canterbury: whereby hee stands charged with high Treason.

1. That hee hath traiterously endeavoured to subvert the fundamentall Lawes, and Government of this Kingdome of England, and instead thereof to introduce an Arbit••ary, and tyrannicall Government against Law; and to that end, hath wickedly and traiterously advised his Majesty, that hee might at his owne will and pleasure, leavie, and take money of his Sub∣jects, without their consent in Parliament; and this hee affir∣med was warrantable by the Law of God.

2. He hath for the better accomplishment of that his traite∣rous designe, advised, and procured Sermons, and other dis∣courses to be Preached, Printed, and published, in which the Authority of Parliaments, and the force of the Lawes of this Kingdome, have bin denyed; and absolute and unlimited power over the persons and estates of his Majesties subjects maintained and defended, not onely in the King, but in him∣selfe, and other Bishops, against the Law: And he hath beene a great protector, favourer, and promoter of the publishers of such false and pernicious opinions.

3. Hee hath by Letters, Messages, Threa••s, and Promises, and by divers other wayes to Judges, and other Ministers of Justice, interrupted and perverted, and at other times by meanes aforesaid, hath endeavoured to interrupt, and pervert the course of Justice in his Majesties Courts at Westminster, and other Courts, to the subversion of the Lawes of this Kingdome, whereby sundry of his Majesties Subjects have beene stopt in their just suits, deprived of their lawfull rights, and subjected to his tyrannicall will, to their ruine, and destruction.

4. That the said Archbishop, hath trayterously, and corruptly sold Justice to those, who have had causes depending before him, by colour of his Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction, as Archbi∣shop, High Commissioner, Referree, or otherwise, and hath taken unlawfull gifts, and bribes of his Majesties Su•••••••• (and hath as much as in him lies) endeavoured to corrupt the other Courts of Justice, by advising, and procuring his Majesty

to ••ell places of Judicature, and other Offices contrary to the Lawes and Statutes in that behalfe.

5. He hath trayterously caused a booke of Canons to be com∣posed, and published without any lawfull warrant, and autho∣rity in that behalfe; in which pretended Canons, many matters are contained contrary to the Kings Prerogative, to the funda∣mentall Lawes, and Statutes of this Realme, to the right of Parliament, to the propriety, and liberty of the subject, and matters tending to sedition, and of dangerous consequence, and to the establishment of a vast, unlawfull, and presumptuous power in himselfe, and his successors: many of which Canons, by the practise of the said Archbishop, were surrepti••iously pas∣sed in the late Convoc••tion, without due consideration and debate: others by feare and compulsion, were subscribed by the Prelates, and Clarkes there assembled, which h••d never beene voted, and passed in the Convocation, as they ought to have beene. And the said Archbishop hath contrive••, and endea∣voured to assure, and confirme the unlawfull and exorbitant power, which hee hath usurped and exercised over his Maje∣sties Subjects, by a wicked and ungodly oath in one of the said pretended Canons, injoyned to be taken by all the Clear∣gie, and many of the Laity of this Kingdome.

6. He hath trayterously assumed to himselfe a Papall and ty∣rannicall power, both in Ecclesiasticall, and Temporall mat∣ters, over his Majesties Subjects in this Realme of England, and in other places, to the disherison of the Crowne, dishonour of his Majestie, and derogation of his supreme authority in Eccle∣siasticall matters; And the said Archbishop claimes the Kings Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction, as incident to his Episcopall, and Archiepiscopall office, in this Kingdome, and doth deny the ••ame to be derived from the Crowne of England, which he hath accordingly exercised, to the hig•• contempt of his royall Ma∣jesty, and to the destruction of divers of the Kings liege people, in their persons, and estates.

7. That he hath trayterously indeavoured to alter and sub∣vert Gods true Religion, by Law established in this Realm, and in stead thereof to set up Popish superstition, and Idolatry. And to that end, hath declared and maintained in Speeches, and Printed Booke, divers popish doctrines, and opinions con∣trary to the Articles of Religion established by Law. Hee

hath urged and injoyned divers Popish, and superstitious Ce∣remonies without any warrant of Law, and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same, by corporall punishments, and Imprisonments; and most unjustly vexed o∣thers, who refused to conforme thereunto, by Ecclesiasticall censures of Excommunication, Suspension, Deprivation, and Degradation, contrary to the Lawes of this Kingdome.

8. That for the better advancing of his trayterous purpose and de••igne, he did abuse the great power, and trust his Maje∣sty reposed in him, and did intrude upon the place•• of divers great officers, and upon the rig••t of other his Majesties Sub∣jects, whereby hee did procure to himselfe the nomination of sundry persons to Ecclesiasticall Dignities, Promotions, and Be∣nefices, belonging to his Majesty, and divers of the Nobility, Clergy, and others; and hath taken upon him the commenda∣dation of Chaplaines to the King; by which meanes hee hath preferred to his Majesties service, and to other great promotions in the Church•• su••h as have beene Popishly affected, or other∣wise un••ound, and corrupt both in doctrine and manner••.

9. Hee hath for the same trayterous, and wicked intent, chosen and imployed, such men to be his owne Domesticall Chaplaines, whom hee knew to be notoriously disaffected to the reformed religion, grosly addicted to popish superstition, and erroneous, and unsound both in Judgement and practise, and to them or some of them hath hee committed the Licensing of Bookes to be Printed, by which meane•• divers false and su∣perstitious bookes have beene published, to the great scan∣dall of Religion, and to the seducing of many his Majesties Subjects.

10. He hath trayterously & wickedly endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church Rome; and for the effe∣cting thereof, hath consorted, & confederated with divers popish Priests, and Jesuites; and hath kept secret intelligence with the Pope of Rome, & by himselfe, his Agents & Instruments, treated with such as have from thence received•• Authority, and instructi∣on; he hath permitted, and countenanced a popish Hierarchie, or Ecclesiasticall government to be•• established in this King∣dome: by all which trayterous and malicious practises this Church and Kingdome hath beene exceedingly indangered, and like to fall under the Tyranny of the Roman See.

11. Hee in his owne person, and his suffragans, Visitors, Sut∣rogates, Chancellors, and other Officers, by his command, have caused divers learned, pious, and Orthodox Ministers of Gods word to be silenced, suspended, deprived, degraded, ex∣communicated, & otherwise grieved, without any just and law∣full cause: and by divers other meanes hee hath hindred the preaching of Gods word, caused divers of his Majesties loyall Subjects to forsake the Kingdome, and increased, and cherished Ignorance, and profanenesse amongst the people, that so hee might th•• better facilitate the way to the effecting of his owne wicked and trayterous designe, of altering, and corrupting the true religion here established.

12. Hee hath traiterously endeavoured to cause division, and discord betwixt the Church of England, and other Re••ormed Churches, and to that end hath supprest, and abrogated the Priviledges, and Immunities, which have beene by his Maje∣sty, and his royall Ancestors graunted to the Dutch, and French Churches in this Kingdome: and divers other wayes hath ex∣pressed his malice, and disaffection to these Churches, that so by such disunion, the Papists might have more advantage ••or the overthrow, and extirpation of both.

* 3.213. Hee hath maliciously and traiterously plotted, and en∣deavoured to stirre up warre and enmity betwixt his Majesties two Kingdomes of England, and Scotland, and to that pur∣pose hath laboured to introduce into the Kingdome of Scot∣land, divers Innovations both in Religion, and Government, all or the most part of them tending to popery, & superstition, to the great grievance, and discontent of his Majesties Subjects of that Nation: a••d for their refusing to submit to such In∣novations, hee did trayterously advise his Majesty to sub∣due them by force of Armes, and by his owne Authority and Power contrary ••o Law, did procure sundry of his Majesties subjects, and inforced the Clergie of this Kingdome to contri∣bute towards the maintenance of * 3.3 that warre, and when his Majesty with much wisedome and Justice had made a Pacifica∣tion betwixt the two Kingdomes, the said A••chbishop did pre∣sumptuously censure that pacification, as dishonourable to his Majestie, and by his counsels and endeavours, so incensed his Majestie against his said subjects of Scotland, that hee did thereupon (by advice of the said Archbishop) ••nter into an

offensive warre against them, to the grea•• hazzard of his Maje∣sties person, and his subjects of both Kingdomes.

14. That to preserve himselfe from being questioned for these, and other his trayterous courses, hee laboured to sub∣ver••s the rights of Parliament, and the ancient course of Parlia∣mentary proceeding, and by false and malitious slanders to incense his Majesty against Parliaments.

By which words, counsel••, and actions, he hath traiterously, and contrary to his allegiance laboured to alienate the hearts of the Kings liege people from his Majesty, and to set a division betweene them, and to ruine and destroy his Majesties King∣domes; for which they do impeach him of High Treason, agai••st our Soveraigne Lord the King, his Crowne and Dig∣nity.

The said Commons do further averre, that the said VVilliam Archbishop of Caterbury, during the times that the crimes afore∣mentioned were done, and committed, hath beene a Bishop, or Archbishop of this Realm of England, one of the Kings Com∣missioners for Ecclesiasticall matters•• and one of his Majesties most honourable Privie Councell, and hath taken an Oath for his faithfull discharge of the said Office of Councellor, and hath likewise taken an oath of supremacy and Allegean••e.

And the said Commons by protestation saving to themselves the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter, any other accusa∣tion or impeachment against the said Archbishop, and also of replying to the Answers, t••at the said Archbishop shall make unto the said Articles, or to any of them, and of offering fur∣ther proofe also of the Premises, or any of them, or of any other impeachment, or accusation that shall be exhibited by them, as the cause shall according to the cours•• of Parliament require, do pray that the said Archbishop may be put to an∣swer to all and every the Premises, and that such proceedings, examination, tryall, and Judgement may be upon every of them had and used, as is agreeable to Law and Justice.

The Articles being read, M. PYMME proceeded in his Speech as followeth.

My Lords,

There is an expression in the Scripture, which I will not pre∣sume either to understand, or to interpret; yet to a vulgar eye

it seemes to have an aspect something surable to the Person and Cause before you: It is a description of the evill Spirits, wherein they are said to be spirituall wickednesse in high places. Crimes acted by the spirituall faculties of the Soule, the Will and the Understanding, exercised about spirituall matters, concerning Gods Wordship, and the Salvation of Man; seconded with power, authority, learning, and many other advantages, do make the party who commits them, very sutable to that description, Spirituall wickednesses in high places.

These crimes (My Lords) are various in their Nature, hay∣nous in their quality, and universall in their extent. If you examine them Theologically, as they stand in opposition to the truth of God, they will be found to be against the rule of Faith, against the power of godlinesse, against the meanes of Salva∣tion.

If you examine them Morally, as they stand in opposition to the light of Nature, to right reason, and the principles of humane society, you will then perceive pride without any moderation•• such a Pride as that is which exalts it selfe above all that is called God. Malice without any provocation; Malice against vertue, against innocencie, against piety, injustice with∣out any meanes of restitution, even such injustice as doth robbe the present times of their possessions; the future, of their pos∣sibilities.

I•• they be examined (My Lords) by Legall Rules in a Civill way, as they stand in opposition to the Publiqu•• Good, and to the Lawes of the Land. Hee will be found to be a Traytor a••gainst his Majesties Crowne, an incendiary against the Peace of the State; hee will be found to be the highest, the bol∣dest, the mo••t i••pudent oppressour, that ever was an oppressor both of King and People••

This Charge (my Lords) is distributed and conveyed into ••o••••teene severall Articles, as you have heard; and those ar∣ticles are onely generall: I•• being the intention of the House of Commons (which they have commanded mee to declare) to make them more certaine and particular by preparatory Exa∣minations to be taken with the helpe of your Lordships house, as in the Case of my Lord of Strafford.

I shall now runne thorough them with a light touch, onely marking in every of them some speciall point of venome, viru∣lency, and malignity.

1 The first Article (my Lords) doth containe his ••ndeavour to introduce into this Kingdome an Arbitrary power of Go∣vernment, without any limitations or Rules of Law. This (my Lords) is against the safety of the Kings Person, the honour of his Crowne, and most destructive to his people.

Those Causss which are most perfect have not onely a power to produce effects, but to conserve and cheri••h them. The Se∣minary vertue, and the nutritive vertue in vegetables, do pro∣duce from the same principles. It was the defect of justice, the restraining of oppression and violence that first brought go∣vernment into the World, and set up Kings, the most ex∣cellent way of Government. And by the maint••nance of Justice all kinds of government receive a sure foundation and esta∣blishment. It is this that hath in it an ability to preserve, and secure the royall power of Kings, yea, to adorne and encrease it.

2 In the second Article, yo••r Lordships may observe, abso∣lute and unlimited power, defended by Preaching, by Sermons, and other discourses, printed and published upon that subject. And truely (my Lords) it seemes to be a prodigious crime, that the truth of God, and his holy Law should be perverted to defend the lawlesnesse of men. That the holy and sacred fun∣ction of the Ministry, which was ordained for instruction of mens soules in the wayes of God, should be so abused, that the Ministers are become the trumpets of sedition, the promoters and defenders of violence and oppression.

3 In the third Article (my Lords) you have the Judges, who under his Majesty are the dispersers and distributers of Ju∣stice, frequently corrupted by feare, & solicitation; you have the course of Justice in the execution of it•• shamefully obstructed. And if a wilfull Act of injustice in a Judge be so high a crime in the estimate of the Law, as to deserve death, under what bur∣then of guilt doth this man lye, who hath beene the cause of great numbers of such voluntary and wilfull acts of injustice?

4 In the fourth Article, hee will be found in his owne person to have sold justice in Causes depending be••ore him. And by his wicked couns••ll endeavouring to make his Majesty a Merchant of the same commodity, onely with this difference, that the King by taking money for places of judicature, should sell it in grosse; whereas the Archbishop sold it by retaile.

5 In the fi••t Article, there appeares a power usurped of

making Canons; of laying obligations on the Subjects in the nature of Lawes: and this power abused to the making of such Canons as are in the matter of them very pernicious, be∣ing directly contrary to the prerogative of the King, and the li∣berty of the people. In the manner of pressing of them, may be found fraud and shuf••ling: in the conclusion, violence and constaint; men being forced by terrour and threatning to sub∣scribe to all: which power thus wickedly gotten, they labou∣red to establish by perjury, injoyning such an Oath for the maintenance of it, as can neither be taken nor kept with a good conscience.

6. In the sixth Article, you have the King robbed of his Supremacy: you have a Papall power exercised over his Ma∣jesties Subjects in their consciences, and in their persons: You have Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction claimed by an Incident right, which the Law declares to proceede from the Crowne.

And herein your Lordships may observe that those who la∣bour in civill matters to set up ••he King above the Lawes of the Kingdome, do••e yet in Ecclesiasticall matters endevour to set up themselves above the King. This was ••irst procured by the Arch-bishop to be extrajudicially declared by the Judges, and then to be published in a Proclamation. In doing whereof he hath made the Kings Throne but a footstoole for his owne and their pride.

7. You have (my Lords) in the seventh Article, Religion undermined and s••bverted: you have Popery cherished and de••ended: you have this seconded with power and violence, by severe punishment upon those which have opposed this mischievous intention: and by the subtile and eager prosecu∣tion of these men, hath the power of Ecclesiasticall Commissio∣ners, of the Starre-Chamber and Councell Table beene often made subservient to his wicked designe.

My Lords,

8. You may observe in the eighth Article, great care taken to get into his owne hand the power of nominating to Ecclesi∣asticall Livings and promotions: you have as much mischie∣vous, as much wicked care taken in the disposing of these pre∣ferments, to the hinderance and corruption of Religion. And by this meanes (my Lords) the Kings sacred Majesty, instead of Sermons, fit for spirituall instructours, hath often had inve∣ctives

against his people, incouragement to injustice, or to the overthrow of the Lawes. Such Chaplaines have beene brough into his service, as have as much as may bee, laboured to corrupt his owne Houshold, and beene eminent examples of corruption to others; which hath so farre prevailed, as that it hath exceedingly tainted the Universities, and beene generally disper••t to all the chiese Cities, the greatest Townes and Audi∣tories of the Kingdome. The grievous Effects whereof is most manifest to the Commons House, there being diverse h••ndred complaints there depending in the House against scandalous ministers; and yet (I beleeve) the hundred part of them is not yet brought in.

9. The ninth Article sets out the like care to have Chap∣laines of his owne, that might be promoters of this wicked and trayterous designe: Men of corrupt judgements, of corrupt practice, extreamely addicted to superstition: and to such mens cares hath beene committed the Licensing of Bookes to the Presse; by meanes whereof many have beene published that are full of falshood, of scandals; such as have beene more wor∣thy to be burnt by the hand of the Hangman in Smit••field (as I thinke one of them was) than to be admitted to come into the hands of the Kings people.

10. In the tenth Article it will appeare, how he having made these aproaches to Popery, comes now to close and joyne more neerely with it; he confederates with Priests and Jesuites: He, by his instruments negotiates with the Pope at Rome, and hath correspondence with th••m that ••e authorized from Rome here. He hath permitted a Romane Hierarchie to be set up in this Kin••dome. And though he hath beene so care••ull that a poore man could not goe to the neighbour Parish to heare a Sermon, when he had none at home, could not have a Sermon repeated, nor Prayer used in his owne Family, but hee was a ••it subject for the High Commission Court; yet the other hath beene done in all parts of the Realme and no notice taken of it, by any Ecclesiasticall Judges or Courts.

My Lords,

11. You may perceive Preaching suppressed in the eleventh, divers godly and Orthodox Ministers oppressed in their per∣sons and Estates; you have the Kings loyall subjects banished out of the Kingdome, not as ••lime••ecke to seeke for bread in

forraine Countries, by reason of the great scarcity which was in Israel; but travelling abroad for the bread of life, because they could not have i•• at home, by reason of the spirituall ••a∣mine of Gods Word, caused by this man and his partakers. And by this meanes you have had the trade, the Manufactury, the industry of many thousands of his Majesties subjects carried out of the Land.

It is a miserable abuse of the spirituall Keyes to shut up the doores of heaven, and to open the gates of hell, to let in pro∣phanenesse, ignorance, superstition, and errour. I shall neede say no more: These things are evident, and abundantly knowne to all.

12. In the twelfth Article (my Lords) you have a division endeavoured betweene this and the forraine reformed Chur-Churches. The Church of Christ is one body, and the Mem∣bers of Christ have a mutuall relation, as members of the same body, Unity with Gods true Church every where is not one∣ly the beauty, but the strength of Religion: of which beauty and strength he hath sought to deprive this Church by his ma∣nifold attempts to breake this union. To which purpose hee hath suppressed the priviledges granted to the Dutch and French Churches. He hath denyed them to be of the same Faith and Religion with us; and many other wayes hath he de∣clared his malice to those Churches.

13. In the thirteenth Article, as he hath sought to make an Ecclesiasticall division, or religious difference betweene us & forraine Nations, so he hath sought to make a Civill diffeence betweene us and his Majesties subjects of the Kingdome of S••otland. And this he hath promoted by many innovations, there prest by himselfe and his owne authority, when they were uncapable of such altera••ions. He advised his Majesty to use violence. He hath made private and publicke Collections to∣wards the maintenance of the warre, which he might justly call his owne wa••re. And with an impudent boldnesse, hath struck Tallies in the Exchequer for divers summes of money, procu∣red by himselfe, Pro defensione Regni; when by his Counsels the King was drawne to undertake not a Defensive, but an Offnsive Warre.

14. He hath lastly, thought to secure himselfe and his party

by seeking to undermine Parliaments, and thereby hath la∣boured to bereave this Kingdome of the Legisla••ive power, which can onely be used in Parliaments: and that we should be left a Kingdome without that which indeede makes and con∣stitutes a Kingdome; and is the onely Meane to preserve and re∣store it from distempers and decayes. He hath hereby endea∣voured to bereave us of the highest Judicatory, such a Judica∣tory, as is necessary and essentiall to our government. Some Cases of Treason, and others concerning the Prerogative of the Crowne, and liberty of the People. It is the supreame Ju∣dicatory to which all difficult Cases resort from other Courts. He hath sought to deprive the Ki••g of the Love and Counsell of his People, of that assistance which he might have from them, and likewise to deprive the People of that reliefe of grievance•• which they most humbly ••xpect from his Majesty.

My Lords, The Parliament is the Cabbinet wherein the chie∣fest Jewels both of the Crown & Kingdome are deposited. The great Prerogative of the King, and the liberty of the People are most effectually exercised and maintained by Parliaments. Here (my Lords) you cannot passe by this occasion of great thankes to God and his Majesty for passing the Bill whereby the fre∣quent course of Parliaments is established; which I assure my selfe, he will by experience finde to be a strong foundation both of his honour, and of his Crowne.

This is all (my Lords) I have to say to the particulars of the Charge. The Commons desire your Lordships that they may have the same way of Examination that they had in the Case of the Earle of Strafford: That is, to examine members of all kindes, of your Lordships House and their owne, and others, as they shall see cavse. And those Examinations to be kept se∣cret and private, that they may with more advantage be made use of when the matter comes to tryall.

They have declared that they reserve to themselves the po∣wer of making Additionall Articles, by which they intend to re∣duce his Charge to be mor•• particular and certaine, in respect of the severall times, occasion, and other circumstances of the Of∣fences therein Charged. And that your Lordships would bee pleased to put this Cause in such a quicke way of proceeding, that these great and dangerous Crimes together with the offen∣dors may be brought to a just Judgement.

To these Articles of the Commons house, I might here an∣nex those of the Scottish Commissioners against this Arch-Prelate; but I reserve them to a * 3.4 fitter place; and shall onely for a Co∣rollary, add Mr. Grymstons Printed speech in Parliament, a∣gainst this Arch-Bishop, to Mr. Pymmes, pretermitting all o∣thers of this Nature for brevitie sake.

Mr. Grymstones Speech in Parliament, upon the accusation and impeachment of VVILLIAM LAVD Archbishop of Canterbury, of High Treason.

M^r Speaker,

THere hath beene presented to ••he House, a most faithfull and exact report of the conference we had with the Lords yesterday, together with the opinion of the Committees, that were imployed in that service.

That they conceived it fit, the Arch-bishop of Canterbury should be sequestred.

I must second ••he motion, and with the favour of the House, I shall be bold to offer my reasons, why I conceive it more ne∣cessary, we should proceede a little further, than the desire of a bare sequestration onely.

M^r. Speaker, long introductions are not sutabl•• to weighty businesse, we are fallen upon the great man, the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury: looke upon him as he is in his Highnesse, and hee is the s••ye of all pesti••ent filth, that hath infected the State and government of the Church and Common-wealth: looke upon him in his dependancies, and he is the man, the onely man that hath raised and advanced all those (that together with him∣selfe) have beene the Authors and causers of all the ruines, mi∣series, and calamities, we now groane under.

Who is it but he onely, that hath brought the Earle of Straf∣ford to all his great places and imployments, a fit instrument and spirit, to act and execute all his wicked and bloody designes in thes•• Kingdomes?

Who is it, but he onely that brought in Secretary Winde∣••anke into the place of Secretary and trust, the very Broker and P••nder to the Whore of Babylon?

Who is it, Mr. Speaker, but he onely that hath advanced all Popish Bishops? I shall name some of them; Bishop Manwa∣ring,

the Bishop of Bathe and Wells, the Bishop of Oxford, and Bishop Wren, (the least o•• all, but the most uncleane one.)

These are men that should have sed Christs Flocke, but they are the Wolves that devoured them; the Sheepe should have fed upon the Mountaines, but the Mountaines have eaten up the Sheepe. It was the happinesse of the Church, when the zeale of Gods house did eate up the Bishops: glorious and brave Martyrs that went to the stake, in defence of the Prote∣stants religion; but the zeale of these Bishops have beene to eate up and persecute the Church.

Who is it, Mr. Speaker, but the great Arch-Bishop of Can∣terbury, that hath sit at the Helme to guide and steere them to all the managing of their Projects, that have beene set on foote in this Kingdome these ten yeares last past? and rather than he would stand out, he hath most unworthily trucked and chaf∣fered in the meanest of them. As for instance, that of Tobacco, wherein thousands of poore people have beene stripped and turned out of their trade••, for which they have served as Ap∣prentises; we all know he was the Compounder and Contra∣ctor with them for the Licences, putting them to pay Fines, and Fee-Farme-rents to use their Trades.

Certainely, M^r. Speaker, he might have spent his time better (and more for his grace) in the Pulpit; then thus sharking and taking in the Tobacco shop.

M^r. Speaker, we all know what he hath beene charged with∣all here in this House, Crim••s of a dangerous consequence, and of transcendent nature, no lesse than the subversion of the Go∣vernment of this Kingdome, and the alteration of the Protestant Religion, and this not upon bare information onely, but much of it comes before us already, upon cleare and manifest poofes, and there is scarce any businesse, Grievances, or Complaints, come before us in this place, wherein we doe not finde him intermingled, and as it were twisted into it, like a busie and an∣gry Waspe, his sting in the taile of everything.

We have this day heard the report of the Conference yester∣day; and in it the Accusations which the Scottish Natio•• hath charged him withall; And we doe all know he is guilty of the same (if not more) in this Kingdome.

Mr. Speaker, he hath beene, and is the common enemie to

all goodnesse and good men, and it is not safe, that such a viper should be neere to his Majesties person, to distill his poyson in∣to his Sacred eares, nor is it safe for the Common wealth that he should sit in so eminent a place of Government, being thus accused; we know what we did in the Earle of Straf••ords case. This man is the corrupt Fountaine that hath in••ected all the streames, and till the fountaine be purged, we cannot expect to have any cleare Channels. I shall be bold therefore to offer my opinion, and if I erre it is the errour of my judgement, and not my want of zeale and affection to the publicke good.

I conceive it most necessary and fit, that we should now take up a Resolution to doe somewhat, to strike whilst the Iron is hot; And goe up to the Lords in the name of the Commons of this House, and in the name of the Commons of England; and to accuse him of High Treason, and to desire their Lord∣ships, his person may be sequestred, and that in convenient time they may bring up the Charge.

Which soone after was accordingly executed, as you have already seene.

By these speeches & Articles of High Treason against this Arch-Prelate it is apparent, that his Treasons equall, if not far exceed, the Treasons of any of his Predecessors in the darkest mists of Popery; and that he, like his Predecessor Austin hath, endeavored to rayse a bloody civill warre betweene England, Ireland, and Scotland, onely for opposing his all-subduing Archiepiscopall Jurisdiction, extended by him over all his Majesties three Kingdomes, and for refusing to receive those Superstitious Ro∣mish Ceremonies and Innovations, which he would have vio∣lently thrust upon them: yea it is evident by these Articles that he is the primum mobile, whence all our late warres, tumults, up∣roares, and divisions proceeded•• and the spring whence all our insupportable grievances both in our Church and State have originally flowed. And so by his owne late published maxime (* 3.5 A schisme must needes be theirs whose the cause of it is, and he makes the separation that gives the first just cause thereof:) the blame of all these late schismes, warres, and intolerable grievances, whether Civill or Ecclesiasticall, must rest intirely on his head; who, as he is like to leave no heires of his body law••ully begot∣ten to inherit his vertues, so it is pity he should leave any succes∣sour

behinde him in his See, to perpetuate his, and his Prede∣cessors Treasons, with other their Archiepiscopall vices. It is his owne late resolution: * 3.6 The condition of the Church were most miserable, if it should be constrained to acknowledge a Wolfe manifestly raging for her shepheard: and it is likewise his observation, * 3.7 A man may become of a Pastor a Wolfe; and since Iudas changed from an Apostle to a Devill, Joh 6. It is no wonder to see others change from shepheards into Wolves•• I doubt the Church is not empty of such changlings at this day. Whether himselfe and his forementioned Predecessors have not proved such Wolves and changlings, by reason of the Venome of their Archiepisco••¦all Chaire: and whether the condition of our Church were not most miserable, if she should be still constrained to acknowledge these Arch-Wolves of Canterbury, manifestly raging, to be her Shepheards, and still to maintaine an interrupted succession of them to devoure the poore sheepe of Christ both soule and bo∣dy, and to be perpetuall pests, Traytors and incendiaries to our Church and State, as their Predecessours have ever beene, I shall submit to those whom it most concernes, who have now sufficient power and opportunity in their hands to redresse all incumbent, and prevent all future mischiefes in this kinde.

I could now gladly wade out of this dangerous See of Can∣terbury wherein I have so long roved, did not the Acts of some other ancient Prelates of it, next successors to Augustine, detaine me in it a little longer.

Not to mention the * 3.8 forwardnesse and activity of Laurentius the second Arch-Bishop of this See, to settle the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of Rome among us, & to obtrude thē on the Britaines, who withstood them; or his contests with King Eadbaldus, from whose tyranny and displeasure he purpo∣sed to flee into forraine parts, had no•• S. Peter in a dreame re∣proved, and whipped him with whip-cord for this his cowardice so terribly (if it be true) that all his body was gore blood.

* 3.9 Theodorus the seventh Prelate who possessed this Chaire,* 3.10 by birth a Greeke, was so farre from doing any thing contrary to or different from the Church of Rome, that he over-conten∣tiously propugned her Authority and Ceremonies, depriving some Bishops upon his meere pleasure for this cause onely, that they were consecrated after a different manner from the Romans,

and compelling them to be canonically ordained. He exerci∣sed the right and authority o•• his See in such sort, that he see∣med not so much to governe by judgement and Counsell, as to be violently hurried with the impetuousnesse and perturbation of his minde: so that he did not a little obscure those other ver∣tues which were not vulgar, with this overmuch pertinacity of asserting his owne dignity. His unjust deprivation of Bishops without cause (whom he thrust in and out at his pleasure, as his late successors have deprived, silenced, and suspended our best preaching Ministers) detracted much from his glory: espe∣cially his unjust dealing with Wilfrid Arch-Bishop of Yorke, whom he most unworthily expelled from his See, though eve∣ry way equall, if not superiour to himselfe in holinesse of life, learning and industry: by persecuting whom immoderately and unjustly, mulium n•• ••uit Ecclesiae paci, & male consuluit famae suae; he much prejudiced the Churches peace•• and his owne reputa∣tion: he stirred up King Egfrid against Wilfrid, and by that meanes kept him off from being restored to his Bishopricke. And when as Wilfrid appearing before the Kings tribunall ex∣postulated the cause of his injuries, Theodor answered, * 3.11 We lay no guilt to your charge; sed quod constituimus ratum esse volumus: but what we have decreed that we will shall be ratified. Than which speech what can be more absurd? as if he should say, So I will have it, so I command, my will shall stand for a reason. Such a wilfull and headstrong Prelate was he, to the great disturbance both of Church and state; for which some say•• he repented on his death-bed, though this vice dyed not with him but descended to his successors.

* 3.12Birhtubaldus an English man, his next successor, not * 3.13 onely assisted but caused Alfricke King of Northumberland, to thrust Wilfrid out of his See at Yorke, 5. yeares after his restitution to it, and to spoyle him of all his lands and goods, and banish him the Kingdome. And then afterwards endeavoured to justifie and make good this deprivation, though unjust, in a Councell which he summoned for this purpose; which when he could not effect, he endeavoured by faire speeches to perswade Wilfrid to renounce his Bishopricke rather than violate the peace of the Church: but he refusing, appealed to Rome, whereupon his complaint to the Pope Birhtuald is sent for, Wilfrid acquitted, and this turbulent malicious Arch-Prelate overthrowne, and

forced to restore Wilfrid to Yorke againe, after a long contesta∣tion betweene them, to the great Disturbance of Church and State.

Tatwin the 9. Archbishop of Canterbury,* 3.14 * 3.15 two yeares after his consecration, ••ad a great controversie with the Archbishop of Yorke concerning primacy, for which cause hee posted to Rome, and t••ere received his pall and confirmation from the Pope; but these controversies for primacie I shall reserve for ano∣ther Treatise.

* 3.16 Cutbert his successor (as Thomas Sprot describes him) was a deceitfull man full of fox••like craft,* 3.17 a viper, eating out the bowels of his owne mother. In his dayes both Prince and people, Priests, Nunnes, and Monkes were extremely addicted to un∣cleannesse, whoredome, adultery, and costly apparell; the Bishops themselves being as bad, reproved them not for these sinnes, lived wickedly, rixas & arma inter se gerebant, brawled and warred among themselves, addicted not themselves to read the Scriptures, but to luxury, and preached not•• or very rare∣ly, by meanes whereof people were so ignorant that they could scarce say the Articles of the Creed, or the Lords prayer in their mother tongue. To reforme these abuses a Synode was called, but these sinnes still raigning, the Kingdome was soone over-runne and conquered by the bloody Danes.

Lambert the 13. Archbishop of Canterbury,* 3.18 about the yeare of Christ 76••. so highly * 3.19 offended Offa King of Mercia, that out of his enmity against him, and the Kentish men, hee ob∣tained a Bull from Pope Adrian to erect a new Archbishopricke at Lichfield: obtaining an Archbishops Pall for Eadulphus Bi∣shop of that See, to whom the Diocesses of Worcester, Leicester. Legecester, Hereford, Helenham, and Du••wich were annexed and subjected; so as Canterbury had left unto him for his Province onely the Bishoprickes of London, Winchester, Rochester, and Sherburne, which much abated his pride.

Athelardus his next successor,* 3.20 and Eanbaldus Archbishop of Yorke, * 3.21 about the yeare 79••. procuring letters from Kenulph King of Mercia, written in his, and his Bishops, Dukes, and peoples names to Pope Leo, for the reuniting of the former dis∣joyned Bishoprickes to the See of Canterbury, poasted with them to Rome; where after they had solicited, and bribed the Pope, they obtained their suit without much difficulty, and so these

Bishoprickes were reannexed to Canterbury, lest the seamelesse coate of Christ should sustaine some rent or schisme betweene the two Archbish••prickes; and withall, Ethelard obtained such a large grant from the Pope, that if any of his Diocesse, as well Kings and Princes, as ordinary people, should transgresse his Lordly Mandates, he should excommunicate them till they repented, and if they continued impenitent, all should esteeme them as Ethnickes and publicans. In his time the English grew such Apostates from vertue, ut gentes quascunque proditione superarent, that they exceeded all Nations in treason and trechery. No doubt they learned it from their traiterous Prelates, and Priests, whom the Danes in his dayes ••lew, together with Monkes, Nunnes, and Levites, without any commiseration: Et fude••unt sanguinem sanctorum etiam IN CIRCUITU ALTARIS, as * 3.22 Alcuinus writes: by which it appeares, that altars in those dayes stood not close against the East wall of the Chancell, as now some place them, but in such sort, thas they might be COMPASSED ROUND; the Alter of Augustine in his collegiate Church at Canterbury, stan∣ding before those dayes, in ejus Porticus * 3.23 MEDIO, in the MIDST of the Porch there; and the Altar of the old Church in Saint Edmonds Bury, built ovall, standing likewise AS IT WERE IN THE MIDST of the Church, as * 3.24 Camden out of Everden, a Monke of that house, relates: but of this in the by.

* 3.25 * 3.26 Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury, about the yeare of our Lord 1036. against his Alleagiance and Oath crowned Harold (a bastard, having no right to the Crowne) King of England, Hardi-Canute the right heire being put by his right. At first this Prelate seemed unwilling to performe that service, for it is reported, that hee having the Regall Scepter, and Crowne in his custodie, with an oath refused to consecrate any other for King, so long as the Queenes Children were living, for (said he) Canutus committed them to my trust and assurance, and to them will I give my faith and allegiance. This Scepter and Crowne therefore I here lay downe upon this Altar: neither do I deny or deliver them to you, but I require by the Apostolique authority, all Bishops, that none of them presume to take the same away, neither therewith that they consecrate you for King, as for your selfe if you dare, you may usurpe that which I have committed to God on this his Table. Not∣withstanding that great thunderclap was allayd with the

showers of golden promises of his just and religious Govern∣ment intend••d (though present experience manifested the con∣trarie) and hee perswaded without much intreaty to crowne this usurper King.

And now having thus long sayled in this troublesome See of Canterbury, I shall onely trouble you with a passage out of William Harrison, touching the Archbishops of Canterbury in generall, and Robert the Norman in particular; and then hoise up my sailes, and steare my course into the Northern•• See of Yorke.

* 3.27 The Archbishop of Canterbury (writes hee) is commonly called Primate of all England, and in the Coronations of the Kings of this Land, and all other times, wherein it shall please the Prince to weare and put on his Crowne, his office is to set it upon their heads. They beare also the name of their high Chaplins continually, although not a few of them have presumed (in time past) to be their equals, and void of subjection unto them. That this is true, it may easily appeare by their owne acts yet kept in record, besides their Epistles and Answers written, or in Print, wherein they have sought, not onely to match, but also to ma••e them with great rigour and more than open tyranny. Our adversaries will peradventure deny this absolutely, as they do many other things apparent, though not without shamelesse impudencie, or at leastwise de••end it as just, and not swerving from common equity, because they imagine every Archbishop to be the Kings equall in his owne Province. But how well their doing herein a∣greeth with the saying of Peter, and examples of the Primi∣tive Church, it may easily appeare: some examples also of their demeanour I will not let to remember, lest they should say I speake of malice, and without all ground of likelihood, of their practices with meane persons: I speake nor, neither will I beginne at Dun••tane, the author of all their pride and presumption here in England: but for so much as the dealing of Robert the Norman, against Earle Goodwine, is a rare History, and deserve••h to be remembred, I will touch it in this place, protesting to deale with all in more faithfull manner, than it hath heretofore beene delivered unto us by the Norman Writers, or French English, who (offer purpose) have so defaced Earle Goodwine, that were it no•• for the testimony of one or two meere English men living in those dayes, it should be impossi∣ble

for mee (or any other) at this present to declare the tru••h of that matter according to the circumstances: marke therefore what I say; for the truth is, that such Norman•• as came in with Emma, in the time of Ethelred, and Canutus, and the Confessor, did fall by sundry meanes into such favour with those Princes, that the Gentlemen did grow to beare great rule in the Court, and their Clerkes to be possessors of the best benefices in the Land. Hereupon therefore one Robert, a jolly ambitious Priest, got first to be Bishop of London, and after the death of Eadsius, to be Archbishop of Canterbury, by the gift of King Edward, leaving his former See to VVilliam his Countriman: Vlfo also a Norman was preferred to Lincolne, and other to other places, as the King did thinke convenient. These Norman Clerkes, and their friends being thus exalted, it was not long ere they began to mocke, abuse, and despise the English, and so much the more as they daily saw themselves to encrease in ••avour with King Edward, who also called divers of them to be of his secret Councell, which did not a little incense the hearts of the English against them. A ••••ay also was made at Dover be∣tweene the servants of Earle Goodwine, and the French, whose Masters came over to see and salute the King: which so infla∣med the minds of the French Clergie and Courtiers against the English Nobility, that each part sought for opportunity of revenge, which ere long tooke hold betweene them: for the said Robert being called to be Arc••bishop of Canterbury, was no sooner in possession of his See, than hee began to quarrell with Earle Goodwine (the Kings Father in Law by the marriage of his daughter) who also was ready to acquit his demeanour with like malice; and so the mischiefe began. Hereupon therefore the Archbishop charged the Earle with the murther of Alfred the Kings brother, whom not he, but Harald the sonne of Canutus, and the Danes, had cruelly made away; for Alfred and his brother comming into the Land with five and twenty ••aile, upon the death of Canutus being landed, the Normans that arrived with them, giving out how they came to recover their right, to wit, the Crowne of England, and thereunto the un∣skilfull young Gentlemen shewing themselves to like of the ••u∣mor that was spread in this behalfe•• the report of their demea∣nour was quickly brought to Harald, who caused a company ••orthwith of Danes privily to lay in wait for them as they rod••

toward Gilford, where Alfred was slaine, and whence Edward with much difficulty escaped to his ships, and so returned into Normandy. But this affirmation of the Archbishop being greatly soothed out with his crafty utterance (for he was learned) con∣firmed by his French friends (for they had all conspired against the Earle) and thereunto the King being desirous to revenge the death of his Brother, bred such a grudge in his mind a∣gainst Goodwine, that he banished him and his Sonnes cleane out of the Land•• hee sent also his wife the Earles daughter prisoner to Wilton, with one onely maiden attending upon her, where shee lay almost a yeare before shee was released: in the meane season, the rest of the Peeres, as Siward Earle of Nor∣thumberland, surnamed Digara, or ••ortis, Leofrick Earle of Che∣ster, and other went to the King, before the departure of Good∣wine, endeavouring to perswade him unto the revocation of his sentence, and desiring that his cause might be heard and dis∣cussed by Order of Law; But the King incensed by the Arch∣bishop and his Normans, would not heare on that side, saying plainly and swearing by Saint Iohn the Evangelist, (for that was his common Oath) that Earle Goodwine should not have his Peace till hee restored his brother Alfred alive againe unto his presence; with which answer the Peeres departed in choler from Court, and Goodwine towards the Coast.

Comming also unto the shore and ready to take shipping, hee kneeled downe in presence of his conduct (to wit at Bo∣senham in the moneth of September, from whence hee intended to saile into Flanders unto Baldwine the Earle) and there wished openly before them all, that if ever hee attempted any thing against the Kings person of England or his Royall estate, that he might never come safe unto his Cousin nor see his Country any more, but perish in this voyage; and herewith he went aboard the ship that was provided for him, and so from the Coast into the open Sea. But see what followed, hee was not yet gone a mile away from the Land, before he saw the shore full of armed Souldiers sent after by the Archbishop and his friends to kill him ere he should depart, and goe out of the Country, which yet more incensed the hearts of the English against them. Being come also to Flanders hee caused the Earle, the French King, and o∣thers, of his friends among whom also the Emperour was one, to write unto the King in his hehalfe, but all in vaine, for no∣thing

could be obtained from him of which the Norman•• had no liking; whereupon the Earle and his Sonnes changed their minds, obtained aid, and invaded the Land in sundry places. Finally joyning their powers, they came by the Thames into Southwarke neere London, where they lodged, and looked for the King to encounter with th••m in the field: the King seeing what was done, commanded the Londoner•• not to aide nor victuall them: but the Citizens made answer, how the quarrell of Goodwine was the cause of the who••e Realme, which hee had in a manner given over unto the spoyle of the French, and there∣upon they not onely victualled them abundantly, but also recei∣ved the Earle and his chiefe friends into the City, where they lodged them at their ease, till the Kings power was ready to joyne with them in battle: great resort also was made unto them from all places of the Realme; so that the Earles Army was wonderfully increased, and the day and place chosen where∣in the Battle should be fought. But when the Armies met, the Kings side began some to flee to the Earle, other to lay downe their weapons, and not a few to ••unne away outright: the rest telling him plainly, that they would never fight against thei•• owne Count••y men, to mainaine Frenchmens quarrel••:* 3.28 the Nor∣mans also seeing the sequell, fled away so fast as they might gallop, leaving the King in the field to shift for himselfe (as h•• best might) whilst they did save themselves elsewhere. In the meane season the Earles Power would have set upon the King, either to his slaughter or apprehension; but hee stayed them, saying after this manner. The King is my Sonne (as you all know) and it is not for a father to deale so hardly with his child, neither a subject with his Soveraigne. It is not he tha•• hath hurt or done mee this injury, but the proud Normans that are about him; wherefore to gaine a Kingdome I will doe him no violence: and therewithall casting aside his battell axe, hee ran to the King that stood al∣together amazed, and falling at his feete he craved his peace, accused the Archbishop, required that his cause might be heard in open assemblie of his Peeres, and finally determined as truth and equity should deserve. The King (after hee had paused a pretty while) seeing his old Father-in-Law to lie groveling at his feete, and conceiving with himselfe that his suite was not un∣reasonable; seeing also his children, and the rest of the greatest Barons of the Land to kneele before him, and make the like re∣quest:

hee listed up the Earle by the hand, bad him be of good comfort, pardoned all that was past, and friendly having kissed h••m & his sonnes upon the cheekes, he lead them to his pallace, called home the Queene, and Summonned all his Lords unto a Councell; wherein it is much to read how many ••ils were presented against the Bishop and his Normans, some containing matter of rapes, other of robbery, extortion, murder, manslaughter, high t••eason, adultery, and not a few of battery: wherewith the King (as a man now awaked out of sleepe) was so offended, that upon consultation had of these things he banished all the Nor∣mans out of the Land, onely three or foure excepted, whom he retained for sundry necessary causes, albeit they never came more so neere him afterward as to be of his Privie Councell: af∣ter this also the Earle lived almost two yeares, and then falling into an apoplexie, as he sate with the King at the table, hee was taken up and carried into the Kings bedchamber, where (after a few dayes) hee made an end of his life; and thus much of our first broyle raised by the Clergie, & practice of the Arch∣bishop. I would intreat of all the like examples of Tyranny, practised by the Prelates of this See against their Lords and Soveraignes; but then I should rather write an History, than a Description of this Iland. Wherefore I referre you to those re∣ports of Anselme and Becket, sufficiently penned by other, the which Anselme also making a shew, as if hee had beene very un∣willing to be placed in the See of Canterbury, gave this an∣swer to the Letters of such his friends, as did make request unto him to take the charge upon him: * 3.29 Secularia negotia nescio, quia scire nolo, &c. Of secular affaires I have no skill, becuase I will not know them: for I even abhorre the troubles that rise about them, as one that desireth to have his mind at Liberty: I apply my whole endeavour to the rule of the Scriptures, you lead mee to the contrary; and it is to be feared lest the plough of holy Church, which two strong men of equall force, and both like earnest to contend unto that which is good (that is the King and the Archbishop) ought to draw, should thereby now swarve from the right furrow, by mat∣ching of an old sheepe with a wild untamed Bull. I am that old sheepe, who if I might be quie••, could peradventure shew my selfe not altogether ungratefull to some, by feeding them with the milke of the word of God, and covering them with wooll; but if you match mee with this Bull, yo•• shall see that through want of equality in draught

the plough will not goe too right, &c. as followeth in the processe of his Letters. The said Thomas Becket was so proud, that hee wrote to King Henry the second, as to his Lord, to his King, and to his Sonne, offering him his Counsell, his reverence and due correcti∣on, &c. Others in like sort have protested, that they oug't no∣thing to the Kings of this Land, but their councell onely, reserving all obedience unto the See of Rome. * 3.30 Neither did this pride stay at Archbishops and Bishops, but descended lower, even to the rake-hels of the Clergie, and puddles of all ungodlinesse; for beside the injury received of their superiours, how was King Iohn dealt withall by the vile Cistertians at Lincolne in the se∣cond of his raigne? Certes when hee had (upon just occasion) conceived some grudge against them for their ambitious demea∣nour; and upon denyall to pay such summes of money as were allotted unto them, hee had caused seisure to be made of such horses, swine, neate, and other things of theirs, as were maintained in his forrests. They denounced him as fast amongst themselves, with Bell, Booke and Candle, to be accursed and excom∣communicated. Thereunto they so handled the matter with the Pope and their friends: that the King was faine to yeeld to their good graces, insomuch that a meeting for pacification was ap∣pointed betweene them at Lincolne, by meanes of the present Archbishop of Canterbury; who went oft betweene him and the Cistertian Commissioners, before the matter could be finished. In the end the King himselfe came also unto the said Commissio∣ners, as they sate in their Chapter house, and there with teares fell down at their feete, craving pardon for his trespasses against them, and heartily requiring that they would (from thenceforth) commend him and his Realme in their prayers unto the protection of the Al∣mighty, and receive him into their fraternity, promising moreover full satisfaction of their dammages sust••ined, and to build an house of their order in whatsoever place of England•• it should please them to assigne. And this he confirmed by Charter, bearing date the 27 of November, after the Scottish King was returned into Scotland, and departed from the King. Whereby (and by other the like, as betweene Iohn Strafford and Edward the third, &c.) a man may easily conceive how proud the Clergie men have beene in former times, as wholly presuming upon the primacy of the Pope More matter could I alleage of these & the like broyles, not to be found among our Common Historiographer••, howbeit reser∣ving

the same unto places more convenient, I will cease to speake of them at this time. So Harrison. And thus have I now at last concl••ded my Canterbury voyage, and sayled through this most dangerous See; wherein so many Pontiffes have suffered shipwracke both of their loyalty, charity, faith, and honesty. And many godly Christians through their cruelty, and tyranny made shipwracke, not onely of their goods, liberties, estates, cares, and other members, but also of their lives; it being both in Augustines time, and almost ever since, a very A••eldama, and See of blood. So as I may well conclude of these Primates, and Metropolitans of all England, in Saint * 3.31 Bernards words: Heu, heu Domine Deus, ipsi sunt in persecutione tua PRIMI, qui vi∣dentur in Ecclesia tua PRIMATUM DILIGERE, GE∣RERE PRINCIPATUM. Misera eorum conversatio, plebis tuae miserabilis subversio est: Atque utinam sola hac parte nocerent: But alas, Iusta omnino querimonia, nec ad ullam jus••i∣us, quam ad nostram referenda aetatem; Parum est nostris vigilibus quod non servant nos, nisi & perdant. Alto quippe demersi oblivionis somno ad nullum Dominicae comminationis tonitruum expergiscuntur, ut vel suum ipsorum periculum expavescant. Inde est, ut not parcant suis, qui non parcant sibi,* 3.32 PERIMENTES PARITER ET PEREUNTES. What then remaines but that King, Parliament and people (having such just cause and faire oppor∣tunity) should all joyne cordially together, utterly to subvert this chaire of pestilence, and with * 3.33 great violence to throw downe this our English Babylon, and in one houre to make her so desolate, as shee may be found no more at all; that so the people beholding her long expected and much desired overthrow, may ••ry mightily with a strong and joyfull voyce, with the Angel in the * 3.34 Apocalypse; Babylon (Canterbury) the great is falne, is falne; which hath beene the habitation of devils, and the hold of every foule spirit, and a cage of every uncleane and hatefull bird, and in her was found the blood of Prophets, and of Saints, and of all that were slaine upon the earth. From this overflowing boundlesse See (which hath still outswolne the bankes of divine, and hu∣mane Lawes which would confine it) have all those perilous inundations of trechery, rebellion, forraine and in••estine warres, seditions, tyrannyes, oppessions, grievances, innovations, and mischiefes commonly issued which have miserably torne and perplexed our Kingdome: vexed if not almost ruined our

Kings, Church, State, People in ancient & moderne times. This great Archiepiscopal prime chaire, hath bin the Metropolitical nest wherin all the egges of all ou•• mischiefs, & grievances have com∣monly been laid and hatched by our Canterburian Harpies. I can therfore prescribe no better advise for our future security against those and other our mischievous Prelates and birds of prey, than that which * 3.35 Turghesie (a prudent man) once gave to the King of Meth, when he demanded of him, how hee might destroy certaine noysome birds then lately come into Ireland, where they did much mischiefe to the Country, Nidos eorum ubique destruendos, that their nests, and Sees (like the Abbies and Priories of old,) are every where to be destroyed, and converted to better uses; then we need not feare a succession of these pernitious birds, and mischievous vermin; the very Turbans and Acans of our En∣glish Israel; which must never looke for tranquility or felicity, whiles these continue or domineer amongst us. Till these Io∣nasses be cast over-board, and quite abandoned, we can neither hope for, nor enjoy a calme.

CHAP. II. OF THE SEVERALL Treasons, Conspiracies, Rebel∣lions, Seditions, State-schismes, Contempts, and Disloyalties of the Arch-Bishops of YORKE, against their Soveraignes, and of the Warres, Tumults, and Civill Dissentions caused by them

I Have thus as briefly as I could with convenience, given you an Epitome of the Arch-Bishops of Canterburtes Arch-Treasons, Re∣bellions, Trecheries, Seditions, Disloyalties, State-Schismes, Di∣sturbances and oppositions to our Lawes, more at large related in our Historians; I shall now pro∣ceed in order, to those of the Arch-Bishops of Yorke, which will almost equall them, as well in heinousnesse, as in number; both of them being Pri∣mates

and Metropolitanes in all these prodigious villanies and crimes, as well as in Episcopall Jurisdiction.

1 3.36 * 3.37 VVilfrid the third Arch-Bishop of Yorke, about the yeare of our Lord 678. went about to p••rswade King Egfr••dus Queene to forsake her husband, and betake her selfe to a Monastery, without the Kings privitie or con∣sent; the King much displeased with him for it (by the advice of Theodore Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, who ma∣ligned the greatnesse of his Diocesse) first sought to dimi∣nish his Authoritie by dividing his Diocesse into 3. Bi∣shoprickes•• and then exhibited divers complaints against him to the Pope to have him deprived, causing him to be condemned in two severall Councels; and thereupon thrust him from his Bishopricke, which Theodore divided into foure Diocesses. After ten yeares exile, Egfrid dying, Alfrid his Successour restored VVilfrid; but five yeares after, this King likwise fell out with him, and forced him to Rome, where though the Pope restored him, yet the King would never admit him to his See during his life: What the true cause of these displeasures was, the Histo∣rians of those times (who favoured VVilfrid) are sparing to relate: belike it was some notorious offences against these Kings, else they would not be so unjust, as without cause to keepe him from his Bishopricke, and to impri∣son him in chaines, as one of them did. * 3.38 Some record, that it was because hee favoured and aided the Rebellious Danes, which is most probable. Malmesbury, and others out of him, say, it was onely the malice of Queene Ermenburga, who envied him, for that hee had many Abbots and Ab∣bies under him, was served with Gold and Silver plate, had a great traine of followers, and was very gorgeous in his Pontificall Robes, and because hee would never yeeld to have his Diocesse divided into three mote Bishopricks, though it were sufficient to maintaine foure Bishops be∣side himselfe, of which there was need. And some im∣pute it to the envie and malice of Theodore Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. The first of these could not be the sole cause for that ended upon VVilfrids exile and the Kings death.

The second is as unlikely, since VVilf••id himselfe,* 3.39 with all the Bishops of that time, and the Councell of Hert∣ford, Can. 9. Anno 677. decreed, that the number of ••e∣leevers increasing, more Bishops and Bishoprickes should bee made and erected. Whereupon Acca and Bo••win were made Bishops instead of Bosa, and his Bishopricke di∣vided into foure parts, to which partition VVilf••id had good reason to consent, it being the Kings expresse pleasure, and the Councels decree, to which himselfe subscribed. The envie of Theodore was in likelihood a partiall, but not principall cause of his first Trou∣bles onely. Hee was therefore, in all likelihood, an aider and assister of the Rebellious Danes, and a great opposite and Rebell against these two Kings; yea, and against Edulfus their successour, who all three succes∣sively refused to restore him, notwithstanding the Popes Letters and Command; which then it seemes were of little force. Many Councels were assembled about this VVilfrid, and the whole Church and King∣dome much disquietted and vexed with the many Schismes and contentions concerning him, too tedi∣ous to relate.

Anno 872. * 3.40 Vlferus,2 3.41 Arch-Bishop of Yorke, was by his Diocesans driven out of the Countrey: for what cause is not expressed, and therefore likely for some notorious offence, because the Monkes conceale it out of favour to him.

Anno 952. * 3.42 VVolstan Arch-Bishop of Yorke,3 3.43 was convict of an hainous crime, who forgetting that du∣tifull affection hee ought to beare unto Edred his King, if for no other cause, yet for Athelstane his Brothers sake, who preferred him; forgetting his Oath and Allegeance unto the same King being his naturall Prince, yea forgetting that hee was either an English man or a Christian, was not ashamed to revolt from King Edred, and cleave to the Danes and favour them, an Heathen people, and such as sought not onely to de∣stroy

his Countrey, but also to root out Christian Re∣ligion. For which Treason, and for setting up E••ri¦c••us King in Edreds stead, though hee deserved a thou∣sand deaths he was onely deprived, committed to Pri∣son and one yeare after enlarged again, because he was a Bishop; whereas for this cause as his Treason was the more hainous and execrable, so h••s punishment should have beene the greater: But hee being released upon his repentance, grew so angry with himselfe that hee was thus pardoned against right and justice•• that v••t••m e••ve••tigio exuit, hee presently made away him∣selfe, being his owne executioner. * 3.44 Some say, that hee was thus imprisoned, for killing divers Citizens of Thetford in revenge of the death of one Anselme an Ab∣bot, whom they had slaine without cause; belike hee was guiltie of both those crimes, and punished for both in this mild manner, after divers complaints.

Anno 975. * 3.45 Oswald Arch-Bishop of Yorke assisted Dunstan of Canterb••ry,4 3.46 and the other Bishops, to put E∣gelred the right Heire from the Crowne, and to set up Edward an Usurper, whom they crowned as more fit for their behoofe and ends.

Elfricke Arch-Bishop of Yorke,5 3.47 surnamed Puttoc, was reputed detestable for two barbarous Acts: He caused Harde••nute the King•• * 3.48 to command the dead body of his Brother King Harold to be digged up out of his Grave, after that to be beheaded and cast into the Thames, as an infamous example to men. And not content with this crueltie towards the dead he perswaded the same King by way of revenge on VVorcester men (because they would not suffer him to hold that See in commendam with Yorke, as three of his predecessours had done be∣fore him) to fire that goodly Citie, and seize on all the Citizens goods, pretending that they had stubbornely resisted those who collected the Kings tributes: And as if this were not sufficient revenge to kill all the men and waste the whole Countrey, which was most••

cruelly executed•• hee likewise caused this King to thrust the living Bishop of VVorceter out of his See and to bestow it on himselfe; and incensed this King so farre against Earle Godwin, that hee was enforced to buy his peace of the King with the gift of the rich∣est and costliest Shippe that wee reade of in that Age.

Aldredus his Successour,6 3.49 (who gat that See by Sy∣monie, and held VVorcester in commendam with it, and was one of the first who distinguished the Clergie from the Laitie in their externall habits) * 3.50 crowned Ha∣rold, invading the Dignitie Royall, no way due unto him. After which, though hee purposed ••o Crowne Edgar the right Heire King, to whom he and the No∣bilitie had first adhered, yet like a wily Bishop siding with the strongest, he altered his purpose and crown∣ed VVilliam the Conquerour King, requiring first an Oath of him to d••fend the Church, to minister justice, and te vse Englishmen as favourable as Normans. This Oath it seemed to Aldred, that the King had broken by laying heavie taxes on the people, of which he admonished the King, who was very angry at it. He therefore (like a couragious Prelate but like a disloyall Subject) thundered out an Excommunication against him, saying•• That now worthily he had cursed, whom once un∣worthily hee had blessed. This bold pranke being repor∣ted to the King, incensed him very much at first, but thinking better of it, hee determined to give him good words a while, and so sent some to intreat for his ab∣solution. The Messengers came too late, for the Bi∣shop being troubled much in mind after the perfor∣mance of that Action, and either amazed with feare of what might happen after it, or overcome with griefe and repentance for what he had done, never could be merry after, but dyed of griefe before they came. In his time Vrsus Earle of Worceter had built a Castle at Worceter to some prejudice of the Monkes, the Ditch of

which Castle trenched somewhat upon the Church-yard, and adjoyned too neere to the Monastery. Aldred went unto the Earle, and having demanded of him whether it were done by his appointment, which h••e could not deny, looking stedfastly on him, used these insolent and uncharitable words, Hightest thou Vrse? Have thou Gods curse, adding, yea and mine too, and the curse of all hollowed heads, unlesse thou take away this Castle, and know thou assuredly that thy posterity shall not inherit the Lands of Saint Mary: which curse the Monkes say was shortly after accomplished, Vrsus dying soone after, and Roger his sonne flying the Realme.

7 3.51 * 3.52 Thurstan Arch-Bishop of ••orke, about the yeare of our Lord, 1100. contrary to the Kings expresse com∣mand, and his owne faithfull Oath and promise to Henry the first, received his Consecration from the Pope at the Councell of Rheemes; whereupon the King banished him the Realme, neither could he in five yeares space be entreated to restore him. At last the Pope, by his procurement, writ a very sharpe Letter to the King, signifying, that he would Excommuni∣cate both him, and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury al∣so, if Thurstan were any longer kept from his See, and some say, he actually Excommunicated them both, and interdicted as well the Province of Yorke, as of Canterbury from the use of all manner of Sacraments, and from the Baptisme of Infants. Upon which the King, to be out of trouble, contrary to his solemne vow, yeelded that he should be called home, and soone after he was reconciled unto the King. This Arch-Bishop, Anno 1148. when as David, King of Scots, en∣tred our borders, and spoiled the Countrey as farre as the River of Teyse, gathered together such a power as hee was able to raise on a sudden, met them at Alver∣ton, slew 1200. of them; after which hee cast off his Rochet, and turned Monke at Pontfrast, where hee dyed,

Henry Murdac Arch-Bishop of Yorke,8 3.53 thrust into that See by the Pope, against King Stephens good liking,* 3.54 who commended his Kinsman, William thereto; re∣fused to sweare fealtie to the King; who thereupon was so displeased with him, that the Townsmen of ••ork, by his good liking, shut Murdac out of the Citie, and refused to receive him. Murdac suspended them for this affront, Eustace the Kings Sonne commanded Divine Service to be said notwithstanding, as at o∣ther times; hereupon divers tumults and seditions were raised in the Citie, wherein an Arch-Deacon, a great Friend of the Arch-Bishops, was slaine: two or three yeares these stirres continued, till at last the Arch-Bishop submitted and reconciled himselfe to the King.

Geffrey Plantagenet,9 3.55 Henry the second his base Sonne, after the Arch-Bishopricke of Yorke had beene tenne yeares void, and kept so long in the Kings hands, was commended to that See by Richard the first, and con∣secrated by the Arch-Bishop of Towers. * 3.56 He tooke an oath to king Richard his Brother, then going to the Holy Land, not to set foot in England within 3. yeares space; yet presently after he hied him over into Eng∣land; but upon his arrivall, he was there arrested and imprisoned in a barbarous manner by William Bishop of Ely, Lord Chancellour of England, being drawne by the heeles from the very Altar of Saint Martins Church in Dover. All the time of king Richard he had many contests with the Commons of Yorke, who oft complained of him both to the king and Pope. Richard dying, king Iohn and this Bishop had many contenti∣ons one with the other. Anno 1194. by the kings per∣mission, many grievous complaints were exhibited in Parliament against this Arch-Bishop, for extortion and unjust vexations hee had practised, but he passed so little thereof, that he made no answer to their Bills. Moreover, in the second yeare of his raigne, he com∣manded

the Sheriffe of Yorkeshire to seize upon all th•• Arch-Bishops goods and Lands, and to returne them into the Exchequer, for hindring the kings Officers in gathering a kinde of taxe throughout his Diocesse, and refusing to saile into No••mandy with him, to make a marriage for his Neece, and to conclude a league with the French king; which command the Sheriffe executing, the Arch-Bishop thereupon * 3.57 excommu∣nicated, not onely the Sheriffe that had done him this violence, but all those in generall, who were the Au∣thors of the same, and that had beene any meanes to stirre up the kings indignation against him. The King hereupon suspends him from his Bishoprick, to whom at last he was glad to pay 1000. pound for his restitu∣tion. * 3.58 Holinsh•••• writes that whereas this Arch-Bi∣shop of Yorke had offended king Richard, he pardoned and received him againe into favour: Whereupon the Arch-Bishop waxed so proud, that using the king reproachfully, hee lost his Arch-Bishopricke, the rule of Yorkeshire, which he had in government as Sheriffe, the favour of his Soveraigne, and which was the grea∣test losse of all, the love of God. Anno 1207. this fire of contention raked up in ashes, brake out againe. King Iohn being at Winchester required such of the No∣bilitie and Clergie as were there present, that payment should be made unto him of the third part of all the moveable goods in England; this motion no man gaine-sa••d but Geffrey the Arch-Bishop, who openly contradicted it. After this, whether it were, he were guiltie of some greater attempt, or that hee understood his Brother was grievously offended with him, secret∣ly hee avoided the Realme•• excommunicating be∣fore his departure, such of his Jurisdiction, as ei∣ther had already paid, or should hereafter presume to pay the said taxe; whereupon hee was banished the Realme, and lived five yeares in exile till his death.

Godfrey de Kinton his Successour,10 3.59 though he had no bickerings with the king, that I read of, yet he fell out with the whole Citie of Yorke,* 3.60 interdicting it in the beginning of Lent, and not restoring it till the third of May following.

* 3.61 Iohn Roman Arch-Bishop of Yorke,11 3.62 Anno 1294. excommunicated Anthony Beake Bishop of Durham (or rather two of the Bishops servants) being one of the kings Councell, and at that time beyond the Seas in the kings Service. Whereat the king being highly displeased, the Arch-Bishop thought it best to put himselfe to his Mercie, hee did so, and was fain to re∣deeme the kings favour with 4000. Markes (being fined so much by the whole Parliament for this his offence;) the griefe whereof strucke him into an incu∣rable disease, whereof he dyed.

* 3.63 Thomas de Corbridge,12 3.64 his Successour, Anno 1299. upon the Popes Commendatory Letters, bestowed his Canons place of Yorke and Custoseship of the Parish of Saint Sepulcher on one Gilbert Segrave, notwithstan∣ding the King had formerly written earnestly to him in the behalfe of one Iohn Bush his Secretary; which affront in preferring the Popes Clerke before him and his Secretary, the King tooke so hainously, that hee seized on three Mannors or Barronies belonging to his See, and retained them during the Arch-Bishops life, which was not long, hee either out of griefe, or Gods just J••dgement, being soone taken away. It falling out for the most part (as Bishop Godwin ob∣serves in his life) that those Bishops which have pre∣sumed most in opposing themselves against their Prin∣ces, have least time endured, and ever quickly beene taken away.

Anno Dom. 1329. * 3.65 William de Melton13 3.66 Arch-Bishop of Yorke (successively Treasurer and Chancellour of England) upon the Examination of Edmund, Earle of Ken••, (whom this Prelate and the Bishop of London

had drawne into a conspiracie and rebellion against King Edward the third) was accused of High Treason, for reporting that King Edward the second was still a∣live after his death, (and that upon the credit of a prea∣ching Fryer of London, who had raised up a Devill, which certainly informed him thereof as a truth:) For writing a Letter of Fidelitie to this Earle•• which hee sent by his owne Chaplaine Acyn, for sending him 500. men in Armes, and ptomising to send him as many more as hee could possibly raise; and sending Richard de Pomfret to him both to Reusington and Arun∣dle, to further the said Rebellion. The Poore Earle was found guiltie of high Treason, and beheaded: The Bi∣shop of London, and Arch-Bishop, the chiefe plotters of this Treason and Conspirac••e, were suffered to goe at libertie under fureties, taken of them for their good demeanour and forth-comming; and the Fryer who had raised the Spirit, to know whether the Kings Fa∣ther were living or not, was onely committed to pri∣son, where he dyed. An. 1319. * 3.67 this William Melton Arch-Bishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Ely, with the Citizens of Yorke, not making them of the Countrey once privie to their designes, having in their compa∣nie a great company of Priests and men of Religion, gave battell unto the Scots neere Melton upon Swale. But for as much as most of the English were unex∣pert in the feates of Warre (the Bishops being their Captaines) and came not in any orderly way of Battell, they were easily put to flight by the Scots, who slew about 4000. of them, sparing neither Religious person nor other. So ill is it for Prelates to turne Warriers, and that rashly without taking good ad∣vice.

14 3.68 * 3.69 Alexander Nevell Arch-Bishop of Yorke, in great favour with King Richard the second, was amongst o∣thers conuicted by Parliament, for abusing the Kings youth by flattery and exciting and stirring him against

the Nobilitie and Lords, whom hee falsely accused of Treason to the King (to the great prejudice of the King and Realme) by whispering tales day and night against them, and for anulling Acts of Parliament: for which causes hee was condemned in Parliament of high Treason, and then adjudged to perpetuall im∣prisonment in the Castle of Roches••er. Hee foreseeing the Temp••st that grew toward him, fled out of the Realme. Vrbane the Fifth for his securitie translated him (being both a * 3.70 Traytor and whisperer, writes Walsingham) from Yorke to Saint Andrewes in Scotland, which Kingdome at that time refused to acknowledge Vrbane for Pope, yeelding obedience to the Antipope, by mean••s whereof, Vrbanes gift was insufficient to in∣vest him in Saint Andrewes; yet good to void him quite from Yorke; whereby hee being stript of both Arch-Bishoprickes, and enjoying the benefit of nei∣ther, for very want was forced to become a Parish Priest at Lovaine, and so lived three yeares till his death.

Thomas Arundel his Successour,15 3.71 to prejudice the Lon∣doners and benefit those of Yorke, * 3.72 removed all the Kings Courts from Westminster to Yorke, to the great prejudice and grievance of the Lond••ners and Subjects in the West and South parts of England, and the no lit∣tle disturbance of the Realme. His pretence was, that hee did it onely to punish the pride and pre∣sumption of the Londoners, who were then in great disgrace with the King•• by reason of a fray made up∣on the Bishop of Salisburyes Man•• who abused a Ba∣ker, and brake his head with a Dagger, without a∣ny just cause; for which the Citizens assaul∣ted the Bishops House to have Justice done upon his Man, who had done the wrong; but the Bishops bolstering him out•• no Justice could be had, and instead thereof, their Liberties were seized on, and the

Terme removed to Yorke, to vex them the more: The Arch-Bishop not long after, was attainted of Treason in Parliament immediately upon his Translati••n from Yorke to Canterbury. And good reason: for he conspired * 3.73 with the Duke of Gloucester, the Abbot of Saint Al∣banes, and the Prior of Westminster (both which Reli∣gious persons declared to the Duke, that they had seve∣rall Visions, That the Kingdome should bee destroyed through the misgovernment of Richard the second; by which they animated the Duke to conspire with them and others, against their Soveraigne; who meeting together at drundel Castle, about the 20. yeare of King Richards Raigne, they sware each to other•• to bee assi∣stant one to another in all such matters as they should determine, and therewith received the Sacrament from this Arch-Bishop, who celebrated Masse before them the morrow after; which done, they withdrew themselves into a chamber, and concluded, to take King Richard, the Dukes of Lancaster and Yorke, and to commit them to Prison; and to hang and draw all the other Lords of the Kings Councell; all which they intended to ac∣complish in August following, had not their plot been dis∣covered and prevented by Earle Marshall. This Prelate after his attainder for this Treason, was the chiefe * 3.74 Actor in effecting King Richards involuntary Resigna∣tion, in the instrument whereof he is first named. I shall say no more of this Arundel, but what William Harrison hath recorded of him in his Description of Eng∣land, l. 2. •• c. 1. p. 134. And even no lesse unquietnesse had another of our Princes with Thomas Arundel (than King Stephen had with his Predecessours, and Robert de S••gillo Bishop of London) who fled to Rome for feare of his head, and caused the Pope to write an ambitious and contumelious Letter unto his Soveraigne about his restitution. But when by the Kings Letters yet extant and beginning thus, Thomas PRODITIONIS

non expers, nostrae Regiae Majestati insidias fabricavit; the Pope understood the bottome of the matter, hee was contented that Thomas should be deprived, and ano∣ther Arch-Bishop chosen in his stead. But of this and him you may reade more before, pag. 75, 76, &c.

* 3.75 Richard Scroope Arch-Bishop of ••orke,16 3.76 Brother to William Scroope Earle of Wil••shire, Ann. 1403. and 1405. joyned with the Earle of Northumberland, the Earle Marshall, the Lord Bardolp•• and others, in a Con∣spiracie and Rebellion against King Henry the fourth, gathering what forces hee could against him. The Percies to make their part seeme good, devised certaine Articles by the devise of this Arch-Bishop, which they shewed to divers Noble-men and other States of the Realme, and moved them so farre to promote their purpose by this meanes, that they did not onely pro∣mise them ayde and succour by words, but also by their writings and seales confirmed the same. After this, Anno 1405. This Arch-Bishop conspiring with the Earle of Northumberland and others aforesaid, devi∣sed like Articles as before, of such matters as was sup∣posed not onely the Commonaltie of the Realme, but the Nobilitie found themselves grieved with; which Articles he and his Confederates first shewed to such of their adherents as were neere about them, and after sent them abroad to their friends further off; assuring them, that for redresse of such oppressions they would shed the last drop of bloud in their bodies, if need were: Whereupon great multitudes flocking to the Arch-Bishop to Yorke, to take his part in this quarrell, hee not meaning to stay, after hee saw himselfe so well accompanied with so great number of men, forthwith discovered his enterprise, causing the Articles aforsaid to be set up in the publicke streets of the Citie of Yorke, and upon the gates of the Monasteries, that each man might understand the causes that moved him to rise in

Armes against the King, the reforcing whereof did not yet appertaine unto him. Hereupon the Knights, Esqui••es, Gentlemen, Yeomen, and others of the the Commons as well of the Citie, as of the Townes and Countries about, being allured for desire to see a Reformation of the things mentioned in the Arti∣cles, assembled in great number, and the Arch-Bishop comming forth amongst them clad in armour, encou∣raged•• exhorted, and (by all meanes he could) pricked them forth to take the enterprise in hand, and man∣fully to continue in their begun purpose; promising forgivenesse of sinnes to all them whose hap it was to dye in the quarrell. And indeed the respect men had of the Arch-Bishop caused them to like better of the cause, since the gravitie of his age, integritie of his life•• incomperable learning•• and reverent aspect of his per∣sonage, moved all men to have him in no small esti∣mation. The Earle of Westmerland and Duke of Lan∣••aster, the Kings sonne, being in those parts with the Kings Forces, inquired of them in a peaceable man∣ner, What their intent should be in taking Armes? The Arch-Bishop answered, That hee meant nothing but the good of the Realme, as hee would gladly certifie them if hee might have secure and safe conduct to them, and thereupon shewed a writing containing certaine Articles which hee had devised; wherein he charged King Henry with treason against his Soveraigne King Richard; op∣pression of the Church and Common-weale, whose Liberties hee had sworne to defend, Tyrannie and cruelty, in putting to death th•• said King, many of the Nobilitie, and great numbers of the Commons: with impietie and sacriledge, in defrauding the Church of Rome of her Rights; and lastly, with ••vill government, perfidiousnesse, perjury, and di∣vers other like hainous crimes, for which hee pro∣nounced the King excommunicate, requiring all men to joyne with that company, whose endeavour

should bee, but to reforme what was amisse, to seate and settle in the kingdome•• the right Heire, to establish peace in Wales and Ireland, and to free the whole Realme from the great and intollerable burthen of exactions, no longer to be endured. The Earle of Westmerland having read this writing (contai∣ning sundry treasons and conlumelies with a witnesse, and fit for an Arch-Bishop to publish) professed to al∣low of the Enterprise, and praised it for honest and reasonable; insomuch as meeting with the trayte∣rous Arch-Bishop at a parley, after a very few spee∣ches they seemed to become friends, shaking hands together, and drinking to each other in the sight of both their Armies. The Arch-Bishop now doubting of nothing, suffered his men to disperse them for a time: But the Earle contrary-wise waxing stronger and stronger, and seeing him selfe able to deale with the Bishop, came upon him suddenly and arrested him, little thinking of any such matter. The King by this time was come North, and as farre as Pomfret: Thither the Arch-Bishop with other priso∣ners, arrested with him, were brought, and carryed with the King to Yorke; or as some say, to Thorpe; where Sir William Fulford, a Knight learned in the Law, and another Justice called Gascoine sitting on an high Stage in the Hall, condemned the Arch-Bishop to be beheaded, without being judged by his Peeres; Bishops being (as * 3.77 some say) properly no Peeres of the Realme, and so not to be judged by their Peeres; who cer∣tainely would have acquitted, or saved his life had they beene Bishops, they ever using to boulster out their fellow Bishops, in their treasons, and to save them from the Gibbet. Presently after this judgement given, the Arch-Bishop was set upon an ill favoured Jade, his face toward the Horse taile, and carri∣ed with great scorne and shame to a Field hard

by, where his head at last was chopped off by a fellow that did his office very ill, not being able to dispatch him with lesse then five strokes. * 3.78 Grafton writes, that Thomas Arundel Arch-Bishop of Canterbury (as great a Traytor as hee) came to the King and said, Sir if the Bishop of Yorke have offended you so greatly as it is said, yet I pray you consider, that I am your Ghostly Father, and the se∣cond Peere in your Realme, and that you ought not to hearken to any mans voyce before me, wherefore I counsell to reserve the paine and punishment of the said Bishop to the Popes judgement, and hee will take such order as yee shall be pleased. And if ye will not so doe, yet let him be ref••rred to the Par∣liament, and keep your hands defiled from his bloud; (a sweet Counsellour.) Then the King answered, I may not stay him, for the rumour of the people; whereupon the Arch-Bishop called for a Notary, to make an instrument of the Kings answer, that if need were it might be shew∣ed to the Pope•• but the King would not stay, but cau∣sed execution to be done. Though many of our Arch-Bishops and Bishops before him, had beene desperate Traytors, yet he is the first Bishop (the more the pittie, for that made them so presumptuous in their Treasons) that was put to death by order of Law. This just exe∣cution on such a Traytorly Rebell, so unwontedly and extraordinarily performed on an Arch-Prelate, in this contumelious (though deserved) manner, without any preceding degradation, was so distastefull to his fellow Prelates (none of the best Subjects,) and so dangerous a president for the future, that they accoun∣ted this Arch-Traytor, no lesse then a Martyr, ascribing many miracles to have beene done by vertu•• of his holinesse both at his Tombe, and at the place where he was beheaded: (pittie that more of them had not been so served, that wee might have had more such Holy Saints and won∣derous Miracles of this kind.) They reported abroad, That the Bishop at the time of his Execution, desired the Ex∣ecutioner to have five strokes, in remembrance of the five

wounds of Christ, that the King at the same time, sitting at dinner, had five strok••s in his necke by a person invisible, and that the King himselfe, presently after his death, was stricken with a Leprosie, a manifest lye. They likewise reported, That a strange judgement hapned upon the Iudges who gave sentence against him: Which fabulous lying Legends, must not onely be generally bruited abroad (to cheate the people, justifie the Traytor, disparage this honorable Act of Justice slander the King and Judges, and all to secure the Bishops in their Treasons and Rebellions, that this Act might never bee made a pre∣sident to punish them capitally for such like offences in future times;) but likewise chronicled, to delude posterity, and animate all succeeding Prelates, under hopes of im∣punitie to attempt any Treasons, Trecheries or insur∣rections against their Soveraignes without feare. And to make the thing more odious, and the Prelates more presumptuous in this kinde, the * 3.79 Pope himselfe excom∣municates tbe Authors of his death, and those that had any hand in his condemnation or execution, who must all ear∣nestly entreat for absolution before it would be granted. Loe here the quintessence of all Traiterous, Rebellious spi∣rits, and disloyall practises combined, and infused into our Prelates, in canonizing this Arch-Traytor, scan∣dalizing the very sentence of Justice pronounced and executed upon him, with the King and Judges that were the Authors of it, and making it a matter worthy an Anathema, to condemne and execute a Traytor, a Rebell too in the Suparlative degree. What confi∣dence can any Princes repose, or what fidelitie can they expect from such a desperate generation of Vi∣pers as these, who cannot be content to plot, to execute Treasons and Conspiracies, but thus boldly to justifie them and the Traytors to, when they are committed? I shall therefore close this story with the words of * 3.80 Edward Hall, our Chronicler: What shall a man say of such foolish and fantasticall persons, who have

written, of such erroneous Hypocrites and seditious Asses who have indited, of such superstitious Fryers and malicious Monkes, who have declared and di∣vulged both contrary to Gods Doctrine, the honour of their Prince and common knowne verity•• such ma∣nifest lyes as the fore-cited miracles and reports con∣cerning this Arch-Bishops death? What shall men thinke of such beastly persons which regarding not their bounden d••tie and ••be••sance to their Prince and Soveraigne Lord env••ed the punishment of Traytors and torment of offendors? But what shall all men conjecture of such which favouring their owne worldly Dignitie, their owne private authority, and their owne peculiar profit, will thus juggle, rayle, and imagine fantasies against their Soveraigne Lord and Prince, and put them in memory as a miracle to his dishonour and perpetuall infamy•• well, let just men judge what I have said. So ••all.

17 3.81Iohn Kemp Arch-Bishop of Yorke, was * 3.82 a great op∣poser of the good Duke of Glocester, a Traytor and e∣vill instrument to King Henry the Sixth and the King∣dome, and the meanes of the Duke of Gloucesters mur∣ther, whose death was a most incomparable losse to the Realme; of which more at large in Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, with whom he confederated a∣gainst the Duke.

18 3.83George Nevill Arch-Bishop of Yorke * 3.84 conspired with his Brother Henry Nevill Earle of Warwicke, a∣gainst King Edward the Fourth, after hee had raigned almost nine yeares•• to pull him from his Throne; and being his hap to take King Edward Prisoner at Ownely in Northamptonshire, hee carryed the King with him Prisoner, first to Warwicke Castle, then to Midleham Castle in Yorkeshire; from whence the King at last, having liberty to ride abroad an hunting escaped, be∣ing rescued by his Friends: and within halfe a yeare after so handled the matter, as comming to London

suddenly, and entring this Arch-Bishops Palace by a Posterne Gate, hee surprized at once King H••nry and the Arch-Bishop, that had not long be∣fore taken him. Holinshed and some others relate, that the Arch-Bishop being l••ft by his Brother the Earle of Warwicke to keepe the Citie of London for King Henry against Edward the Fourth; hee per∣ceiving the affections of the people to incline to King Edward, and how the most part of the Citie were much addicted to him, sent forth secretly a Mes∣senger to him, beseeching King Edward to re∣ceive him againe into his former favour, promising to bee to him in time to come, and to acquit this good turn•• heereafter with some singular be∣nefit and service. That the King upon good con∣siderations was hereupon content to receive him a∣gaine into his favour; of which the Arch-Bishop being assured•• greatly rejoyced, and well and true∣ly acquitting him of his promise in that behalfe made•• admitted him into the Citie; where the king comming to the Arch-Bishops Palace, he•• pr••sented himselfe unto him, and having king He••ry by the hand, delivered him treacherously to king Edw••rd•• custodie; who being seized of his pe••s••n, we••t to Pauls from Westminster, where hee gave God heartie thankes for his safe returne and good successe. Thereupon they were both sent to the Tower•• where king Henry was pittifully mur∣thered•• but the Arch-Bishop the fourth of Iune ••ollowing•• was set at Libertie. About a yeare af∣ter his Enlargement, hee chanced to bee hunting at ••••••••••ore with the king, and upon occasion of some spo••t th•••• ••ad seene there, hee made relati∣on to ••••e king of some extraordinary kinde of G••me, wherewith hee was wont to solace him∣se•••••• at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hous•• hee had built and furnished very sumptuously, called the Moore, in Hartfordshire:

The King seeming desirous to be partaker of this sport, appointed a day, when hee would come thither to hunt and make merry with him: Hereupon the Arch-Bishop taking his leave, got him home; and thinking to entertaine the King in the best manner it was possible, sent for much Plate that hee had hid du∣ring the Warres between his Brethren and the King, and borrowed also much of his Friends. The Dea••e which the King hunted being thus brought into the toyle, the day before his appointed time, hee sent for the Arch-Bishop, commanding him, all excuses set apart, to repaire presently to him, being at Windsore. As soone as he came hee was arrested of High-Trea∣son, all his Plate, money and other moveable goods (to the value of 20000. l.) were seized on for the King, and himselfe a long space after kept prisoner at Calis and Guisues; during which time the King tooke to him∣selfe the profits and temporalties of his Bishopricke. Amongst other things that were taken from him, was a Miter of inestimable value, by reason of many rich stones wherewith it was adorned: that, the King brake and made thereof a Crowne for himselfe: This calamitie hapned to him, Anno 1472. Foure yeares af∣ter, with much entreatie, he obtained his Libertie, but dyed of griefe shortly after. This proud Pontifician made so great a feast at his installment, that neither our age, nor any other before it ever heard or saw the like; the particulars whereof you may read in Godwin, too tedious here to recite.

19 3.85Thomas Rotheram Arch-Bishop of Yorke being Lord Chancellour in Edward the fourth his Raigne, upon his death * 3.86 resigned his place, and delivered up his Seale to the Queene without the Councels consent, from whom he received it not, she having no right to require it: For which cause hee was committed to the Tower by the Lord Protectour, Richard Duke of Yorke; who afterwards usurping the Crowne, released

the Arch-Bishop out of prison; who thereupon sided and was ve••y inward with this Usurper, and at last dy∣ed of the Plague, May 29. 1500.

I read nothing of Thomas Savage••20 3.87 his next successour, but this, * 3.88 That he was not preferred to this See for any extraordinary great learning: that he spent his time in a manner altogether (as our Prelates doe now) either in Temporall affaires•• being a great Courtier, or else in hunting; wherewith hee was unreasonably delighted, keeping a great number of tall Fellowes a∣bout him to attend his person: But of his preaching, or maintaining Ministers to instruct the people, I read not one word. It is likely his tall fellowes occasioned many a quarrell, and sometimes would take a purse for a need.

Christopher Bambridge his Successor,21 3.89 being Embassa∣dour from King Henry the 8. to the Pope and Lewis the 12. of France, * 3.90 perswaded King Henry to take the Popes part, and proclaime Warre against Lewis, in∣gageing his Soveraigne in a needlesse Warre, only to pleasure his Lord and Master the Pope: who for this good service, made him a Cardinall; he was at last poysoned by Raynaldo de Modena an Italian Priest, his Steward, upon malice and displeasure conceived for a blow this Bishop gave him (when as a Bishop should be no striker, 1 Tim. 3.3.) as Goodwin relates out of Pau∣lus Iovius.

Thomas Wolsie (or Wolfesie,22 3.91 as Mr. Tyndall oft times stiles him) an Arch-Traytor, and most insolent do∣mineering Prelate, succeeded him in that See, * 3.92 hol∣ding likewise the Bishopricke of Bath and Wells first, and after that of Ely, Winchester, Worcester and Hereford, together with the Abbey of Saint Albanes, and divers other Ecclesiasticall Livings besides his Temporall Offices, in Commenda•• with it. This proud imperious Prelate, when he was once Arch-Bishop, studied day and night how to be a Cardinall, and caused King

Henry the Eighth and the French King to write to Rome for him, and at their request he obtained his purpose: Hee grew so into exceeding pride, that hee thought himselfe equall with the King; and when he said Masse (which hee did oftner to shew his pride then de∣votion) hee made Dukes and Earles to serve him with Wine, with * 3.93 assay taken, and to hold to him the Ba∣son and the Lavatory. His pride and excesse in dyet, apparell, furniture and attendance•• and his pompe in going to Westminster Hall were intollerable, and more then Royall or Papall: Hee was much offended with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, because he stiled him Brother, in a Letter, as though he had done him great injury by that Title. Hee quite altered the state of the Kings house, putting out and in what Officers he plea∣sed. Hee oppressed and vexed the Citizens of London, causing divers of them to be executed; siding with strangers (both Merchants and Artificers) against them. Confederating with the French King, he procu∣red King Henry to permit him to redeeme Tornaye, on his owne Termes: Hee procured a meeting of the King of England and France to their infinite expence, onely that he might be seene in his owne vaine pompe, and shew of Dignitie, himselfe drawing up the instru∣ment and termes of their meeting in his owne name, which began thus: Thomas Arch-Bispop of Yorke, &c. Hee committed the Earle of Northumberland, and wrought the Duke of Buckingham out of the Kings fa∣vour, and at last cut off the Dukes head, for opposing his pride and unjust proceedings. Hee began his Let∣ters to forraigne Princes and the Pope, for the most part, in this manner•• ••go & Rex meus, I, and my King, putting himselfe before his Soveraigne, making him but his underling and Pupill, swaying him like a Schoole-boy at his pleasure. Hee set his Armes like∣wise above the Kings over Christ-Church Colledge-gate in Oxford, which he founded: Hee stamped his Car∣dinalls

Cap on the kings Coyne (as our Bishops doe now their Armes and Miters on their Proces•• * 3.94 instead of the Kings Seale and Armes:) Hee set up a Legan••••ne Court here in England by Commissi∣on from the Pope, to which hee drew the Conu∣sans of all Ecclesiasticall Causes; and when the king had summoned a Convocation at Pauls in Lon∣don by vertue of his Writ, hee came most insolent∣ly into the Convocation House, and by his power Legantine, dissolved the Convocation, summo∣ning them all to appeare before him at Saint Peter•• in Westminster the Monday following, there to cele∣brate the Synod under him; which power Legantine brought him and all the Clergi•• into a Premunire, to his overthrow and their cost, they being enforced to grant the king an hundred thousand pounds, to ac∣knowledge him on earth supreme Head of the Church of England, and to renounce the Popes Supremacie, to buy their peace. He dissolved 40. Monasteries of good worth, converting all their goods and moveables into his own Coffers, which were so stuffed with Treasure, that 12. Barrels•• full o•• Gold and Silver, were laid a∣side to serve the Pope in his Warres, emptying the Land also of twelve score thousand pounds which he forced from the king; all which he sent to relieve and ran∣some the Pope then in prison, to the great impoveri∣shing of his Majesties Coffers and the Realm: His re∣venues one way or other•• were equall to the kings; he had no lesse then 1200. Hor••e for his retinue, 80. wag∣gons for his carriage, and 60. Mules for sumpter hor∣ses when he went into France. Hee carried the Great Seale of England with him in his Embassie without the kings consent, so that no Writs nor Patents could be sealed, nor busines of the kingdom dispatched in the interim. He proclaimed warres against the Emperor without the kings consent, stirred up the French king to warre against him, ayding him with Monies

without the Kings privity, and contrary to his likeing, he demanded ••he 5. part of the true value of every mans goods, by way of loane, toward the maintenance of the Warrs in France, putting men to confesse upon their Oathes, the true estimate of their Estates, with∣out the Kings privitie, which caused many insurrecti∣ons and mutinies in the Kingdome, the people rising up and denying to pay it: at which the King being very angry, released the loane as an intollerable oppres∣sion, sore against this Prelates will•• yet the Cardinall, the sole cause and urger thereof, would needs lay the odium of it on the King, to alienate the hearts of his Subjects from him•• and take the sole praise of the re∣lease of it to himselfe, as if hee with much suite and danger had obtained it. * 3.95 Hee falsely prosecuted and imprisoned the Earle of Kildare, accusing him before the Counsell to take away his life, where hee pressed him so deeply with disloyalty, that the presumption (as the Cardinall did force it) being vehement, the Trea∣son odious, the King suspicious, the enemies eager, the friends saint (which were sufficient grounds to o∣verthrow an innocent person) the Earle was reprived to the Tower, whither on a night suddenly came a Mandate to the Lieutenant from the Cardinall, to exe∣cute Kildare on the morrow, before any judgement given, and without the kings privitie: who being ac∣quainted by the Lieutenant therewith at midnight, the king controlling the sawcinesse of the Priest, de∣livered the Lieutenant his Signet in token of counter∣mand; which when the Cardinall had seene, he began to breath out unseasonable Language, which the Lieu∣tenant was loth to heare, and so left him pattering and chanting the Devils Pater noster. Hee oppressed and and disquietted the whole Realme and Christian world all his time, endeavoured to set up the Popes power, all hee might, with prejudice to the kings, aspiring to the Papacie himselfe, and sending much

mony to Rome to bribe the Cardinals to elect him, though hee failed in that project: Hee was so proud, that hee had divers Lords, Earles and Knights atten∣ding on him•• and was served on the knee when hee went Embassadour into Germany: Hee was exceeding treacherous, false, and perfidious to the King, who trusted him with the government of the Realme, see∣king onely his owne ends and advancements: Hee caused him to breake off his firme League with the Emperour, and to make w••rre upon him and side with France; stirring up likewise the French King against the Emperour, onely to wrecke his private spleene upon him, denouncing warres against him by an Herauld without the Kings knowledge; Hee set England, France, Germany, Flanders and Italy together by the eares; Hee bare such a hand upon the controver∣sies which ran betweene the King, the Emperour, the King of France, and other Princes, as all the world might acknowledge the resolution and expectation of all affaires to depend on him and his authoritie: Hee exceedingly abused and deluded the King about the matter of his Divorce, which himselfe first put him upon to spite the Emperour, delaying him from time to time, to his no small cost and vexation, and writing likewise secret Letters to Pope Clement to hinder the Divorce all hee might, which Letters an English Gen∣tleman then at Rome got into his hands, by meanes of one of the Popes Concubines. * 3.96 The Queene most grievously accused Cardinall Wolsie in the presence of the whole Court of untruth, deceit, wickednesse, and malice, which had sowne dissention betwixt her and her husband the King; and therefore openly protested, that shee did utterly abhorre, refuse, and forsake such a Judge, as was not onely a most malicious enemie to her, but also a manifest adversary to all Right and Ju∣stice. Hee did many things when he was Embassa∣dour without the Kings privitie, and held correspon∣dencie

with his enemies. * 3.97 Mr. Tyndall (who notably descries and layes open his treacheries) writes That he calculated the Kings Nativitie (which is a common Practise of Prelates in all Lands) whereby hee saw whereunto the Kings Grace should be enclined all his Life, and what should bee like to chance him at all times; and (as he then heard ••t spoken of divers) hee made by craft of Necromancie graven imagery to beare upon him, wherewith hee bewitched the Kings minde, and the King to doat upon him•• more then e∣ver he did on any Lady or Gentlewoman (a tricke of the Devils suggestion usuall among Court Prelates and Priests) so that now the Kings Grace followed him as he followed the King. And then what he said, that was wisdome, what he praised, that was honoura∣ble onely. Moreover, in the meane time hee * 3.98 spied out the natures and dispositions of the Kings play-fel∣lowes, and of all that were great, and whom hee spied meet for his purpose, him hee flattered, and him hee made faithfull with great promises, and to him hee sware, and of him hee tooke an oath againe, that the one should helpe the other, for without a secret Oath hee admitted no man unto any part of his privities. And ever as he grew in promotions and dignitie, so gathered he unto him of the most subtile witted, and of them that were drunke in the de••ire of honour, most like unto himselfe. And after they were sworne hee promoted them•• and with great promises made them in falsehood faithfull, and of them ever presented unto the kings Grace and put them into his service; say∣ing•• this is a man meet for your Grace. And by these spies, if any thing were spoken or done in Court a∣gainst the Cardinall, of that hee had word within an houre or two. And then came the Cardinall to Court with all his Magicke to pleade to the con∣••rary. If any in the Court had spoken against the

Cardinall, and the same not great in the kings fa∣vour, the Cardinall bade him walke a Villaine, and thrust him out of the Court head-long: If hee were in conceit with the kings Grace, then hee flattered, and perswaded, and corrupted some with gifts, and sent some Embassadours, and some hee made Captaine at Calice, Hammes, Gynes, Iarnsie and Gernsie, or sent them to Ireland, or into the North, and so occupied them till the king had forgot them, or other were in their roomes, or hee sped what hee intended. And in like manner plaid h••e with the Ladies and Gentlewoman, whosoever of them was great, with her was hee familiar, and to her gave hee gifts. Yea, and where Saint Thomas of Canterbury was wont to come after, Thomas Cardinall went oft be∣fore preventing his Prince, and perverted the order of that holy man. If any were subtile witted and meet for his purpose, her made he sworn (O trechery) to be∣tray the Queene likewise, and to tell what shee said or did. I knew one that departed the Court for no other cause, then that shee would no lon∣ger betray her Mistresse. And after the same example hee furnished the Court * 3.99 with Chap∣laines of his owne sworne Disciples and Children of his owne bringing up, to bee alwayes present, and to dispute of vanities, and to water whatsoever the Cardinall had planted. If among those Cormorants any yet began to bee much in favour with the King, and to bee somewhat busie in the Court, and to draw any other way then as my Lord Car∣dinall had appointed, that the Plough should goe, anone hee was sent to Italy or to Spaine, or some quarrell was picked against him, and so was thrust out of the Court as Stokesley was. Hee promo∣ted the Bishop of Lincolne that now is, his most faithful•• Friend and Old Companion, and made him Confessour: to whom of what∣soever

the Kings Grace shrove himselfe, thinke ye not that hee spake so loud that the Cardinall heard it? and not unright, for as Gods Creatures ought to obey God and serve his honour, so ought the Popes creatures to obey the Pope and serve his Majestie. Fi∣nally, Thomas Wolsie became what hee would, even partner of Heaven, so that no man could enter into promotion but through him. Being thus advanced hee begins to act his part like a sworne Vassall to the Pope, and a Traytor to his Prince, which * 3.100 Mr. Tyndall, who lived at that time, thus relates. About the begin∣ning of the Kings Grace that now in France was mighty, so that I suppose it was not mightier this five hundred yeares. King Lewis of France had won Naples and had taken Bonony from Saint Peters See•• where∣fore Pope Iuly was wroth, and cast how to bring the French men down; yet soberly, lest while he brought him lower, hee should give an occasion to lift up the Emperour higher. Our first Voyage into Spaine was to bring the French men lower; for our meynye were set in the Fore-front and borders of Spaine toward Gas∣coine; partly to keepe those parties, and partly to feare the Gascoynes, and to keepe them at home, while in the meane time the Spaniards wan Naverne. When Na∣verns was wan, our men came to lose as many as dyed not there, and brought all their mony with them home againe, save that they spent there. Howbeit, for all the losse of Naverne, the French men were yet able enough to match Spaine, the Venetians, and the Pope, with all the Souchenars that he could make; so that there was yet no remedie but wee must set on the French men also, if they should be brought out of Italy. Then Pope Iuly wrote unto his deare Sonne Thomas Wolsie, that hee would be as good, as loving, and as helping to Holy Church, as ever any Thomas was, seeing he was as able; then the new Thomas as glorious as the old, tooke the matter in hand, and perswaded the Kings Grace.

And then the Kings Grace tooke a Dispensation for his Oath made upon the appointment of peace between him and the French King, and promised to helpe the Holy Seate, wherein Pope Peter never ••ate. But the Emperour Maximilian might in no wi••e stand still, le••t the French men should money him, and get aide of him, since the Almaines refuse not mony whensoever it be proffered; then quoth Thomas Wolsie, O ho, and like your Grace, what an honour should it be unto your Grace, if the Emperour were your Souldier; so great honour never chanced any King christened; it should be spoken of while the World stood; the glory and honour shall hide and darken the cost that it shall never be seene, though it should cost your Realme. Dixit, & factum est. It was even so. And then a Parli∣ament, and then pay, and then upon the French Dogs, with cleane remission of all his sinnes, that slew one of them; or if hee be slaine (for the pardons have no strength to save in this life, but in the life to come on∣ly) then to Heaven straight, without feeling of the paines of Purgatory. Then came our King with all his might by Sea and by Land, and the Emperour with a strong, Armie, and the Spaniards, and the Pope, and the Venetians all at once against King Lewis of France. As soon as the Pope had that he desired in Italy, then peace immediately; and French men were chri∣sten men•• and pitty, yea and great sinne also were it to shed their bloud, and the French king was the most Christian king again. And thus was peace con∣cluded, our Englishmen, or rather Sheep, came home against Winter, and left their Fleeces behinde them: wherefore no ••mall number of them while they sought them better rayment at home, were hanged for their labour. When this peace was made, our holy Cardi∣nals•• and Bishops (as their old guise is to calke and cast 40. yea an hundred year before, what is like to chance unto their kingdome) considered how the Emperour

that now is, was most like to be chosen Emperour after his Grandfather Maximilian; for Maximilian had already obtained of divers of the Electours that it should so bee. They considered also how mighty hee should bee: First, King of Spaine, with all that pertai∣neth thereto, which was wont to be 6. or 7. King∣domes•• then Duke of Burgaine, Earle of Flanders, of Holland, Zeland, and Braband, with all that pertaine thereto, then Emperour, and his Brother Duke of Austria, and his sister Queene of Hungarie; wherefore thought our Prelates, if wee take not heed betimes, our Kingdome is like to be troubled, and wee to be brought under the feet; for this man shall be so mighty, that he shall with power take out of the French Kings hands, out of the hands of the Venetians, and from the Pope also, whatsoever pertaineth unto the Empire, and whatsoever belongeth unto his other kingdomes and Dominions thereto, and then will hee come to Rome, and be crowned there; and so shall hee over∣looke our Holy Father, and see what he doth, and then shall the old Heretickes rise up againe and say, that the Pope is Antichrist, and stirre up againe and bring to light that we have hid and brought asleepe with much cost, paine, and bloud-shedding more than this hun∣dred yeares long. Considered also that his Aunt is Queene of England, and his wife the King of Eng∣lands Si••ter; considered the old amitie betweene the House of Burgaine, and the old Kings of England, so that they could never doe ought in France without their helpe; and last of all, considered the course of Mar∣chandize that England hath in those parts, and also the naturall hate that Englishmen beare to French∣men: wherefore if we will use our old practise, and set the French King against him; then he shall lightly obtain the favour of the King of England, by the meanes of his Ant and his wife, and aid-with men and mony: wherefore wee must take heed betimes and breake this

amitie: which thing we may by this our old cra•••• ea∣sily bring to passe: Let us take a Dispensation, and breake this Marriage, and turne the Kings Sister unto the French King: If the French King get a Male of her, then wee shall lightly make our King protectour of France; and so shall England and France be coupled together: and as for the Queene of England, wee shall trim her well enough, and occupie the king with strange love, and keepe her that shee shall beare no rule. And as the Gods had spoken so it came to passe. Our faire young Daughter was sent to the old pockie king of France•• that yeare before our mortall enemie, and a Miscreant worse then a Turke, and disobedient unto our Holy Father, and no more obedient then hee was compelled to bee against his will. In short space thereafter Thomas Wolsie now Cardinall and Legate a latere, and greatly desirous to be Pope also, thought it exceeding expedient for his many secret purposes to bring our king, and the king of France that now is, to∣gether; both to make a perpetuall peace and amitie betweene them, and that while the two kings and their Lords dalied together, the great Cardinalls and Bishops of both parties might betray them both, and the Emperour and all Christian kings thereto. Then he made a journey of Gentlemen arrayed altogether in silke, so much as their very shooes, and lining of their Bootes, more like their Mothers then men of warre; yea, I am sure that many of their Mothers would have beene ashamed of so nice and wanton array. How∣beit they went not to make warres, but peace for ever and a day longer. But to speake of the pompous appa∣rells of my Lord himselfe, and of his Chaplaines, it passeth the Twelve Apostles. I dare sweare that if Peter and Paul had seene them suddenly and at a blush, they would have been harder in beliefe that they or any such should bee their successours, then Thomas Didimus was to beleeve that Christ was risen againe

from death. When all was concluded betweene the king of France and ours, that Thomas Wolsie had devised, and when the Prelates of both parties had cast their penny-worths against all chances, and devised reme∣dies for all mischiefes; then the right Reverend Fa∣ther in God Thomas Cardinall and Legate, would goe see the young Emperour newly chosen to the roome, and have a certaine secret communication with some of his Prelates also: And gat him to Bridges in Flan∣ders, where hee was received with great solemnitie as might belong to so great a pillar of Christs Church, and was saluted at the entring into the Towne of a merry Fellow, which said, Salve Rex Regis tuì, atque Regni sui; Hayle both King of thy King, and of his Realme.* 3.101 And though there were never so great strife betweene the Emperour and the French king, yet my Lord Car∣dinall jugled him favour of them both, and finally brought the Emperour to Cales to the kings Grace, where was great triumph and great love and amitie shewed on both parties; insomuch, that a certaine man marvelling at it, asked the old Bishop of Durham, How it might be that we were so great with the Em∣peror so shortly, upon so strong and everlasting a peace made betweene us and the French men, the Emperour and the king of France being so mortall enemies? My Lord answered, That it might be well enough if hee wist all; but there was a certaine secret (said hee) whereof all men knew not: yea verily, they have had * 3.102 secrets this 800. yeares, which though all the Lay∣men have felt them, yet few have spied them, save a few Judases, which for lucre have beene confederate with them to betray their owne kings and all other. Then were wee indifferent, and stood still, and the Emperour and the French king wrastled together; and Ferdinandus the Emperours Brother wan Millaine of the Frenchmen; and the Emperour Turnay our great Conquest, which yet after so great cost in buil∣••••••••

a Castle we delivered up againe unto the French∣men, in earnest and hope o a marriage betweene the Dolphine and our Princesse. After that ••••e Emperour would into Spaine, and came through England, where hee was received with great honour, and with all that pertaineth to love and amitie. The Kings Grace lent him Monie, and promised him more; and the Em∣perour should tarry a certaine time and marry our Princesse; not that the Card••nall intended; that, thou maist be sure; for it was not profitable for their Kingdome; but his minde was to dally with the Em∣perour, and to keepe him without a wife (insomuch as hee was young and lustie) hee might have beene nozeled and entangled with Whores, (which is their nurturing of Kings) and made so effeminate and beastly, that hee should never have beene able to lift up his heart to any goodnesse or vertue; that Cardi∣nalls and Bishops might have administred his Domi∣nions in the meane time, unto our Holy Fathers profit. The King of France hearing the favour that was shew∣ed unto the Emperour sent immediately a Defiance unto our King, not without our Cardinals and Bi∣shops counsell thou mayst well witt. For French∣men are not so foolish to have done it so unadvisedly and so rashly, seeing they had too many in their tops already. Then our King spake many great words, that he would drive the French King out of his Realm, or else the French King should drive him out of his: But had he added as the Legate Pandulph taught King Io••n, with the Popes License, his words had sounded much better: For there can no vow stand in effect, except the Holy Father confirmed it. Wee sent out our Souldiers two Summers against the French men,* 3.103 unto whose chiefe Captaines the Cardinall had ap∣pointed how farre they should goe, and what they should doe; and therefore the French king was no∣thing a••raid, but brought all his power against the

Emperour in other places; and so hee was ever be∣trayed: And thus the Cardinall was the Empero••rs Friend openly and the French Kings secretly. For at the meeting with the French King beside Ca••es hee ut∣terly betrayed the Emperour, yet for no love that h••e had to France, but to help the Pope, and to have beene Pope happily, and to save their Kingdome; which treason, though all the World smelled it, y•••••• brake not out openly to the eye, till the ••••••ge of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And the Cardinall lent the Emperour much money open∣ly, and gave the French King more secretly. Hee plaid with both hands to serve their secret that all men know not as the Bish. of Durham said. But whatsoever the Frenchmen did they had ever the worse notwith∣standing the secret working of our holy Prelates on their side. Finally, unto the siege of Pavia, came the French king personally with 60. thousand men of warre, of which 12. thousand were horse-men, and with monie enough. And the Emperours host was under 20. thousand, of which were but 3. thousand Horse-men, with no money at all: For hee trusted unto the Pope for aide of men, and unto our Cardinall for Money. But the Pope kept backe his men till the French-men had given them a field; and our Cardi∣nall kept backe his money for the same purpose. And thus was the silly Emperour betrayed, as all his prede∣cessours have beene this 8. hundred yeares. Howbeit there bee that say, that the Emperours Souldiers so threatned Stace the kings Graces Embassadour, that he was faine to make chevisance with Merchants for mo∣ney in the kings name, to pay the Souldiers withall; Wherefore the Cardinall tooke from him all his pro∣motions, and played the Tormentor with him, when he came home, because hee presumed to doe one jot more then was in his Commission. But howsoever it was, the Emperours men in tarrying for helpe had spent all their Victualls: Whereupon Burbon the

chiefe Captaine of the Emperour, said unto his un∣der Captaines; Yee see, helpe commeth not, and that our victuals are spent: wherefore there is no remedy but to fight, though wee bee une∣qually matched. If wee winne, wee shall finde meate enough; if wee lose, wee shall lose no more then wee must lose with hunger, though we fight not. And so they concluded to set upon the French-men by night. The King of France and his Lords supposing that the Moon would sooner have fallen out of the skie, then that the Emperours host durst have fought with them, were somewhat neg∣ligent, and went the same night a mumming that Burbon set upon them. The Emperours Hoste therefore, with their sodaine coming upon them, a∣mazed the Frenchmen, and drave them upon heapes together, one on another, so that they never could come in array againe, and tooke the King,* 3.104 and di∣vers of his Lords, and slew many, and wanne the field. And there came out all the Cardinals privy treason. For in the French-Kings Tent (say men) were Letters found, and beside that in the French-kings Treasure, and in all the Hoast among the Souldiers were English Shippes found innumera∣ble, which had come sayling a thousand miles by Land. But what wonder? Shippes be made to sayle over the Sea, and wings to flye into farre Countries, and to mount to the toppe of High hills. When the French King was taken, wee sang, Te Deum. But for all that singing, wee made peace with French-men. And the Pope, the Venetians, France and England were knit to∣gether, least the Emperours Army should doe any hurt in France: whereby you may conjecture of what minde the Pope and the Cardinall were to∣ward the Emperour, and with what heart our spiritualty with their invisible secrets, sang Te Deum.

And from that time hitherto, the Emperour and our Cardinall have beene twaine, After that, when the King of France was delivered home againe, and his Sonnes left in pledge, many wayes were sought to bring home the sonnes also; but in vaine except the French King would make good that which hee had promised the Emperour. For the bringing home of these children no man more busied his wits then the Cardinall: Hee would in any wise the Emperour should have sent them home, and it had beene but for our Kings pleasure for the great kindnesse that he shew∣ed him in times past. Hee would have married the Kings Daughter our Princesse unto the Dolphine a∣gaine, or as the voyce went among many, unto the second Brother, and hee should have beene Prince in England, and King in time to come; so that he sought alwayes to plucke us from the Emperour, and joyne us unto France, to make France strong enough to match the Emperour, and to keepe him downe that the Pope might raigne a God alone and doe what pleaseth him, without controlling of any over-seer. And for the same purpose hee left nothing unprovided to bring the Mart from Anwerpe to Cales. But at that time, the Pope taking part with the French King had warre with the Emperour: And at the last the Pope was taken, which when the Cardinall heard, hee wrote unto the Empe∣rour, that he should make him Pope: And when hee had gotten an answer that pleased him not, but accor∣ding unto his deservings toward the Emperour, then hee waxed furious mad, and sough all meanes to dis∣please the Emperour, and imagined the divorcement betweene the King and the Queene, and wrote sharply unto the Emperour with manacing Letters, that if hee would not make him Pope, hee would make such ruf∣fling betweene Christian Princes as was not this hun∣dred yeares, to make the Emperour repent; yea, though it should cost the whole Realme of England,

The Lord Jesus be our shield, what a fierce wrath of God is this upon us, that a mishapen Monster should spring out of a Dunghill into such an height, that the dread of God and man laid apart, he should be so ma∣lepert not onely to defie utterly the Majestie of so mightie an Emperour, whose Authoritie both Christ and all his Apostles obeyed•• and taught all other to obey, threatning damnation to them that would not: But should also set so little by the whole Realme of England which hath bestowed so great cost and shed so much bloud to exalt and mainetaine such proud, chur∣lish, and unthankfull Hypocrites that hee should not care to destroy it utterly, for satisfying of his villanous lusts. Godly Master Tyndall was so farre affected with the treacherous practises of this Cardinall, that hee laid them open in two severall Discourses; the one entitu∣led, The Ohedience of a Christian man; the other, The Pra∣ctise of Popish Prelates. In the last whereof after the re∣citall of these his perfidious actions, he breakes out in∣to this Patheticke Supplication: * 3.105 I beseech the Kings most Noble Grace therefore, to consider all the wayes by which the Cardinall and our holy Bishops have led him, since hee was first King, and to see whereunto all the pride, pompe, and vaine boast of the Cardinal is come, and how God hath resisted him and our Prelates in all their wiles; we who have nothing to doe at all have medled yet in all matters, and have spent for our Prelats causes more then al Christendom, even unto the utter beggering of our selves, and have gotten nothing but rebuke, and shame, and hate among all Nations, and a mocke and a scorne thereto, of them whom wee have most holpen. For the French men (as the saying is) of late dayes made a play or a dis∣guising at Paris, in which the Emperour danced with the Pope and the French king, and wearied them, the king of England sitting on a high bench and looking on. And when it was asked, why hee danced not, it

was answered, that he ••ate there, but to pay the Min∣strels their wages only. As who shoald say, we payd for all mens dancing, we monyed the Emperour only, and gave the Frenchmen double, and treble secretly, and to the Pope also. Yea and though Fardinandu•• had money sent him openly to blind the world withall, yet the saying is throughout all Duchland, that we sent money to the King of Pole, and to the Turke also, and that by helpe of our money Fardinandus was driven out of Hungary: which thing, though it were not true, yet it will breed us a scab at the last, and get us with our medling more hate than we shall be able to beare, if a chance come, unl••sse that wee waxe wiser betime. And I beseech his Grace also to have mercy of his owne soule, and not to suffer Christ and his holy Te∣stament to be persecuted under his name any longer, that the sword of the wrath of God may be put up a∣gaine, which for that cause no doubt is most chiefely drawne. And I beseech his Grace to have compassion on his poore subjects, which have ever b••ene unto his Grace, both obedient, loving and kinde, that the Realm utterly perish not with the wicked Counsell of our pestilent Prelats. So Tyndall. After this the Cardi∣nall was attainted in a* 3.106 praemunire, wherupon the King seised on all his goods, tooke away the great Seale of England from him, thrust him from the Court, yet left him the Arch-Bishopricke of Yorke and the Bisho∣pricke of Winchester. The Parliament exhibited sun∣dry Articles of High-Treason against him. As, that hee had exercised a Legantine power here in England, derived from the Pope without the Kings License, contrary to the Lawes of the Realme, that in all his Letters to the Pope and other ••orragne Princes he put himselfe before the King in these words, I, and my King: that he carried the Great Seale of England over into the Low-countries with him, when hee went Embassa∣dour to the Emperour: That hee proclaimed open

warre by an Herauld against the Emperour without the Kings privitie; that he had sent Gregory of Cassido a Knight, into Italy, to make a new League betwene the King and the Duke of Farrar without the kings know∣ledge; That being almost rotten with the French Pox he pre••umed to breathe with his stinking and rotten mouth in the kings face; That he set his Cardinalls Hat on the kings Coyne; and that he exported an in∣finite Masse of Money out of the kingdome into Italy, that he might most impudently compasse the Papacie, with other particulars fore-cited.. All which, toge∣ther with the Cardinalls attainder in the Praemunire (Mr. * 3.107 Tyndall) saith, were done only in policie by the Cardinall, to bleare the eyes of the World withall, be∣cause nought worthy a Traytor was done unto him, it being seldome heard or read, that so great a Traytor was so easily put to death or punished; because Sir Thomas Moore his chiefest Secretary, one nothing infe∣riour to his Master in lying, faining, and bearing two faces in one hood, and the chiefest stale wherewith the Cardinall caught the kings Grace, whom he called to the confirmation of all that hee intended to perswade, was made Chancellour in his place; because his Bi∣shopricke of Durham was bestowed on one of his old Chaplaines and chiefe Secretaries his fast friends; and because as soone as the Parliament brake up, the Car∣dinall had his Charter of pardon and got him home, and all Bishops got them every Fox to his hole, leaving their Attournies yet behinde them, thinking to come again themselves as soon as the constellation was some what over-run, whereof they were afraid. But however it were either in policie only or earnest, it turned to re∣ality at last: For the Cardinall thus put from the Court, and his Chancellorship, nothing abating his pride or spirit to beard the king & flater the people, appointed to be installed at York in great pomp, inviting all the lords and Gentlemen in the countrey, to accompany him from Cawood to Yorke; complaining likewise by degrees

to many of the great injuries the king had done him to stirre up the people to sedition; inveighing likewise very bitterly in his Letters to the Pope and other For∣raigners against the king; which railing Letters and reproaches of his, comming to the kings Embassadors eares they acquainted the king therewith: * 3.108 The king acquaint••d with these his Seditious and disloyall pra∣ctises, and understanding of his intended pompous in∣stallment at Yorke, commanded the Earle of Northum∣berland to arrest him at Cawood of High-Treason, which hee did about the beginning of November, 1536. The Cardinall wondering at this sudden arrest, stood first upon his termes of contest with the Earle, telling him that hee was a Cardinall, a Member of the Court of Rome, and the Popes Legate, not subject to any mans or Princes arrest, on whom to lay violent hands was a great wickednesse; but at last, fearing the successe and the Earles power, submitted himselfe against his will. The Earle hereupon removed his followers•• sei∣zed on all his plate and goods, brought him to Shef∣field Castle, where he delivered him to the High She∣riffe of Shropshire to be conveyed to London. Thither the Captaine of the Guard, and Lieutenant of the Tower with certaine Yeomen of the Guard, were sent to fetch him to the Tower, at which the Cardinall was sore astonied, and fearing the worst grew sicke upon it, whereupon he willingly tooke so much quan∣titie of a strong purgation that his nature was not able to beare it, and thereof dyed at Leicester Abbey the 27. day of November, his body lying dead was blacke as pitch, and so heavie that sixe could scarce beare it; Furthermore, it did so stinke above the ground, that they were constrained to hasten the buriall of it in the night season, before it was day. At the which buriall, such a tempest, with such a stinke there arose, that all the Torches went out, and so he was throwne into the Tombe, and there left. By the ambitious pride and

excessive worldly wealth of this one Cardinall (writes Master Fox) all men may easily understand and judge what the state and condition of all the rest of the same Order (whom we call Spirituall men) was in those dayes, as well in all other places of Christendome as specially here in England; whereas the Princely pos∣sessions and great pride of the Clergie, did not onely farre surpasse and exceed the common measure and order of Subjects, but also surmounted over kings and Princes, and all other Estates, as may well ap∣peare by h••s doings and order of his Story above de∣scribed, In which I have beene the more prolix, be∣cause it notably paints out unto us the ambitious, tre∣cherous, ••lye practises and designes of our Prelates, with the ordinary wayes whereby they creepe into Princes favours; as likewise their insolent behaviour and strange perfidiousnesse when they are growne great; and is a lively patterne of the Bishops practises in our age, who tread in these his foot-steps, and fol∣low them to an haires breadth: I would therefore advise them to remember his last words (as well as i∣mitate his Actions) with which I shall close up his Story, * 3.109 If I had served God as diligently as I have done the King, he would not have given me over in my gray haires. But this is the just reward that I must receive for the paines and study that I have had, to doe him service, not regarding my service to God, so much as the satisfying of his pleasure.

* 3.110 Edward Lee,23 3.111 who succeeded him in his Arch Bisho∣pricke, in the great Rebellion of the North, An. 1535. and 1536. joyned with the Rebels against his Prince; some say, it was against his wil, but certain it is, that the Abbots, priests, and Clergi-men were the chief cause & ring-leaders in this Rebellion, the principall pretence wherof, was the reformation of religion, the abolishing of the heresies of Luther, Zuinglius, Wicklif, and other Pro∣testant Writers the removing of Cranmer & other here∣ticall Bishops and Privie Counsellors, the restoring of

and Priori••s•• and all points of Popery formerly main∣tained•• with the confirmation of the priviledges of this in speciall, that Priests might not suffer for any treason or felony, unlesse they were first degraded. Now the Abbots, Priests, Monkes and Clergie, be∣ing the stirrers up and chiefe Captaines of this Re∣bellion upon these points of Religion and priviledge of the Church, which mainely concerned the Clergie, it is likely the Arch-Bishop was as forward as any of the rest in this Insurrection, and that he accompanied and encouraged the Rebels not out of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or con∣straint, as hee afterwards pretended, but willingly, though ••he King pardoned him, as he did all the other wilfull Rebels. Some of them making a new insurre∣ction, were af••erwards taken and executed as Tray∣tors to the Crowne; among which number, Pa••law Abbot of Whaley in Lincolnshire, Iohn Castlegate and Wil∣liam Haydocke Monkes of the same house, Robert Hobs Abbot of Woborne in Bedfordshire, Adam Sudbury Abbot of Germany with Astbeed a Monke of that House, the Abbot of Sawly in Lan••ash••re, and the Prior of the same, William W••ld Prior of Birlingto••, the Parson of Pading∣ton, 5. priests of Lincolnshire, Doctor Markerell, who stiled himselfe Captaine Cobler, and Iohn Allen Priests (the chiefe fire-brands in this Rebellion) were han∣ged for Rebellion, as they well deserved, though they named their enterprise an holy blessed Pilgrimage, and had certaine Banners in the field, wherein was planted Christ hanging on the Crosse on the one side, and a Chalice with a painted Cake in it, on the other side.

24 3.112For other Arch-Bishops since, I finde not much concerning them; onely I reade, that * 3.113 Robert Hol∣gate his next Successour, was committed prisoner to the Tower in the first yeare of Queene Mary, where he lay an yeare and halfe; and that Edwin Sands another of his Successours, was long impri••oned by Queene

Mary: * 3.114 he being Vice-chancellour of Cambridge when the Lady Iane was proclaimed Queene•• preached a Ser∣mon upon that oc••••sion, which was like to cost him his life.

Samuel Harsnet25 3.115 the last Archbish. but one being made a Privie Councellour by our present Sover••igne King Charles, was such a furious Hildebrand, that like Davus in the Comedie, he perturbed all things where ever he came; insomuch, that the Lords and Court growing wearie of him and his domineering outrage, caused him to be sent from Court to his Arch-Bishopricke, and there to keepe residence till he should be sent for: Where having no other imployment, hee falls by the eares with Doctor Howson Bishop of Durham, whom he excommunicated, for refusing to admit him to visit in his Diocesse as his Metropolitane, he being a Count Palatine in his Bishopricke; and withall falling to persecute the godly Ministers of his Diocesse, he was smitten mortally with a dangerous disease, whereof he died the very night before he resolved to suspend and silence some good men summoned to appeare before him the next morning. This furious Arch-Prelate was such an enemie to the Lawes and Liberties of the sub∣ject, that in the case of Mr. Walter Long, censured in Star-chamber about 4. Caroli, for comming up to the Parliament House, whereof he was a member, whil••s he was Sheriffe of Wiltshire, contrary to his Oath, (as was pretended) when as his Counsell produced divers ancient Records and Presidents touching the Privi∣ledges of Parliaments and the members of it, to exempt him from the Jurisdiction and sentence of that Court; this Arch-Bishop checked his counsell for troubling them with Moth-Eaten Records, saying, That they sate there not to be guided by Presidents, but to make Presidents; and so proceeded to censure in the cause. In a word, I may conclud of him•• as Saint * 3.116 Bernard long before, did of one of his predecessors: Nonne Eboracensis ipse est cui

te praes••nte, fratres tui restiterunt in faciem, eo quod reprehen∣sibilis erat? sed speravit in multitudine divitiarum suarum, & praevalu••t in vanitate sua: Cert••m est tamen quod non intra∣vit per ostium in ouile ovium, sed ascendit aliunde. Si Paston fui••set, diligendus erat; si mercenarius, tolerandus; Nunc autem cavendus et repellendus utpote fur & latro.

26 3.117Richard Neale the last Arch-bishop of York, before his comming to that See, about the 13 yeare of King Iames not long after hee was created a Bishop, was highly questioned in Parliment for seditious speeches against the Commons House, for which he had suffered con∣digne punishment, had he not beene an active instru∣ment to dissolve that Parliament, to avoid the censure of it. Since that he had a hand in dissolving other Par∣liaments, to the prejudice of the King and Kingdome. In the Remonstrance of the Commons House of Parlia∣ment, presented to King Charles our Soveraigne in the 3. yeare of his Raigne; hee was by name complained against as one of the chiefe heads of the popish and Ar∣minian Factions, which disquietted both our Church and State; and as a persecuter of good Ministers, and suppressour of Lectures. How many godly Ministers he prosecuted, silenced, suspended, deprived, both in the High Commission, and all the Diocesse under his Jurisdiction, whiles hee continued in favour at the Court, is so well knowne to all, that I need not relate it: And his disfavour at Court (as most conjecture) was the cause of his unexpected Clemencie to the Mi∣nisters of the province of York some few years before his death. He was the first advancer of William Laud Arch-bishop of Canterbury, of Doctor Cousins, with sundry other Incendiaries and Innovators both in Church and State, who were entertained by him for his Chaplaines•• and then promoted by his meanes•• to the ruine almost of our Religion and Kingdome. He was a great enemy to Parliaments. Prohibitions, the Li∣berties of the Subject, and Lawes of the Land: Hee

seldome or never preached himselfe, and therefore could not endure frequent preaching in others: Hee was a great furtherer of the Booke for sports on the Lords day, and an enemy to puritie, Puritans, and the sincere practise of pietie. Hee had a hand in ratifying the late Canons and Oath, in affront of his Majesties Prerogative, the Parliament, Lawes, and Liberties of the Subject; And no doubt he had a finger in the late Scottish Warres and Combustions; whereupon hee burnt all his Letters concerning Church and State-affaires, as soone as he heard the Scots had entred into England, for feare they should have beene surprized and his fellow-Prelates machinations against the Scots by their surprisall discovered. He had a chiefe hand and influence in the unjust and bloudy sentences against Dr. Layton and Mr. Pryn in the Star-chamber; against Mr. Smart•• Dr. Bastwicke, Mr. Huntly, and sundry others in the High Comission; in the vexatious and most ex∣orbitant proceedings against Calvin Bruen, Peter Lee, Mr. Inch, and sundry others of Chester,* 3.118 for visiting M. Pryn in his passage through that Citie towards Carnarvan Castle•• and by 2. Orders under the high Commission Seale of Yorke, signed with his owne and other Commissioners hands, bearing date the 10. Novem. and 4. Decem. 1637. commanded 5. Pictures of the Portraiture of M. Pryn to be defaced, and then burnt at the high Crosse in Che∣ster, before the Maior, Alderman, and Citizens•• out of an hatred to Mr. Prynnes person (which no doubt hee would have burned to, as well as his picture, had it bin in his power.) This Arch-Prelate by the aide of his quondam Chaplain Canterbury, incroached much on the liberties of the Lord Maior and Citizens of Yorke, with whom he had many contests; and procured a Mandate to the Lord Maior, not to carry his sword before him within the Close and Cathedrall at Yorke, though his Predecessours had ever used to do it from K. Richard the 2. his daies, who gave them this priviledge by a Charter, and yet the Deane and Prebends of Yorke in the meane

have intruded themselves (contrary to divers Char∣ters) into the civill Government of the Citie of Yorke, which no wayes appertaine unto them. The Maior of Yorke is the Kings Lieutenant there, and his Sword of Justice the Kings, not his owne. Therefore the Arch-Bishops putting downe of his Sword within the Precincts of the Close, is a direct incroachment upon his Majesties Prerogative Royall, and a denying of his Supremacie and Jurisdiction over him, or his Cathedrall at Yorke. This Prelate being scarce Parlia∣ment proofe, to prevent all questioning; at the ap∣proach of this present Parliamentary Assembly fell sicke and dyed, being now gone to answer all his E∣piscopall extravagancies before a greater Tribunall. For my part, I meddle not with him as he was a man•• but onely as he was a Prelate; not to defame his person, or posteritie, but to discover the evill effects of his Prelacie: His See continueth yet void since his death•• And for ever may it so remaine, unlesse his Succes∣sours prove more loyall to their Soveraignes, more profitable to our Church and State, then hee and his fore-mentioned Predecessours have beene.

CHAP. III. Comprising the severall Trea∣sons, Conspiracies, Rebellions, Contu∣macies, Disloyalties, Warres, Dissentions, and State-Schismes of the Bishops of London, Winchester, Durham, Salisbury, and Lincolne.

HAving thus presented you with the History of the Treasons, Conspira∣cies, &c. of the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury and Yorke, I shall now proceed to those of our inferiour Prelates of London, Winchester, Dur∣ham, Salisbury and Lincolne; who, as the old Cockes of Canterbury and Yorke did crow in this behalfe, so the young Cockrels of these and other Sees did imitate their demeanour, (as * 3.119 William Har∣rison well observeth) which may appeare by these en∣suing Examples and Histories of their lives.

Bishops of London.

1 3.120Vodinus Arch-Bishop of London, * 3.121 reprehended Vor∣••igern the Brit••ish king for marrying with Rowen, Hen∣gists Daughter, being an Infidell, telling him, That he had endangered both his Soule and Crowne; which words were so ill digested by Vortigern, that shortly af∣ter it cost the Arch-Bishop his life, who was slaine by Hengist his procurement, the first Saxon king. This king Vortigern, An. 450. was * 3.122 excommunicated by St. Germaine Bishop of Auxerre, and an whole Synode of Brittish Bishops, for marrying his owne daughter; and afterwards was deposed by Saint Germaine from his Crowne, upon this occasion. * 3.123 Vortigerus denied Saint Germain lodging in a cold frosty night, and an Heard that kept the kings beasts, seeing that Gods ser∣vants were grieved, lodged Saint Germain, and slew a Calfe for his Supper: But after supper Saint Germaine causing them to gather all the bones of the Calfe toge∣ther after they had eaten the flesh, raised the Calfe a∣gaine from death to life, so that standing by his Dam alive he began to eate Hay before them. The next day by commandement of God Germain put downe Vorti∣gern from his kingdome•• and took the fore-said Heard, and made him king. Then all men were astonied for wonder. And from that time forth the kings of Brit∣taines came of the Heards kinde. But Gyldas in his story saith, That this befell by the king of Powsie called Buly, and not of Vortigerus; and saith that Bu∣lies Successours came of this Heards kinde, that were kings in that side of Wales. Thus was Vortigerus (an ill king I confesse) vexed by these proud and insolent Prelates, and at last deposed.

2 3.124After * 3.125 the death of Bishop Gilbert, 1133. one An∣selme Abbot of Bury, Nephew to Saint Anselme, was elected Bishop of LONDON, and had his

his election confirmed at Rome: but presently such exceptions were taken against him, as thereupon hee was not onely stayd from cons••cration, but deprived also of his Abbotship. His Electors were William Deane of Pauls, Ralph Langford and Richard ••eauveys, (the same I beleeve) that afterwards was Bishop. The King who very much misliked this Election (having made request for some other) amongst other effects of his displeasure, caused the wives of these Canons (as Bale reporteth) to be imprisoned, and o∣therwise shamefully intreated. By reason of the stirres that were about this Election, the See continued voyd a long time. Anno 1140. Mawde the Empresse ha∣ving taken King Stephen Prisoner, came to London, and finding the Bishoppricke voyd, caused one, Robert de Sigillo a Monke of Reading (or as others say Arch∣deacon of London) to be elected and consecrated Bishop. Within a yeare or two after, this Bishop was taken prisoner at ••ulham, by Geofry de Mandevill, a Captaine of King S••ephens, who ye may be sure could ill brooke any man that the Empresse favoured. This Bishop of London would not so much as sweare to be true subject to King Stephen; wherein he was main∣tained by the Pope, as appeareth by these Letters. Eugenius Episcopus servus Servorum Dei, dilecto in Christo filio Stephano illustri Regi Anglorum salut••m, & Apostolicam benedictionem. Ad haec superna providentia in Ecclesia Pon∣fices ordinavit, ut Christianus populus ab eis pascua vitae re∣ciperet, & tam principes seculares, quam inferioris conditionis homines, ipsis Pontificibus tanquā Christi vicariis reverentiam exhiberent. Venerabilis siquidem frater noster Robertus London Episcopus, tanquam vir sapiens & honestus & religi∣onis amator, a nobili••ate tua benigne tractandus est, & pr•• collata a Deo prudentia propensius honorandus. Quia ergo sicut in veritate comperimus cum animae suae salute, ac suae ordinis periculo, fideli••ate qu•• ab eo requeritur astringi non potest, volumus, & ex pater••o ••ibi affect•• consulimus, q••a••enus prae∣dictum

fratrem no••trum super hoc nullatenus inquietatis, imm•• pro bea••i Petri & nostra reverentia, eum in amorem & gratiam tuam recipias. Cum autem illud jur••mentum praestare non possit, sufficiat discretioni tuae, ut simplici & veraci verbo promittat, quod lae••ionem tibi, vel terrae tuae non inferat. Vale•• Dat. Meldis 6. Cal Iulii.

Thus we see that Kings were to rule no further than it pleased the Pope to like of, neither to chalenge more obedience of their subjects•• than stood also with their good will and pleasure. He wrote in like sort unto Queene Maud about the same matter, making her Sampsons Calfe (the better to bring his purpose to passe) as appeareth by the same Letter here insuing.

Solomone attestante didicimus, qd mulier sapiens aedificat domum, insipiens autem constructam destruet mani∣bus. Gaudemus prote & devotionis studium in Domino collauda∣mus, quoniam sicutreligiosorum relatione acceptmus timorem Dei praeoculis habens operibus pietatis intendis, & personas ecclesia∣sticas & diligis & honoras, ut ergo de bono in melius (inspirante Domino) proficere valeas, nobilitatem tuam in Domino roga∣mus & rogando monemus & exhortamur in Domino, quatenus initi••s exitus meliores injungas, & venerabilem fratrem no∣strum Robertum London Episcop••m pro illius reverentia, qui cum olim Dives esset, pro * 3.126 nobis pauper fieri volu••t, atten∣tius diligas & honores apud virum tuum, & dilectum filium nostrum Stephanum, insignem Regem Anglorum efficere studeas, ut monit••s, hortatu, & consilio tuo ipsum in benigni∣tatem & dilectionem suam suscipiat, & pro beati Petri & no∣stra reverentia propensius habeat commendatum. Et quia sicut (veritate teste) attendimus eum sine salutis, & sui ordinis pe∣riculo, praefato filio nostro astringi non posse, volumus, & pa∣terno sibi & tibi affectu consulumus, ut vobis sufficiat, veraci, & simplici verbo promisstonem ab eo suscipere, quod laesionem vel detrimentum ei vel terrae suae non inferat. Dat. ut supra.

Is it not strange that a peevish order of Religion (devised by a man) should breake the expresse Law

of God, who commandeth all men to honour and o∣bey their Kings and Princes, in whom some part of the power of God is manifest, and laid open to us? And even uuto this end the Cardinall of Hos••ia also wrote to the Canons of Pauls after this manner, co∣vertly incouraging them to stand to their election of the said Robert, who was no more willing to give over his new Bishopricke, than they carefull to offend the King, but ra••her imagined which way to keepe it still maugre his displeasure, and yet not to sweare obedi∣ence unto him, for all that he should be able to doe or performe unto the contrary.

Humilis, Dei gratia Hostiensis Episcopus, Londinen sis Eccle∣siae canonicis spiritum consilii in Domino. Sicut rationi contra∣ria prorsus est abiicienda petitio, ita in hi••s quae juste deside∣rantur, effectum negare omnino non convenit. Sane nuper ac∣cepimus, quod Londinensis Ecclesia, diu proprio destituta Pa∣store, communi voto, & pari assensu cleri & populi, venerabi∣lem ••ilium nostrum Robertum, ejusdem Ecclesiae Archidiaco∣num••in Pastorem & Episcopum animarum suarum susceperet & elegerit. Novimus quidem eum esse personam quam sapi∣entia desuper ei attributa, & honestas conversationis, & mo∣rum reverentia plurimum commendabilem reddidit. Inde est quod fraternitati vestroe mandando consulimus, ut proposito vestro bono (quod ut credimus ex Deo est) & ut ex literis Do∣mini Papae cognoscetis, non lente dehitum finem imponatis, ne tam nobilis Ecclesia sub occasione hujusmodi spiritualium, quod absit, & temporalium detrimentum patiatur. Ipsius namque industria credimus, quod antiqua religio, & forma disciplinae, & gravitas habitus, in Ecclesia vestra reparari, & si quae fu∣erint ipsius contentiones, ex Pastoris absentia, Dei gratia co∣operante, & eodem praesente, poterint reformari Dat. &c.

Hereby you see how King Stephen was dealt withall. And albeit that Canterbury is not openly to be touched herewith, yet it is not to be doubted but he was a doer in it, so farre as might tend to the maintenance of the right and prerogative of the holy Church. Thus farre verbatim out of Harrison.

3 3.127William de Sancta Maria•• Bishop of London, was * 3.128 one of those undutifull Bishops, who about the yeare of our Lord 1208. interdicted the whole Realme, and excommunicated King Iohn by the Popes Com∣mandement: they all endured five yeares banishment for this their trechery and con••umacy, together with confiscation of their goods, and the King being speci∣ally incensed against this man, in token of his great displeasure, Anno 1211. threw downe to the ground his Castle of Stortford, which William the Conqueror had given to his Church. Besides he joyned in the publication of the Popes sentence for deposing the King, and stirred up the French King, and all other Christians to invade England in an hostile manner, and to depose King Iohn from the Crowne, and pro∣mised them remission of all their sinnes for this good Service. After which hee voluntarily resigned his Bishoppricke, Anno. 1221.

4 3.129Roger Niger Bishop of London * 3.130 excommunicated the Kings Officers, Ano 1233. for that they, ac••ording to their duty, had la••d hands upon, and hindred Walter Mauclerke Bishop of Carlile to passe over the Seas, he ha∣ving no license to depart the Realme; and riding flreight unto the Court, he certified the King what hee had done, and there renewed the same sentence a∣gaine: the King himselfe not a little murmuring at this his insolent act as he had cause, and prohibiting him to doe it: the Bishops then at Court, notwith∣standing the inhibition, excommunicated these his Officers likewise for doing their duty. * 3.131 About the same time King Henry the third gave commandement for the appehending of Hubert de Burge Earle of Kent, upon some pretence of Treason: who having suddaine notice thereof at midnight, fled into a Chapple in Essex belonging to the Bishop of Norwich. The King hearing this was exceeding angry, and fearing least he should raise some tumults in his Realme, if he esca∣ped

thus, sent Sir Godfrey de Cranecomb•• with 300. ar∣med men, to apprehend, and bring him to the Tower of London, under paine of death: who hasting to the Chapple, found the Earle (who had some notice of their comming) kneeling there upon his knees before the high Altar, with a Crucifix in one hand, and the Hostia in the other. Godfrey and his associates en∣tring into the Chapple, commanded him in the Kings name, and by his direction, to come out of the Chap∣ple, and repaire to him to London, which he refusing, saying, that hee would upon no tearmes depart from thence, they taking the Crosse and Lords body out of his hands, bound him in chaines, carried him to the Tower, and acquainted the King therewith•• who was glad of the newes. Roger hearing this, and taking it to be a great infringment of the Churches liberties, goeth in post hast to the King, and boldly reproves him for violating the peace of the Church, and threatens to excommunicate all those that apprehended him, unlesse the King would immediatly restore him to the Chappell whence he was extracted and thereupon enforceth the King, sore against his will to remit him o the Chappell. The King hereupon commanded the Chapple to be strictly guarded by the Shrieffe of Essex, till Hubert should be starved or forced out thence. * 3.132 About a yeare or two after, this Hubert be∣ing imprisoned in the Castle of the Devises, within the Diocesse of Salisbury, escaped and fled to the Church there; his keepers missing him, ranne out to seeke him with lanternes, clubbes, and weapons, and fin∣ding him in the Church, carrying the Lords crosse in his hands before the Altar, they bastina∣doed and dragged him thence into the Castle, where they imprisoned him more strictly than before. Hereupon the Bishop of Salisbury excommunicated them because they refused to bring the Earle backe againe to the Church, saying, they would rather the

Earle should be hanged, than they for suffering him to escape; whereupon the Bishop of Salisbury, and this Robert Niger Bishop of London with other Bishops went to the King, and never left till they had by per∣swasions and threats against his will, procured the Earle to be sent backe to the Church.

5 3.133 * 3.134 Fulco Basset his next successor a man of a haughty & stout spirit, as he opposed the Popes exactions & Rustands his Legate, so he had many cont••sts with King H••nry the third, and was the maine pillar of the Barons, who reposed all his hope in him (before such time he grew cold and remisse, in standing for the publike liberties whereby hee much blemished his fame, and incensed the Barons and people against him) in so much that the King reviled him in these words, that neither he, nor any of his name were ever true unto him, threatning to finde meanes to correct him for his obstinacy. In the presence of some whom hee knew would tell the King of it, he sticked not to use this bold and couragious speech unfitting a P••e∣late. My Bishopricke, my Myter, and Crosier, the King and the Pope may take from me, but my helmet and sword. I hope they will not: yet neither of these two could secure him from Gods stroke, for he died of the Plague at London, Anno 1258.

6 3.135Henry * 3.136 Sandwich Bishop of London tooke part with the Barons, who rebelled against King Henry the third, for which cause he was excommunicated by Ottobon the Popes Legate, with other, Bishops being the chiefe incendiaries in these warres; of whom Matthew West∣minster writes thus, The high Priests, that I say not the Pharises gathered a counsell together against the Lord, and against his annoynted, saying, Ye see that we have profitted nothing, if we let the King escape thus. The Romans will come and take away our purses with the money; let us therefore ordaine 24 Elders round about his Throne, who excluding the

Parthians, Meedes, Elamites, and strangers of Rome, and freeing Ierusalem from Egyptian bondage, may go∣verne and order all and singular the affaires of the Realme. The Knights, Barons, and Prelates, there∣fore meeting together at Oxford, in the 42. yeare of King Henry the third his reigne; the King, and Ed∣ward his eldest sonne being present, ordained by common consent, that twelve men nominated by the King, and twelve by the Barons and Prelates should governe the Realme, to which order the King and his sonne, for feare of perpetuall imprisonment, assented: all and singular the Prelates, except Ethelma•• Bishop elect onely of Winchester the Kings brother, tooke a corporall oath faithfully to observe this infidelity, and a sentence of excommunication was denounced by all the Archbishops and Bishops of the Kingdome a∣gainst the transgressors of it. Moreover (saith he) it is not without admiration with what face these Se∣nators, that aged Bishop of Worcester, and other Pre∣lates, the Fathers & Iudges of mens consciences should give such free assent to take away the Kings royall power, when as they had taken a corporall Oath of giving terrene honour to the said King and his Lords: which they very ill observed in ordaining, that they should never governe•• but ever be governed by o∣thers. After which the Lords and Knights perceiving the generall inconvenience of this Ordinance, in set∣ting up so many Kings in stead of one, the Bishop of Worceter would by no means yeeld to alter it, saying, that this ordinance was ratefied by an Oath, and that the Pope could not dispence with the Oath, making conscience of this unjust Oath like Herod, and of Schisme and error, contrary to the Lawes and Can∣nons, drawing many false Prophets to him to foment this his error. After this the King commanded the Bishop of Hereford, (a great stickler against him in these rebellious courses & an oppressour of his subjects)

apprehended, imprisoned, and his goods confiscated•• Not long after the Prelates, Earles, and Barons, who so sediciously held their King captivated, meete at London, where they ordained, that two Earles, and one Bishop on the behalfe of the Comonalty should elect nine persons, whereof three should alwayes be as∣sisting to the King, and that by the advise of those three, and the other nine, all things in the Kings house, as well as in the Kingdome should be ordered, and that the King should doe nothing without their ad∣vise, at least without the consent of these three. Where∣upon the Earles of Lecester, Worcester, Glocester, and the Bishop of Chechister, (who the day before the battell of Lewes absolved all those who fought against his So∣veraigne Lord the King from all their sinnes) were chosen out to be the chiefe Councellers and Cap∣taines, who ele••ted other nine. The King for feare of perpetuall imprisonment, and that they would chuse another King, consented to the ordinance; OMNI∣BVS EPISCOPIS, all the Bishops, Earles, and Barons consenting thereunto, and sealing it with their Seales. The Bishops of London, Winchester, Worcester, and other Bishops were sent to the Popes Legate, Cardinall of Sabine, (whom they would not suffer to come into the Realme) to confirme this agreement, who sharply reprehended the Bishops, because they consented to so great a depression of the Kings power, citing them three dayes after to appeare before him at Bo••on••e about the affaires of the Kingdome: who nei∣ther appearing by themselves nor their Proctors; the Legate thereupon suspended them, & excommunica∣ted the Barons, the Cinque ports, the city of London, and the Bishops to, for hindring him from comming into England, and for their default. But the said Bishops, and the rest, not regarding this thunderbolt, appealed from it, to the Pope and the next generall Councell, and to the Church as well Triumphant as Militant,

and trusting to the defence of the Martiall sword, little esteemed the spirituall, the Bishops presuming to be present at, and to exercise divine offices, notwithstan∣ding this suspention and excommunication, till Otho his comming into England; who calling a Councell at Wi••••minster•• suspended this Henry Bishop of London•• Iohn Bishop of Winchester, and Stephen Bishop of Chi∣chester•• both from their office and Benefice, who ••o∣stered and incouraged the part of the Kings enemies; excommunicating the Bishop of Lincolne for the same cause; who at last supplicated for mercy not judge∣ment; with Walter Bishop of Worcester, who lying at the point of death confessed he had erred, fovend••, in fomenting and fostering the part of Simon Montford and thereupon sent Letters to the Legate, desiring the benefit of absolution, which he obtained and so died. By which relation of Matthew Westminister, seconded by the continuer of Matthew Paris, and other of our Chroniclers, it is most apparant, that this Bishop of London, and the other Prelates were the chiefe fomen∣ters of all the warres and rebellions against the King, and those that stirred up, and encouraged the Barons in their unnaturall bloody wars against their Sove∣raigne Henry the third, as Stephen Langton Archbishop of Canterbury was the principall author and contriver of those against King Iohn.

Anno. 1329. & 1330. Richard Wentworth Bishop of London,7 3.137 was * 3.138 accused by Edmond Woodstocke, Earle of Kent, for conspiring with him to helpe set up a new King Edward the second after his death, whom Thoraas Dunhead a Fryer,8 3.139 affirmed for cetaine, by a spirit of divination, to be alive. The Bishop was permitted to goe at liberty under sureties for his good behaviour, and forth comming; but the Earle was condemned of high treason, and beheaded, though set on by the Bishop, the greatest delinquent.

In the yeare 1378. * 3.140 Robert Hall, and Iohn Shakell Es∣quires,

were committed Prisoners to the Tower, whence they both escaped to Westminster, and there kept sanctuary. Sir Alane Boxhul, Constable of the Tower•• grieved not a little that these Prisoners were broken from him, and sheltered in that Sanctuary, taking with him Sir Ralph ••errers with other men in armour, to the number of fif••ie, and some of the Kings servants, on the fifth of August, entred into Westraini∣ster Church, whilst Masse was saying•• at which the said two Esquires were present. And first laying hands upon Iohn Shakell, they used the matter so, that they drew him forth of the Church, and led him streight to the Tower; but Robert Hall drawing his short sword, resisted them along time, traversing twise round about the Monkes Quire, so as they could doe him no hurt till they had beset him on each side, and then one of them cleaft his head to the very braines, and another thrust him through with a sword, and so they murthered him among them, and one of the Monkes who would have had them save his life. Much adoe was made about this matter, for this breach of the Sanctuary, insomuch, that the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, Simon Sudbury, and five other Bishops his Suffragans, openly pronounced all them that were present at this murder accursed, and like∣wise all such as ayded and counselled them to it, chiefely the said Sir Alane, and Sir Ralph: The King, Queene, and Duke of Lancaster were yet excepted by speciall names. The Bishop of London (William Court∣ney) along time after every Sunday, Wednesday, and Fryday, pronounced this Excommunication in Pauls Church in London. The Duke of Lancaster, though ex∣cepted in the same, yet in the behalfe of his friends, was not a little offended with the Bishops doings for justifying these leude persons, and making the Church a sanctuary for Rebells and Traytors, and his excom∣munications, a scourge to punish the Kings Officers

for doing their duties in reapprehending these fugi∣tives; insomuch that in a Councell held at Windsore (to the which the Bishop of London was called, but would not come, such was his pride and disdaine nor yet cease the pronouncing of the curse, albeit the King had requested him by his Letters) the Duke said open∣ly, That the Bishops forward dealings were not to to be borne with; but saithe he, if the King would command me, I would gladly goe to London, aud fetch this disobedient P••e∣late in despite of those Ribauds (so he then termed the Londoners,) which procured the Duke much evill will, who caused the next Parliament hereupon to be held at Gloster.

Anno. 1388. * 3.141 King Richard the second, by the ad∣vise of the Archbishop of Yorke,9 3.142 and others, retained men, of warre against his faithfull and Loyall Lords, who were stricken with great heavinesse at the newes. The Duke of Glocester meaning to mitigate his displeasure, received a solemne Oath before Robert Braybrooke Bishop of London, and divers other Lords, that he never imagined, nor went about any thing to the Kings hinderance, &c. and besought this Bishop to declare his words unto the King. The Bishop comming hereupon to the King, made report of the Dukes protestation confirmed with his Oath, in such wise, that the King began to be perswaded it was true: which when the Earle of Suffolke perceived, he began to speake against the Duke, till the Bishop bad him hold his peace, and told him, that it nothing became him to speake at all. And when the Earle asked why so? Because, said the Bishop,* 3.143 Thou wast in the last Parliament condemned for an evill person, and one not worthy to live, but onely it pleaseth the King to shew thee favour. The King offended with the Bishops pre∣sumptuous words, commanded him to depart and get him home to his Church, who forthwith departed, and declared to the Duke of Glocester what hee had

heard and seene. Hereupon the great misliking that had beene afore time betwixt the King and the Lords was now more vehemently encreased, the Duke of Ireland, the Earle of Suffolk, the Archbishop of Yorke, and the Lord chiefe Iustice Robert Trisilian still procu∣ring stirring and confirming the Kings heavy displea∣sure against the Lords. * 3.144The yeare before this, Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, giving some ill words to this Bishop, the Londoners thereupon rose up in a tumul∣tuous manner in armes, purposing to kill the Duke, and to burne his house at the Savoy, which they furiously assaulted, reversing the Dukes armes: whereupon the Duke complaining to the King, the Major and Aldermen of London were put out of office, and others Surrogated in their places.

10 3.145Nicholas Ridley a Martyr, after his deprivation from his Bishopricke, and one of the best Bishops that ever sat•• in this See, in th•• yeare 1553. (being the first of Queene Maries raigne) was * 3.146 hastily displaced, depri∣ved of the Sea of London, and committed Prisoner to the Tower. The cause of which extremity used to∣wards him, was, for that in the time of Lady Iane, he preached a Sermon at Pauls Crosse by commande∣ment of King Edwards Councell, wherein he disswa∣ded the people for sundry causes, from receiving the Lady Mary, as Queene, though lawfull heire to the Crowne.

11 3.147 * 3.148 Anno. 1558. One Robert Farrier said of the Lady Eli∣zabeth, (afterwards Queene) That this Gill hath beene one of the chiefe doers of this rebellion of Wiat, and before all be done, she, and all Heretiques her partakers shall well under∣stand it. Some of them hope, that she shall have the Crowne, but she, and they, I trust, that so hope, shall be headlesse, or be fried with fagots before she corae to it. Laurence Sherieffe, the Lady Elizabeth sworne servant complaining of these contumelious words to Bonner the Bishop of London, and the commissioners sitting in Boners house:

Bonner excused Farrer, saying, that he meant nothing a∣gainst the Lady Elizebeth, and that they tooke him worse than he raeant. And so Sherieffe came away, and Farrer had a flap with a Foxe taile. This Edmond Bon∣ner an hypocriticall zealous Protestant at first, after an Apostate, whiles the Bishop of London, was a * 3.149 most bloody persecuter and murtherer of Gods Saints all Queene Maries dayes, a chiefe reviver and advancer of the Popes Supremacy, which he had ab∣jured, to the great ecclipse and diminution of the pre∣rogative royall, yea a most furious Bedlam•• and most unnaturall beast, sparing none of any condition, age, or sexe, and burning hundreds of good subjects into ashes. He was a great enemie to Queene Elizabeth, and the first Author of Bishops Visitation Oathes, and Articles, that I have met with. He commanded the Scriptures written on Church walls to be blotted out, (as Bishop Wren, and Bishop Peirce have since done in some plaees by his example.) In a word, he was the worst persecuting Bishop in his age, and was twice de∣posed from his Bishopricke for his misdemeanors; first in King Edwards dayes, and after in the beginning of Queene E••izabeths raigne by authority of Parliament at which time he was committed to the Marshashey among Rogues and murtherers, where he died, and was buried at midnight in obscurity.

Richard Fletcher the 42. Bishop of London,12 3.150 incur∣red Queene Elizabeths just displeasure for his misde∣meanors;* 3.151 whereupon he fell to cure his cares by im∣moderate drinking of Tobacco, and Iune the fifteenth, 1596. died suddenly at his house in London, being (to see) well, sicke and dead in one quarter of an houre.

Richard Bancroft13 3.152 Bishop of London consecrated the eleventh of May, 1597.* 3.153 was a great persecuter of godly Ministers,* 3.154 a favourer and harbourer of Priests and Jesuites, and caused Dolmons Book of Succession

against * 3.155 King Iames his tittle to the Crowne, to be Printed in his house, and published: hee was the chiefe Author of the Canons and Constitutions Ec∣clesiasticall, set forth in the first yeare of King Iames, which afterwards did breed much trouble and distur∣bance in our Chu••ch, and are now voted in Parlia∣ment, to be made without any lawfull authority, and to be repugnant to the Lawes of the Realme, and liberty of the subject.

14 3.156William Laud, the last Bishop of London but one, whilst he continued in that See, was very like to his predecessors Bonner and Bancroft in his practises and proceedings; for some of which, and others since, he now stands charged of high treason by the Parlia∣ament. Of which more before, p. 157. &c.

15 3.157The present Bishop of London William Iuxon was Bishop Laudes creature, advanced by him, and the first Prelate in our memory, who relinquished the cure of soules and preaching of Gods Word to be∣come a Lord Treasurer, and sit as a Publican at the receit of Custome. His disposition and carriage as a man, have beene amiable & commendable; but how farre forth he hath concurred with Canterbury in his evill counsells and designes as he is a Prelate, time will discover. How ever in the interim, his forward∣nesse in compiling and pressing the late new Canons, Loane and &c. Oath, and his last Visitation Arti∣cles, wherein these new Canons and Oath are infor∣ced upon the Subjects, against the Lawes and their Liberties, with some censures of his in the Starre∣chamber and high Commission (resolved by Parlia∣ment to be against the Law and liberty of the Sub∣ject) * 3.158 and his Innovations in Scotland are inexcusable.

Winchester.

From the Prelates of London, I now passe to those of Winchester; of whom* 3.159 William Harrison, in the discrip∣tion

of England, hath made this true observation; If the old Catalogue of the Bishops be well considered of, and the Acts of the greatest part of them weighed, as they are to be read in our Histories, ye shall finde the most egregious hypocrites, the stoutest warriours, the cruellest tyrants, the richest mony-mongers, and politicke Councellours in temporall affaires, to have (I wote not by what secret working of the divine providence) beene placed here in Winchester, since the foundation of that See; which was erected by Birinus An. 639. (whom Pope Honorius sent hither out of Italy) and first planted at Dorcester, in the time of Kimgils, then translated to Winchester where it doth yet continue.

Wina the third (or rather the first Bishop of Win∣chester,1 3.160 from whence some write this city tooke its name) * 3.161 about the yeare of our Lord, 666. I know not for what misdemeanour, so highly offended Ken∣walchus, King of the West Saxons, who advanced him to this See, that the King fell into great mislike of him and drave him out of his Country; who thereup∣on flying to Wulfher King of Mercia bought of him for a great summe of money the Bishopricke of London; being the first Symonist that is mentioned in our Hi∣storyes, whence a••ter his death, he was deservedly o∣mitted out of the Catalogue of the Bishops of London.

* 3.162 Herefridus the fifteene Bishop of Winchester,2 3.163 and Si∣gelmus Bishop of Sherborne, An. 834. accompanied King Egbert to the warres against the Danes, and were both slaine in a battell against them.

About the yeare of our Lord, 1016. Edmond Ironside succeeding his father in the Kingdome,3 3.164 was crowned at London by the Archbishop of Yorke; * 3.165 but the rest of the Bishops, Abbots, and spiritualty (among whom Edsinus the 32. Bishop of Winchester was one) favouring Cnute a Dane) who had no right nor title to the Crowne, assembling together at Southampton (within

Winchester Diocesse) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 proclaimed•• and ordained ••nu••e for their King, and submitted themselves to him as their Soveraigne; which occasioned many bloody battells and intestine warres almost to the utter ruine of the Kingdome; of which you may read at large in our Historians. ••nute not long after his inauguration being put to the worst at Durham by Edm••••d, immedi∣a••ly tooke into Winches••er to secure himselfe; a good proofe this Bishop sided with him against his Sove∣raigne E••mond, though a most heroicke Prince.

4 3.166 * 3.167 Alwyn the 33. Bishop of Winchester was impriso∣ned by Edmond the Confessor for the suspition of in∣continency with Emma the Kings mother, and that upon the accusation of Robert Archbishop of Canter∣bury, who likewise accused Queene Egitha of adultery more out of envy to her father, than truth of so foule a fact in her: whereupon the King expulsed her his Court and bed, and that with no little disgrace: for taking all her Jewels from her, even to the uttermost farthing, he committed her prisoner to the Monastery of VVilton, attended onely with one Mayde, while she for a whole yeares space almost, in teares and prayers, expected the day of her release and comfort. The Clergy at this time were altogether unlearned, wan∣ton, and vicious: for the Prelates neglecting the office of their Episcopall function, which was to tender the affaires of the Church, and to feede the flocke of Christ, lived themselves idle and covetous, addicted wholely to the pompe of the world, and voluptuous life, little caring for the Churches, and soules com∣mitted to their charge: and if any told them (faith * 3.168 Higden) that their lives ought to be holy, and their conversation without coveteousnesse, according to the sacred prescript and vertuous examples of their Elders, they would scoffingly put them off. Nunc aliud tempus, alii pro tempore mores, Times have mutations; So must mens fashions; and thus (saith he) they

plained the roughnesse of their doings, with smooth∣nesse of their answers.

Stigand,4 3.169 Anno 1047. was translated to Winchester; from whence also he was removed to Canterbury in the yeare 1052.* 3.170 But whether he mistru••ted his Title to Canterbury, Robert the former Arch-Bishop being yet alive, or whether infatiable covetousnesse provoked him thereunto, I cannot tell; hee retained still Win∣ches••er, notwithstanding his preferment to Canterbury, which was the cause of his undoing at last: For the Conqueror who came into this Realme while he was Arch-Bishop being desirous to place his own Coun∣trey-men in all roomes of speciall Authoritie; and besides, having a private grudge at Stigand for forcing him to yeeld Kentish men their ancient Liberties (whereof see more in Canterbury) procured him to be deprived of both his Bishoprickes upon this point, that he had contrary to the Law, held them both together. He was deprived, An. 1069. and dyed a prisoner in the Castle of Winchester soon after.

About the yeare 1107. * 3.171 King Henry the first ta∣king upon him to bestow Bishoprickes,5 3.172 giving inve∣stiture and possession of them, by delivering the Ring and the Crosier, placed divers of his Chaplaines in Bi∣shoprickes (without election) commanding the Arch-bishop to consecrate them. Among divers o∣thers hee appointed William Giffard, Bishop of Win∣chester, and required Anselme the Arch-bishop to con∣secrate him: Anselme utterly denyed to afford conse∣cration either to him or any other in the like case. The King then sent unto Girard Arch-bishop of York whom he found nothing strange: but G••ffard (saith Matthew Westminster) timens rigorem sancti Anselmi spernit conse∣crationem ejus, stood so much in awe of Saint Anselme, as hee durst not but reject the offer of the others conse∣cration. The King angry hitherto with the Arch-bishop onely, was now much more incensed against

this Giffard, and in great displeasure banished him the Realme. In the end, the King and the Arch-bishop grew to this agreement, that the gifts of the King al∣ready passed should be ratified, and his Clerkes nomi∣nated to Bishoprickes, have consecration, upon pro∣mise, that hereafter he should not disturbe Canonicall Elections, and utterly renounce his pretended privi∣ledge. So after much adoe he was consecrated, toge∣gether with divers others, An. 1107.

* 3.173Henry de Bloys, being Bishop of Winchester when King Henry the first dyed, * 3.174 although he with the other Bishops of the Land had sworne fealtie unto Maud the Empresse, yet she being absent in Normandy, this Bi∣shop doubting left some other stepping up before her arrivall•• the Kingdome might be rent away quite from his kindred and passe to some stranger•• by vertue of his power Legantine called a Councell of the Clergie (who swayed all in those dayes) and drawing Roger Bishop of Sali••bury to his partie, easily procured his Brother Stephen Earle of Boloigne, to be elected King, whom they crowned, and submitted to as their Sove∣raigne, disinhereting Maud the right Heire. The King not long after falling out with these two Bishops, sei∣zed upon their Castles, and imprisoned the Bishop of Salisbury, who dyed for griefe. The Bishop of Win∣chester summons a Counsell there, to which the Bishop was cited; the Case of the Bishops concerning their Castles, was there long debated betweene the Pope the Bishops, and those on the Kings side; he would yeeld to nothing; whereupon they moved the Legate to Ex∣communicate him; who replied, he durst not doe it without the Popes privitie. The Kings unthanke∣fulnesse to the Bishops who onely had set him up, did so alienate them from him, that thereupon they joyned with Maud the Empresse against him, who by their meanes became able to make her part good with Ste∣phen, and tooke him prisoner; the Bishop of Winchester

and a great part of the Realme too, receiving her for their Queene; Hereupon this Prelate accurseth and excommuncates al the opposites of Maud the Empresse, who denying him a suite in the behalfe of his Brother Eustace; He thereupon revokes h••s Excommunication, secretly falls from her, stirres up the discontented Lon∣doners against her, mans divers Castles to resist her, e∣quivocates in his words and actions with her to worke her ruine, fiers Winchester upon her, and at last entraps her. Thus this turne-coat trecherous Prelate with the rest, were Traytors and Rebels on both sides; of which see more in William Corbell Arch-Bishop of Can∣te••bury, and Roger of Salisbury, and in the Historians hereunto quoted. The Pope sent a Pall to this Bishop, desirous to constitu••e a new Arch-Bishoprick at Win∣chester, and to assigne 7. Bishops to him.

Peter de la Roche,7 3.175 or de Rupibus, Bishop of Winchester, who * 3.176 was Protectour, and had greatest sway in the Government of the Realme, in the beginning of King Henry the 3. his Raigne, by his evill Counsell to the King, became the chiefe Incendiary and occasion of the Barons warres: For having by his false accusations and policies wrought Hubert Earle of Kent out of the Kings favour, and plotted his death, that hee might solely raigne and predominate over the gentle young King: The better to effect this his designe, he procures him to displace the English Officers, and in their roomes to surrogate Poictovines and Britons; who com∣ming over to the number of about 2000. hee stuffed his Castles with them, and did as it were wholly in∣trust himselfe, his Treasures, strength, and the Realme to them; So that Judgements were committed to the unjust, Lawes to the out-lawes•• peace to wranglers, and Justice to wrong-doers. Such as would have prayed redresse for these abuses, were interrupted and put off by this Bishop of Winchester. Among them who were removed from their places in Court, was one Sir

William de Redune,* 3.177 a Knight, and Deputie Marshall to Richard Earle of Pembroke. This was to the Earle very displeasant, which joyned with a consideration of the publicke cause and danger, hee associates to him cer∣taine of the great Lords (as was the fashion of those Lording times upon every discontent) and in the com∣pany of them advanceth confidently to the King•• whom in the hearing of many he reproveth, for that hee had through finister advice, called in the ••oictovins to the oppression of the Realme and of his naturall Subjects of their Lawes and Liberties; humbly therefore hee beseecheth him that he would speedily reforme such a∣buses, which threatned the imminent subversion both of the Crowne and Kingdome; which if hee did not, himselfe and other Lords would so long withdraw their attendance, as hee entertained strangers. The Bishop hereunto makes answer, That the King might well and lawfully call in what strangers himselfe thought good for the defence of the Crowne and Realme, and such and so many of them, as might be able to compell his proud and rebel∣lious people to due obedience.* 3.178 When the Oracle would speake no otherwise, they departed from Court, great∣ly discontented, firmly promising one to the other, that in such a cause which did so touch them all, they would like men stand together while any breath was in their bodies. Those who were now most potent a∣bout the King, nothing sorry for the discontentment of so great a Peere as the Earle Marshall, but counting it a part of their strengths to use the Regall power towards the weakning of the English; nourish in the King his aversion. The Poictovins and other strangers thus bearing the sway•• so as the Kings person went guarded with troopes of such, the Earles and Barons being by the Kings command summoned to antoher Parlia∣ment at Oxford,* 3.179 refused to come. While the King was there, one * 3.180 Robert Bacon, who used there to preach be∣fore the King and Prelates, f••eely told him, That if hee

did not remove from him Peter Bishop of Winchester, and Peter de Rivallis, he could never be in quiet.* 3.181 The King did hereupon a little come to himselfe, and Roger Bacon, a Clergie-man also of a pleasant wit, did second Roberts advise, telling the King, that * 3.182 Petrae and Rupes were most dangerous things at Sea, alluding to the Bishops name Petrus de Rupibus. The King therefore (as hee had the happinesse in his mutabilitie to change for his more securitie) taking that good advise of Schollers, which he would not of his Peeres, sum∣mons a Parliament to be holden at * 3.183 VVestminster, gi∣ving the World to know withall, that his purpo••e was, to amend by their advise whatsoever ought to be a∣mended. But the Barons considering that still there arrived sundry strangers, men of warre, with Horse and Armour•• and not trusting the Poi••••ovine faith came not,* 3.184 but presumed to send this message to the King; that if out of hand he removed not Peter Bishop of Winchester, and the Poictovines out of his Court•• they all of them by the common consent of the Kingdome, would drive him and his wicked Counsellours toge∣ther out of it, and consult about creating a new Sove∣raigne.* 3.185 The King (whom his Fathers example made more timerous) could easily have beene drawne to have redeemed the love of his naturall Liege-men with the disgrace of a few strangers; but the Bishop of VVinchester and his Friends, infused more spirit into him: Whereon, to all those whom hee suspected, the King sets downe a * 3.186 day, within which they should deliver sufficient pledges to secure him of their loyalty. Against that day the Lords in great numbers make re∣paire to London; but the Earle Marshall (admonished of danger by his Sister the Countesse of Cornewall) ••lyes backe to VVales, and chiefely for want of his * 3.187 presence, nothing was concluded. The King not long after is at Gloster with an Armie, whither the Earle and his Adherents required to come, refused;

the King therefore burnes their Mannors,* 3.188 and gives away their inheritances to the Poictovines. This Re∣bellion had not many great Names in it, but tooke strength rather by weight then number; the knowne Actors were the Earle Marshall, the Lord Gilbert Ba∣sset, and many of the inferiour Nobles. The Bishops arts had pluckt from him the Kings brother, and the two Earles of Chester and Lincolne, who dishonou∣rably sold their love * 3.189 for a thousand Markes, and o∣therwise, as it seemed, secured the rest; Neverthe∣lesse, they may well bee thought, not to have borne any evill will to their now forsaken confederate the Earle Marshall, who tooke himselfe to handle the com∣mon cause; certainely hee handled his owne safety but ill, as the event shall demonstrate: The Earle hearing these things contracts strict amity with Lewe∣lin Prince of Wales,* 3.190 whose powers thus knit together, by advantages of the Mountaines, were able to coun∣terpoise any ordinary invasion. To the kings ayde Balwin de Gisnes with many Souldiers came out of Flanders: The king now at Hereford in the midst of his Forces, sends from thence (by VVinchesters counsell) the Bishop of Saint Davids to defie the Earle Marshall; How farre soever the word defie extends it selfe; sure it seemes that the Earle hereupon understood himselfe discharged of that obligation, by which hee was tyed to the king, and freed to make his defence; the king notwithstanding,* 3.191 after some small attempts and better considerations, did promise and assume, that by advise of counsell, all that was amisse should at a * 3.192 day ap∣pointed bee rectified and amended; About which time Hubert de Burgo having intelligence that the Bi∣shop of VVinchester who was a Poictovine * 3.193 plotted his death, escaped out of the Castle of Devises where hee was prisoner, to a Neighbour Church, but was ha∣led from thence by the Castle-keepers. The Bishop of Sarisbury (in whose Diocesse it hapned) caused him

to be safe restored to the same place, from whence by the Earle Marshall and a troope of armed men his friends,* 3.194 hee was rescued and carryed into VVales. The king at the day and place appointed holds his great Counsell or Conference with the Lords, but no∣thing followed for the peace of the Realme; it was not an ordinary passage of speech which hapned there betweene the Lords and Bishop of VVinchester; For when the English Bishops and Barons humbly be∣sought the king for the honour of Almightie God to take into grace his naturall Subjects whom (with∣out any tryall by their Peeres) hee called Tray∣tors; the Bishop offended it seemes at Peeres) takes the words out of the kings mouth and answers, That there are no Peeres in England as in the Realme of France, and that therefore the king of England by such Justiciars as himselfe pleaseth to ordaine, may banish offenders out of the Realme•• and by judi∣ciall processe condemne them. The English Bishops relished his speech so sharply, that with one voyce they threatned to excommunicate and accurse by name the kings principall wicked Councellours; but VVinchester appealed: Then they accursed all such as alienated the heart of the king from his Naturall Subjects, and all others that per••urbed the peace of the Realme. a 3.195 Matthew VVestminster writes of this Peter de la Roche, that hee was more expert in Military than Scholasticall affaires. That the king by his Counsell removed all English Officers out of his Court, and precipitately cast away all his Counsellours, as well Bishops as Earles, Ba∣rons, and other Nobles of his kingdome, so as hee would beleeve none but this Bishop (whom hee adored as his God) and his Darling Peter de Ri∣vales. Whence it came to passe, that expelling all Gardians of Castles almost through all England•• the King committed all things under the custodie of

this Peter. Then this Prelate drew into his confe∣deracie Stephen de Segrave, too much an enemie both to the kingdome and Church (who had given most detestable counsell formerly to Stephen the Popes Chaplaine, to the inestimable dammage of the Church many wayes) and Robert de Pas∣selewe, who with all his might, and with effu∣sion of no small summe of money, had plotted treason and grievances at Rome against the king and kingdome. This man kept the kings trea∣sure under Peter de Rivalis; and so it came to passe, that the Reines of the whole kingdome were com∣mitted to Strangers and base persons, others be∣ing rejected. Yet Godwin (for the honour of his Rochet) magnifies this Prelate for his notable Wis∣dome; so as the Counsell of England received a great wound by his death, though it and the whole Realme received such prejudice by his life. The Earle Marshall (writes Speed) encreasing in strength and hatred against such as were the kings reputed Seducers, makes spoile and bootie on their pos∣sessions, and after joyning with the power of Leoline, Prince of Wales,* 3.196 puts all to fire and sword, as farre as Shrewesbury, part whereof they burnt to Ashes, and sackt the Residue. The king then at Gloster, for want of sufficient forces, departed thence (sore∣ly grieved) to Winchester, abandoning those o∣ther parts as it were to waste and ruine.* 3.197 It there∣fore seemes, that hee was not growne stronger, or richer, by the displacing of Hubert Earle of Kent, and the rest, and by taking new into their roomes, who commonly bite and sucke hard till they have glutted themselves, (if at least-wise there bee any satietie in Avarice;) whereas the old and ancient Officers, (having provided in a manner for the maine chance,) have the lesse

reason to be grievous. Therefore the Lyons skinne not being large enough for the Bishop of VVinchester, and his factious purposes, they peece them out with the Foxes case, an inevitable stratageme is devised. The Earle Marshall had in Ireland all the ample Patrimonies of his Grandfather the famous Strongbow. To make that member of his strengths improfitable, if not also per∣nicious, they devise certaine Letters directed to Mau∣rice Fitz-Gerald (Deputy Justice of Ireland) and other principall men, who held of the Earle.* 3.198 In them they signifie; that Richard once marshall to the King of Eng∣Iand, was for manifest Treason,* 3.199 by the judgement of the Kings Court, banished the Realme, his Lands, Townes, and Tenements consumed by fire; other his Hereditaments destroyed, and himselfe for ever disin∣herited: that if upon his comming thither they did take him, either alive or dead, the King did give them all the Earles Lands there, which now were forfeited by vertue of his attainture, and for assurance that the sayd gift should continue firme and good, they by whose advise the King and Kingdome were governed faithfully undertooke. To these letters (which the Monkes call bloody) they caused the King to set his Seale, as they themselves also did theirs. Vpon receipt of which lines, the parties signifie backe under the Seale of secresie, that if the contents of those letters were confirmed by the Kings Letters Patents, they would performe that which they desired. The Letters Patents be made accordingly, * 3.200 and having fraudulently got∣ten the great Seale from Hugh, Bishop of Chichester Lord Chancellor, who knew not thereof, they make them authenticke with the impression. The Kings minde therefore being still exulterated towards the Earle Marshall, he grievously charged Alexander Bi∣shop of Chester, that hee had too much familiarity with the Earle, affirming, that they sought to thrust him from his Throne; the Bishop to cleare himselfe from

so haynos a s••andall,* 3.201 put on his Episcopall habit, and solemnely pronounceth all those accurst who did but imagine a wickednesse of so foule a nature, against the Majestie or person of the King; and thereupon by the intercession of other Prelates, he was received into grace: The King was then at Westminster, where Edmond the Archbishop of Canterbury elect,* 3.202 with o∣ther his Suffragan Bishops bewayling the estate of the Kingdome, present themselves before him, telling him as his loyall leigemen, that the counsell of Peter Bishop of VVinchester and his complices, which now he had and used, was not sound nor safe, but cruell and peril∣lous to himselfe and his Realme. First, for that they hated and despised the English,* 3.203 calling them Traytors, turning the Kings heart from the love of his people, and the hearts of the people from him; as in the Earle Marshall, whom being (one of the worthiest men of the Land) by sowing false tales they drave into dis∣contentment. 2. That by the councell of the same Peter, his father King Iohn first lost the hearts of, his people, then Normandy, then other lands, and finally wasted all his Treasures, and almost England it selfe, and never after had quiet. 3. That if the Subjects had now beene handled according to Justice and Law, and not by their ungodly councells, those pre∣sent troubles had not hapned, but the Kings lands had remained undestroyed, his treasures unexhausted. 4. That the Kings Councell is not the Councell of peace but of perturbation, because they who cannot rise by peace, will rayse themselves by the trouble and disinherison of others. 5. That they had the trea∣sure, Castles, Wardships, and strengths of the King∣dome in their hands, which they insolently abused, to the great hazard of the whole estate, for that they made no conscience of an Oath•• Law, Justice, or the Churches Censures. Therefore we, O King (said they) speake these things faithfully unto you, and in the presence

both of God and man, doe counsell, beseech, and admonish yo•• to remove such a Councell from about you; and as it is the usage in ot••er Realmes governe yours by the faithfull and sworne Children thereof. The King in briefe answered hereunto, that he could not sodainely put off his Councell, and therefore prayed a short respite, till their accomps were audited; Meane while the beha∣haviours of the Marshalline faction (having this back∣ing at Court) grew more and more intollerable,* 3.204 for while the King was at Huntingdon, the Lord Gilbert Basset and others, set fire upon Alckmundbury, a Towne belonging to Stephen de Segrave, the flames whereof were seene of the Owner, being then with the King at Huntingdon: they also tooke Prisoners upon the Welch Marches, and according to the Law of warre (which saith one, is lawlesse) did put them to their ransomes. Nothing had hitherto preserved the King more than that he could without great griefe forgoe any Favorites, if hee were meerely pressed;* 3.205 the con∣trary quality whereof hath beene the cause of finall desolation to so many Princes; for albeit the choyce of Counsellours ought to be free, yet by common in∣tendment, they should be good, or howsoever they are, or are not, it is madnesse to hazard a Crowne, or lose the love of a whole Nation, rather than to relin∣quish or diminish a particular dependant; the rights of amity ought neverthelesse to remaine inviolable, but in such distance, that the publike be not perverted, or interverted for a private: The King therefore in this point not unfortunate, commanded Bishop Peter to betake himselfe to his residence at VVinton, without once medling in affaires of State: but against Rivalis his Treasurer, he was so vehement, that he sware, hee would plucke out his eyes, were it not for reverence of holy Orders, commanding also the Proictouines to de∣part the Realme, never to see his face. Then are the Archbishop of Canterbury, with the Bishops of Chester

and Rochester sent into VValls to pacifie things there: but the Earle Marshall had now crost the Seas into Ireland to take revenge for the spoyles and displeasures which his hired enemies had made in his Lands there, by whose plots, according to that secret agree∣ment, he was finally taken, and died of a wound gi∣ven him in the backe, as he with admirable manhood defended himselfe. The * 3.206 Archbishop of Canterbury with the other Bishops repaired to the King at Glo∣cester, upon their returne from Leoline Prince of VVales, who pretended he could not conclude, till the King had received into grace such of the banished Nobility, with whom himselfe had beene confederate during the late displeasures. The King hereupon mo∣ved with pitty, sends forth his Proclamations, That all such as were out-lawed or proscribed should be at Glocester upon a certaine day, there to be received into the Kings favour againe, and to have restitution of their inheritances•• but least they might suspect any evill measure; it was ordered that they should be in the Churches protection, and come under the safe con∣duct of the Archbishop and the other Prelates•• Thither at the time and place limitted doth Hubert de Burgo Earle of Kent, and lately chiefe Justicier of England repaire, upon whom, by mediation of the Bishop, the compassionate King lookes graciously, receiving him in his armes•• with the kisse of peace. In like sort was the Lord Gilbert Basset, and all others of that fellow∣ship received into favour, their severall livings, and rights fully restored, and both Hubert and Basset ad∣mitted to be of his Councell. Vpon this reconcile∣ment, the practise by which the late great Marshall was destroyed, and his possessions dismembred, came to light; the coppy of the Letters which had beene sent into Ireland being by commandement of the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury openly read in the presence of the King, the Prelates, Earles, and Barons. It moved

teares in all of them; the King with an Oath, affir∣ming, that he knew not the Contents of the said Letters, though by the urging of the Bishop of Winchester. Rivallis, Segrave, Passeletu with other of his Councell, hee had caused his Seale to be put unto them. At the sound of Summons to make their severall appearances, the Ma∣lefactors take Sanctuary; the Bishop, and Peter de Rival∣lis in Winchester Church, Segrave in Leicester Abby, Passeleiu in the new Temple, and others otherwhere. And * 3.207 some write that the King commanded Winchester utterly to depart the Court, and to repaire to his Bish∣opricke, and there to give himselfe intirely to the cure of soules. If such a precept were now given by his Ma∣jesty to all our Court Prelates it would be but just. In the end, upon the intercession of Edraond, Archbishop of Canterbury, who piously endeavoured to extinguish all occasions of further dissention in the Kingdome, and undertooke they should have a lawfull triall, the de∣linquents appeared at Westminster before the King, who sate * 3.208 in person with his Justiciers upon the Bench, Peter de Rivallis was first called (for the Bishop came not;) whom the King shot through with an angry eye, saying, O thou Traytor, by thy wicked advise I was drawne to set my Seale to these treacherous Letters for the de∣struction of the Earle Marshall, the contents whereof were to me unknowne, and by thine, and such like councell I banished my naturall Subjects, and turned their rainds and hearts from me. By thy bad councell, and thy complices, I was moved to make warre upon them to my irreparable losse, and the disho∣nour of ray Realme: In which enterprize I wasted my treasure, and lost many worthy persons, together with much of my royall respect; therefore I exact of thee an account; as well of my treasure, as of the custodies of wards, together with ma∣ny other profits and escheats belonging to my Crowne. Peter denying none of the accusations, but falling to the ground thus besought him. My Soveraigne Lord and King, I have beene nourished by you, and made rich in world∣ly

substance, confound not you owne creature, but at least wise grant me a time of deliberation, that I may render a competent reason for such poynts as I am charged with. Thou shalt (said the King) be carried to the Tower of London, there to deliberate till I am satisfied; he was so. Step••en de Segrave, the Lord chiefe Justice (whom the King also called most wicked Traytor) had time till Michaelmas to make his accounts at the Archbishops and other Bishops humble intreaty; and for other matters, hee shifted them of from himselfe, by laying the blame upon such as were higher in place than he; into whose office of chiefe Justice Hugh de Pateshull is advanced: The like evasion Robert Passeleu had•• by leaving the fault upon Walter Bishop of Carleil, who was above him in the Exchequer; And thus were these civill enormities reformed, not without reducing store of coyne to the King: this Bishop of VVinchester, being the chiefe Au∣thor of all these warres and mischiefes, which thus mo∣lested King, State, and People at that time.

Anno. * 3.209 1238. Otho the Popes Legate lodging at Osnie Abby, some of his servants abusing the Schollers of Oxford that came thither to see him, they thereupon falling together by the eares slew the Legates Cooke, and hurt other of his servants reviling the Legate, and stiling him a wicked wretch, a Robber of England, the gulfe of Roman avarice, &c. Hereupon the Legate fled up into the Towne for feare, and sent to the King to Abindon to rescue him; the next day he publikely excommunicated all who had assaulted him, depriving them both from their office and bene∣fice, and pronouncing them irregular, interdicted all the Churches in Oxford, and suspended the Schollers from studying there; the which Sentence was by this Bishop of VVinchester, solemnely denounced, and exe∣cuted before all the Clergy and people assembled to∣gether for that purpose at S. Frideswids in Oxford; and so all that Summer the Schollers were dissipated, & their

study at Oxford was suspended. At length the Abbot and Canons of Osnie, and regent Masters of Oxford comming bare foote to the Legate, with their heads uncovered, and their upper garments put off and rent, oft times humbly craved pardon of him•• and so at last going through the midst of the Citty of London to the Bishop of Durhams house, they with much adoe obtai∣ned pardon, whereupon the Schollers were restored to their Study at Oxford, and released from their said sentences.

An. 1246. * 3.210 The Pope writ to William,* 3.211 Bishop of VVin∣chester, and the Bishop of Lincolne, that they should levy 6000. markes of the Cleargy to his use. They there∣upon began to execute this mandate of the Pope, but are prohibited by the King to proceede under paine of proscription. The Cleargy now interposed betweene the King & Pope, and terrified with both their threats•• were uncertaine what to doe: but perceiving the Kings inconstancy, and fearing least his courage fai∣ling he should at last (as he often had done before) yeeld to the Pope•• many of them paying their money secret∣ly, avoided both the Kings and Popes indignation. To prevent these exactions, messengers were sent to the Pope from the King, Peeres, Prelates, and Com∣mons of England; these the Pope reviles and repels as Schismaticks, saying; The King of England, who now turnes his heeles against me, and Frederizeth, hath his Coun∣cell, but I have mine. With which scornefull words the King was so moved, that he proclaimed through Eng∣land, That no man should pay any thing to the Pope. But the Pope growing more angry hereat, threatned the Prelates with all kinde of punishment, that they should pay the foresaid summe to his Nuncio in the new Temple very spedily. The King terrified with the threats of his brother Richard, and of the Bishops con∣spiring with him to draw the King hither and thither, to make him odious both to the Pope and people, a∣mong

whom the Bishop of Winchester was chiefe, (to whom power was given by the Pope to interdict the Kingdome;) yeelded at last to this taxe being overcome and debilitated with feare. The passages whereof are more largely related by Matthew Paris, together with the Popes intollerable exactions upon England.

William Raley the 41. Bishop of Winchester,8 3.212 im∣ployed in this former service for the Pope, Anno. 1243. being unduly elected by the Monkes of Win∣chester contrary to King Henry the third his command;* 3.213 the King hereupon commanded, that no man should give him or his any victuall or lodging, charging the Major and Citizens of Winchester to forbid him entrance into that city; which they did; the Bishop thereupon excommunicated the Major, Monks, and whole city, and interdi••ted the Cathe∣drall: for which he felt the burthen of the Kings dis∣pleasure so heavy upon him in England, as he thought good to fly the Realme, till at last by Boniface the Arch∣bishops intercession, and the Popes earnest Letters to the King and Queene, he was restored to the Kings favour, and obtained License to returne. The Bishop hereupon in thankefulnesse, bestowed upon the Pope 6000. markes for his fatherly care of him, which hee in good nature, because he would not be reputed dis∣dainfull, tooke every penny. It is recorded of this Bi∣shop, that a little before his death he had the Sacrament brought unto him, and perceiving the Priest to enter his Chamber with it, he cried out, Stay good friend, let the Lord come no nearer unto me, it is more fit that I be drawne to hira as a Traytor, that in many things have beene a Traytor unto him: His servants therefore by his com∣mandement drew him out of his bed, unto the place where the Priest was, and there with teares he received the Sacrament, and spent much time in prayer, and soone after died at Turon, the 20th. of September, 1249.

* 3.214 Ethel••arns halfe brother unto the King,6 3.215 a man (saith Matth. Paris) in respect of his orders, yeares, and lear∣ning, utterly unsufficient, was at the Kings speciall re∣quest, elected next Bishop of this See; he had at that time other spirituall livings equivalent in revenue to the Archbishopricke of Canterbury; which that hee might keepe, and yet receive all the profits likewise of the Bishopricke of Winchester, he determined not to be consecrated at all•• but to hold it by his electi∣on, and so did indeede for the space of nine yeares; In the meane time he and the rest of his countrymen (with whom the Realme was much pestered) were growne very odious, as well with the Nobility, as the Commons, not onely for their infinite wealth, and immoderate preferment, much envied but much more for their pride and insolency which a man can hardly beare in his owne friend, much lesse in an alien and ••tranger, whom men naturally dislike much sooner then their owne countrimen. Amongst the rest, this Ethelmarus bare himselfe so bold upon the King his brother, as he gave commandement to his servants to force a Clergy man out of the possession of a Benefice, whereunto he pretended some right; and if he with∣stood them, to draw him out of his possession in con∣tumelious manner; the poore man loath to loose his living, defended it so long, till by my Lord Elects men, he was slaine himselfe, and his people so soare beaten and wounded, as within few dayes one or two of them died. This fact and other like complained of by the Barons to the Pope and King brought all the Poictavins into such hatred, as the Realme was ready to rise against them and the rather upon this occasion.

Anno. Dom. 1252. a certain•• Priest intruded him∣selfe by authority of this Prelate into the Hospitall in Southwerke within this Diocesse, founded by Thomas Becket. Eustathius de Len. Officiall to the Archbishop of Canterbury conceiving himselfe injured hereby, because

by reason of the patronage his consent ought to have intervened, which was omitted through contempt•• & thrice admonished the said Priest to depart, because his entranee was injurious and presumptuous: the Priest (stiled commonly the Prior of this Hospitall) refuseth to doe it, keeping possession: The ••fficiall hereupon excommunicates him for his contumacy; under which excommunication the Prior continued fortie dayes multiplying threats and revilings. The Officiall not brooking such pride, at last commanded this contumacious Prior to be apprehended: who hea∣ring of it•• enters into the Church in his Priestly Vest∣ments, were he fortifieth himselfe; the officers pur∣posely sent to apprehend him, spared him not because he had contemned the keyes of the Church. The Offi∣ciall therefore commanded him to be carried to Mayd∣stone•• a manner of the Archbishops, untill it were de∣termined what should be done hereupon, thinking to keepe him there, be••ause the Archbishop was said to be neare that place. But the Bishop of Winchester hea∣ring of it, was more angry than became him, as if he had suffer••d a great injury with disgrace, presented a grievous complaint to his brethren: with whose ayde and councell being puffed up, he calling a band of Souldiers together, with no small company following them, sent them to seeke and apprehend the authors of this violence. They therefore with great ••orce and tumult as in a hostile war came to Suwerke, thinking to have found them there; where searching all places, and finding none of them they went hastily with a swift pace to Maydstone to free the Captive Prior there detained, with a powerfull hand, and breaking downe all that stood in the way, searching all secret corners, when they found not him they sought for, because hee was hid, they called for fire, that they might burne all to ashes. And after many injuries there committed when they found not him they sought for, certified by

some whisperers where the Officiall was they sought for•• to wit at Lambeth neare London, they all ran thither in a troope; where heaving up the doores from their hin∣ges and breaking them running in altogether in a con∣fused troope, sodainely before the houre of din∣ner, they tooke the Officiall (premeditating no such thing) in a hostile and unseemely manner, and haling him away, they set him on a horse like a vile slave, de∣prehended in the act of stealing, to be carried whether they pleased, he being not suffered so much as to touch the re••nes of the horses bridle that carried him. O rash presumption•• O unexcusable ••rreverence (saith Matth. Pa∣ris) which so ignominiously handled, and worried such an authenticall man, so excellent learned, so perspicuosly famous, and representing the Arch∣bishops person. Moreover they inhumanly handled the Chaplaine serving in his Chappell, and flying to the hornes of the Altar, rayling upon him. The Offici∣all, after they had done all things which anger, yea fury had perswaded, they drew by the Bridle to F••rne∣hold, till they were certified of the Priors restitution, detaining him violently against his will. At last being parmited to depart•• he was basely and vily thrust a∣way•• who rejoycing for the present that he had esca∣ped their hands, ranne away as fast as he might upon his feete, though aged•• to Walerle, not daring to looke back le••t he should be turned into a pillar of Salt. The Archbishops Officiall having received so great an in∣jury, makes a most grievous complaint to the Arch∣bishop Boniface with sighes and teares, aggravating great things with greater, and grievous things with greater grievances. The Archbishop hereupon moved with unexpressible anger, taking with him the B••shops of Chester and Heriford, goeth to London, where he and those two Bishops clad in their Pontificall Robes, be∣fore an innumerable company of people (summo∣ned to appeare before them with the voyce of a Cryer

for this purpose, and granting thirtie dayes pardon to all commers) at S. Mary de arcubus, even horribly and solemnely excommunicated all the actors and fau∣ters of this rash action, excepting onely the King, Queene, and their children, and Count Richard, with his Countesse and children. Moreover he writ to all his suffgragan Bishops by vertue of the bond of obedience, whereby they stood obliged to the Church of Canter∣bury, to doe the like in their Churches on all Lords dayes and holy dayes, by his expresse command. The Bishop of Winchester, on the contrary, speedily com∣manded the Deane of Seuwarke, and other his subjects, that they contradicting the Archbishop•• should open∣ly denounce to his face, that this his sentence of ex∣communication was a meere nullity, yea, a vaine, frivilous and wily excuse to bolster him out in his sinnes. The Archbishops creatures for this injury, and the scandall arising thereupon appeale to the Pope. There were some who favouring neither side, affirmed the Archbishop had done Winchester wrong; because there was a composition formely made, that notwith∣standing the right of patronage; yet to prevent con∣troversies, this Hospitall should be subject to the dispo∣sall of the Bishop of Winchester, paying thereout three shillings by the yeare; and so both of them being de∣famed, incurred the brand of unjust violence, while the citizens mindfull of the peremptorinesse, which the Archbishop had shewed in his first violent com∣ming to London, of his infinite exactions of mony which he had procured, of the Kings violence in his creation, and of the enormious collation of his benefi∣ces, did now againe revive the same. On the other ••ide the royallists & Poictavins gained the note of imbred treason, with other reproaches, as the manner is of those that brawle. There were not a few citizens who hearing these things, wished that these parties had da∣shed out one anothers braines, and rip••••d up one ano∣thers

bowells; And as it was written, Woe unto them by whom scandall commeth, both parties were indangered with the great reproaches and scandalls arising here∣upon. Thus was the Kings party devided against the Queenes, the Poictovines against the Provincials, whose great possessions made them mad, playing rex one with the other (whiles the miserable English were a∣sleepe) as if they contested which of them having ba∣nished the Natives, should deserve more excellently to rule the Kingdone: but the ventilation of fame more condemned the Provinctalls, because Winchester, rising up against his Superiour, had so proudly exceeded mea∣sure, confiding on the King, his brother, who God knowes had created him. The Archbishop Boniface raking up the fire of his conceived anger under ashes, and worthily persisting in it, as Eustace stirred him up more or lesse to revenge this enormious transgression, goeth after this towards Oxford, that summoning a Convocation of the Scollers there assembled out of di∣vers parts of the world, he mightt publish to them in order this notorious fact, that so by their relations, so great an offence might be made knowne to forraigne Nations•• Comming therefore to Oxford the morrow after S. Nicholas day before all the Clearkes and Schol∣lers there assembled for this purpose, being an innu∣merable multitude, he openly declares before them the presumptuous temerity and temerarious presumpti∣on of the Bishop of Winchester, taking boldnesse from his confidence and dependance on the King, his bre∣thren, and complices; and expresly published the names of the trespassers, and their former sentences of excommunication, which the Bishop caused to be transcribed & sent to all his suffr••gans. The Christmas following the King and Queene being at VVinchester, reconciled these Prelates, and tooke off these excom∣munications, & ended these contentions, which much troubled both Church and Kingdome. This Pre∣lates

by bribes given to the Pope, obtruded a Prior on the Monkes of Winchester, which caused great Schismes and distractions among them. Anno. Dom. 1260. Si∣mon Montfort Earle of Leicester, Richard de Clare, Earle of Gloster, with sundry other Nobles adhering to them, assembled at Oxford, sufficiently furnished with horses and armes, finally resolving in their mindes, either to die for the peace of their country, or to thrust out of the Realme the desturbers of the peace. Whereupon the Bishop of Winchester, William de Valentia, and other Poic••ouines assembled together at the foresaid place, guarded with a great troope of their souldiers and fol∣lowers, But because the Lords•• determined to bring them into question for their wicked deedes, and make them take a common oath with them, to observe the provisions made for the benefit of the Kingdome; they discerning their forces to be weaker than the Lords, and fearing to undergoe their judgement, fled in the night to the Castle of Vlnesey, whom the Barons pur∣suing, caused them to yeeld up the Castle, and com∣pelled them forthwith to depart the Kingdome. Ethel∣mar comming to the King to take his farewell of mhim•• used these words, I commend you to the Lord God; to whom the King replied, Et ego te Diabolo vivo; and I commend thee to the living devill, for dese••ting him in his necessities, and occasioning such uproares in the Realme. The Nobles fearing least the Bishop departing the Realme should resort to Rome, and for a summe of mony given should procure his promotion againe, and so be more powerfull to doe harmes, sent foure eloquent Knights, to exhibit a letter, ratified with all their seales, to the Pope and Cardinalls; wherein were contained the wickednesses of the said Bishop and his brethren, and those ho∣micides, rapines, injuries and various oppressions wherewith they had afflicted and undone the people of the King darae; and withall they commanded all the religious men, who far∣med any livings of the Romanes to detaine their rents, till

they should receive further order from them, and pay them to such receivers as they should appoint, under paine of having their houses burnt; by which meanes the Kingdome was free from Romane exactors for three yeares space. This Ethelmare foreseeing the danger that was like to befall him sent over his Treasure (whereof hee had great store) beyond the seas, before his departure; but much of it came short•• being intercepted at Dover, and taken away from those to whom it was committed, and di∣stributed to foure Knights, who were sent to Rome, by the King and his Barons, to complaine against the blanke Bulls found in the chests of Be••ard de Nympha (the Popes agent) after his death, and of the many machinations, of the Romanes to disquiet the Realme.

Iohn Ger••sey10 3.216 next Bishop of W••nchester * 3.217 (consecrated at Rome, where ••e payd 6000. markes to the Pope, and so much more to his Chancellour for his consecrati∣on) was a great stickler in the Barons warres against King Henry the third, as appeares by the forecited pas∣sages of Matthew Westminister, and was excommuni∣cated by Octobon the Popes Legate, for taking part a∣gainst the King in the Barons warres, and forced to goe to Rome for his absolution, where he died.

Henry Woodlocke11 3.218 Bishop of Winchester made re∣quest to King Edward the first for Robert Winchelsey, * 3.219 Archbishop of Canterbury, whom the King had bani∣shed for high Treason, in which request, he called the Archbishop (an arch-Traytor) his good Lord, which the King (as he had cause) tooke so hainously, that he confiscated all his goods, and renounced all protection of him.

Adam Tarleton,12 3.220 or de Arleton, Bishop of Winchester a∣bout the yeere 1327. was arrested and accused of high Treason for aiding the Mortimers against King Edward the second, both with men and armour:* 3.221 when he was brought to the barre to be arraigned for this Treason, the Archbishops of Canterbury, Yorke, and Dub∣lin

with their suffragans, came with their Crosses•• and rescued him by force, carrying him with them from the barre in such manner, as I have formerly related more at large, in the Acts of Wal••er Rainolds, pag. 55.56.) Notwithstanding, the indictment and accu∣sation being found true, his temporalities wereseized in∣to the Kings hands, untill such time as the King (much deale by his imagination and devise) was deposed of his Kingdome. If he which had beene a traytor unto his Prince before, after deserved punishment for the same, would soone be intreated to joyne with other in the like attempt, it is no marvell. No man so for∣ward as he in taking part with Isabell the Queene, a∣gainst her husband, King Edward the second. She wi••h her sonnes, and army being at Oxford, this good Bi∣shop steps up into the pulpit, and there taking for his Text these words (My head grieved me) he made a long Discourse, to prove, that an evill head, not otherwise to be cured, must be taken away, applying it to the King, that hee ought to be deposed. A Bishoplike application. Hereupon they having gotten the King into their power, the Bi∣shop fearing least if at any time recovering his liberty & crowne again, they might receive condigne punish∣ment, councelled the Queene to make him away, (good ghostly advice of a Prelate;) wherupon she being as ready and willing as he to have it done; they writ cer∣taine letters unto the keepers of the old King, signifiing in covert termes what they desired; they, either not perfectly understanding their meaning, or desirous of some good warrant to shew for their discharge, pray them to declare in expresse words, whether they would have them put the King to death or no. To which question, this subtile Fox framed this answer, Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum••est, without any point at all. If you set the point betweene nolite, and t••aere, it forbiddeth: if betweene nolite and bonum, it ••xhorteth them to the committinng of the fact. This

ambiguous sentence unpointed, they take for a suffici∣ent warrant and most pittifully murthered the inno∣cent King, by thrusting an hot spit into his funda∣ment; and who then so earnest a persecuter of those murthere••s as this Bishop that set them a worke? who when diverse of his Letters were produced and shewed to him warranting this most trayterly inhumane Act, eluded and avoided them by Sophisticall interpretati∣ons and utterly denied, that he was any way consen∣ting to this hainous fact, of which in truth he was the chiefe occasion. How clearely he excused himselfe I ••now not. But s••re I am, he (like many Arch-tray∣terly Prelates before him•• who were oftner rewarded than punished for their Treasons) was so farre, from receiving punishment, as within two moneths after, he was preferred unto Hereford, than to the Bishop∣pricke of Worce••er, and sixe yeares after that translated to Winchester by the Pope•• at the request of the French King, whose secret friend he was: which King Edward the third taking in very ill part, because the French King and he were enemies, detained his temporalties from him, till that in Parliament, at the suite of the whole Cleargie, he was content to yeeld them unto him; after which he became blinde in body, as hee was before in minde, and so died, deserving to have lost his head for these his notorious Treasons, and conspiracies long before, he being the Archplotter of all the Treacheries against King Edward the second.

* 3.222 Anno. 10. Richard the third, 1366. thirteene Lords were appointed by Parliament to have the go∣vernment of the Realme under the King, in diminu∣tion of his Prerogative; among these Williara Edingdon Bishop of Winchester,13 3.223 Iohn Gilbert Bishop of Hereford, Lord Treasurer of England, Thomas Arundle, Bishop of Ely, and Chancellour. Nicholas Abbat of Waltham, Lord Keeper of the privy Seale, VVilliam, Archbishop of Canterbury, Alexander Archbishop of

Yorke, and Thomas Bishop of Exeter were chiefe, and the principall contrivers of this new project, which fell out to be inconvenient and pernicious both to the King and Realme,* 3.224 the very procurers of this Act (as some of the J••dges afterwards resolved) deserving death; which resolution afterward cost some of them their lives•• as the Stories of those times declare. It seemes this Bishop made great havocke of the goods of his Church, * 3.225 for his successor V••illiam VVicham sued his Executors for dilapidations, and re∣covered of them 1672. pound tenne shillings•• besides 1566. head of neate, 386. Weathers, 417. Ewes. 3521. Lambes and 127. Swine; all which stocke it seemeth belonged unto the Bishoppricke of VVin∣chester at that time.

10 3.226William Wicham his next successor was a great * 3.227 Plu∣ralist, the yearely revenues of his spirituall promoti∣ons•• according as they were then rated in the Kings bookes, beside his Bishoppricke, amounting to 876. pound•• thirteene shillings and foure pence; besides these Ecclesiasticall preferments, he held many tem∣porall offices, at the Secretariship, the Keepership of the Privy Seale, the Mastership of Wards, the Treasurer∣ship of the Kings revenues in France, and divers others. Being consecrated Bishop of VVinchester, in the yeare 1367. he was made soone after, first Treasurer then Chancellor of England. It seemes that he was a better Treasurer for himselfe than the King, who though hee received hugh summes of money by the ransome of two Kings, and spoile of divers large Countries a∣broad, and by unusuall subsedyes and taxations at home (much grudged at by the Commons,) was yet so bare, as for the payment of his debts, he was con∣strained to find new devices to raise mony: where∣upon a solemne complaint was framed against this Bishop for vainely wasting, or falsely imbezelling the Kings Treasure; for that otherwise it was im∣possible

the King should be fallen so farre behind hand: whereupon hee was charged with the receit of 1109600. pound (which amounted to more than a million of pounds) besides a hundred thousand frankes paid unto him by Galeace Duke of Millaine; for all which a sodaine account is demanded of him: divers other accusations and misdemeanours were likewise charged against him, and by meanes hereof, Iohn a Gaun•• Duke of Lancaster questioning him in the Kings Courts for these misdemeanours, William Skipwith, Lord chiefe Justice, condemned him as guilty of these accusations; procured his temporalties to be taken from him, and to be bestowed upon the young Pri••ce of Wales; and lastly commanded him in the Kings name not to come within twenty miles of the Court. This happened in the yeare 1376. The next yeare the Parliament being assembled, and Subsidies deman∣ded of the Cleargy, the Bishops utterly rufused to de∣bate of any matter whatsoever, till the Bishop of Win∣chester, a principall member of that assembly, might be present with him. By this meanes Licence was ob∣tained for his repaire thither: and thither hee came, glad he might be neere to the meanes of his re••titution. But whether it were, that he wanted money to beare the charge, or to the intent to move commiseration, or that he thought it safest to passe obscurely; he that was wont to ride with the greatest traine of any Pre∣late in England came then very slenderly attended; travelling through by-wayes, as standing in doubt of snares his enemies might lay for him. After two yeares trouble, and the losse of ten thousand markes sustai∣n••d by reason of the same; with much adoe he obtai∣n•••• restitution of his temporalties, by the mediation of Ali•••• Piers, a gentlewoman that in the last times of King Ed••••rd altogether possessed him. Returning then unto Winchester, he was received into the city with solemne proc••••sion, and many signes of great joy. Soone after

his returne King Edward died•• and the Duke hoping b•• reason of ••h•• ••oung Kings nonage to work•• some m••s••hi••fe unto this Bishop, whom of all mortall men he most hated (perhaps not without just reason) be∣gan to rub up some of the old accusations•• with addi∣••ions of new complaints. But the King thought good to be a meanes of reconciling these two personages, and then was easily entreated under the broad Seale of England to pardon all those supposed offences, wherewith the Bishop had heretofore beene charged. This Bishop earnestly desiring to be made Bishop of VVinchester, the King himselfe exp••obrated to him the exilitie and smalenesse of his learning (hee being no Scholler at all•• but a surveyer of his buildings at first, though laden with multitudes of pluralities) to whom VVickham answered; That albeit he were unlearned, yet he was ab••ut to bring forth a f••uitfull issue which should procreate very great store of learned men; which was understood of those most ample Colledges he afterwards bu••lt, both at Oxford and VVincheste•• for: which good works alone his name hath since beene famous, and himselfe extolled above his deserts in other things, which were but ill at best. This Prelate having obtained divers goodly promoti∣ons, which he acknowledged to have received, rather as reward of service, then in regard of any extraordi∣nary desert otherwise•• he caused to be engraven in VVinchester Tower at VVinsor these words, This made VVickham•• whereof when some complained to the King as a thing derogating from his honour, that an∣other should ••eeme to beare the charge of his buil∣dings; and the King in great displeasure reprehended him for it. He answered, that his meaning was not to ascribe the honour of that building to himselfe, but his owne honour of preferments unto that bu••l∣ding; not importing that VVicham made the Tower, but, that the Tower was the meanes of making VVickham, and rai∣sing him from base estate, unto those great places of honour he then enjoyed.

The * 3.228 Pope was now growne to that height of tyran∣ny, that he not onely placed, but displaced Bishops at his pleasure. And his meanes to do it, was by transla∣ting them to some other Bishoppricke, peradventure nothing worth at all Hee translated Henry Beauford13 3.229 from Lincolne to Winchester, Iune 23. 1426. and made him Cardinall of S. Eusebius. This Bishop was vali∣ant and very wise. Pope Martin the fift•• determining to make warre upon the Bo••emians, that had renounced all obedience unto the see of Rome, made this Cardi∣nall his Legate into that Country, and appointed such forces as he could make to be at his commandement. Toward the charges of this voyage, the Cleargie of England gave a tenth of all their promotions, and fur∣nished out foure thousand men and more: with this power, he passed by France (doing there some service for his Prince and Country) into Bohemia, the yeare, 1429. There he remained certaine moneths, behaving himselfe very valiantly, till by the Pope he was dis∣charged, In his youth he was wantonly given and be∣gate a base daughter named Iane upon Alice, the daugh∣ter of Richard, Earle of Arundell. * 3.230 About the yeare of our Lord, 1425. there fell out a great devision in the Realme of England, which of a sparkle, was like to have growne to a great flame, by meanes of this Henry Beauford Bishop of Winchester, Son to Iohn Duke of Lancaster by his third wife; for whether this Bishop envied the authority of Humphry Duke of Gloster•• Pro∣tector of the Realme, or whether the Duke disdained at the riches and pompous estate of the said Bishop; sure it is, that the whole Realme was troubled with them, and their partakers; so that the citizens of London were faine to keepe dayly and nightly watches and to shut up their shops for feare of that which was doubted to have insued of their assembling of people about them. The Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Duke of Quimbre, called the Prince of Portingale, rode

eight times in one day betweene the two parties, and so the matter was staid for a time: but the Bishop of Winchester to cleare himselfe of blame so farre as hee might, and to charge his Nephew, the Lord Protector with all the fault, wrote a Letter to the Regent of France. The 25. day of March, a Parliament began at the Towne of Leicester, where the Duke of Bedford openly rebuked the Lords in generall, because that they in the time of warre, through their privy malice and inward grudges, had almost moved the people to warre and commotion, in which time all men ought or should be of one minde, heart and consent, requi∣ring them to defend, serve, and to dread their sove∣raigne Lord King Henry in performing his conquest in France, which was in manner brought to conclu∣sion. In this Parliament, the Duke of Glocester laid certaine Articles to the Bishop of Winchesters charge.

First, Whereas hee being Protector and Defendor of this Land desired the Tower to be opened to him there∣in, Richard VVoodvile Esquire (having at that time the charge of the keeping of the Tower) refused his desire, and kept the same Tower against him•• unduly and a∣gainst reason, by the commandement of the said Lord of VVinchester; and afterward in approving of the said refusall he received the said VVoodvile, and cherished him against the State and worship of the King, and of the said Lord of Glocester.

Secondly, The said Lord of Winchester, without the advise and assent of the said Lord of Glocester, or of the Kings Councell purposed and disposed him to set hand on the Kings person, and to have removed him from Eltham, the place that he was in, to Windsor, to the intent to put him in governance as he list.

Thirdly, that where the said Lord of Glocester (to whom of all persons tha•• should be in the Land by the way of Nature and birth, it belongeth to see the

governance of the Kings person) informed of the said undue purpose of the said Lord of Winchester declared in the Article next above said and in setting thereof, determining to have gone to Eltham unto the King, to have provided as the cause required, and the said Lord of Winchester untruely and against the Kings peace, to the intent to trouble the said Lord of Glocester going to the King•• purposing his death in case that he had gone that way, set men of armes, and Archers at the end of London bridge next Southw••rke, and in forbearing of the Kings high way, let draw the chaine of the stoopes there, and set up pipes and hurdles in manner and former of Bulworkes, and set m••n in cellers and windowes, with Bowes and Arrowes•• and other weapons, to the intent to bring finall destruction to the said Lord of Glocesters person, as well as of those that then should come with him.

Fourthly, The said Lord of Glocester saith•• and affir∣meth, that our soveraigne Lord his Brother, that was King Henry the fift, told him on a time when our So∣veraigne Lord being Prince, was lodged in the Pal∣lace of Westminster in the great Chamber, by the noyse of a Spaniell, there was on a night a man spied and ta∣ken behind a carpet of the said Chamber, the which man was delivered to the Earle of Arundell to be exa∣mined upon the cause of his being there at that time; the which so examined at that time, confessed, that he was there by the stirring and procuring of the said Lord of Winchester, ordained to have slaine the said Prince there in his bed: wherefore the said Earle of Arundell let sacke him forthwith and drownes him in the Thames.

Fiftly, Our Soveraigne Lord, that was King Henry the fifth, said unto the said Lord of Glocester, that his Father, King Henry the fourth living•• and visited then greatly with sicknesse by the hand of God, the said Lord of Winchester, said unto the King (Henry the

fifth being then Prince) that the King his Father so visited with sicknesse was not personable, and there∣fore not disposed to come in conversation and go∣vernance of the people, and for so much councelled him to take the governance and Crowne of this Land upon him. Such a loyall Prelate was he. To these Articles the Archbishop gave in his * 3.231 answer in wri∣ting too tedious to recite; whereupon the Lords in Parliament tooke an Oath to be indifferent umpiers betweene the Bishop and Duke, and at last•• with much adoe, made a finall accord and decree betweene them, recorded at large by Hall and Holinshed, wher••by they both were reconciled for a season. But in the yeare 1427. the Bishop passing the sea into France, re∣ceived the habit, hat and dignity of a Cardinall, with all ceremonies to it appertaining; which promotion the late King right deepely piercing into the unre∣strainable ambitions mind of the man, which even from his youth was ever wont to checke for the highest) and also right well ascertained with what intollerable pride his head should soone be swoll••n under such a hat, did therefore all his life long kepe this Prelate backe from that presumptuous estate. But now the King being young, and the Regent his friend, hee ob∣tained his purpose, to the impoverishi••g of the spiritu∣alitie of this Realme. For by a Bull Legantine, which he purchased from Rome, he gathered so much treasure, that no man in manner had money but he, so that hee was called, the rich Cardinall of Wincester. Afterwards An. 1429. the Pope unleagated him, and set another in his place to his great discontent * 3.232 Anno. 1441. the flames of contention brake out afresh betweene the said Duke and the Cardinall; for after his former reconciliation to the Duke, he and the Archbishop of Yorke (Iohn Kerap) ceased not to doe many things without the con∣sent of the King or Duke, being (during the minority of the King) Governour and Protector of the Realme,

whereat the Duke (as good cause he had) was greatly offended: and there upon declared to King Henry the ••ixth in writing, wherein the Cardinall and the Arch∣bishop had offended both his Majesty, and the Lawes of the Realme. This complaint of the Duke was con∣tained in twentie foure Articles, which chiefely rested, in that the Cardinall had from time to time, through his ambitious desire to surmount all other, in high de∣gree of honor, sought to enrich himself, to the great and notorious hinderance of the King, as in defrauding him, not onely of his treasure, but also in doing & practising things prejudiciall to his affaires in France, and name∣ly by setting at liberty the King of Scots, upon so easie conditions as the Kings Majesty greatly lost therehy, as in particulars thus followeth•• and out of the Dukes owne coppie, regestred by * 3.233 Hall and Holinshed.

• 1. These be in part the points and Articles which I Humphrey Duke of Gloster, for my truth and acquitall said late, I would give in writing (my right doub∣ted Lord) unto your Highnes, advertising your Ex∣cellence, of such things as in part have bin done in your tender age in derogation of your noble estate, and hurt of both your Realmes, and yet be done and used dayly.
• 2. First, the Cardinall then being Bishop of Win∣chester, him took upon the state of Cardinall, which was naied and denaied him by the King of most noble me∣mory, my Lord your Father, saying, that he had as lefe set his Crowne beside him, as to see him weare a Cardinalls Hat, he being a Cardinall; for he knew full well the pride and ambition that was in his per∣son, then being but a Bishop, should have so greatly extolled him into more intollerable pride, when that he were a Cardinall; and also he though it against his freedome of the chiefe Church of this Realme, which that he worshipped as duly as ever did Prince, that blessed be his soule. And howbeit that my said

• Lord your Father would have had certaine Clarkes of this Land Cardinalls, and to have no Bishopricks in England, yet his intent was never to doe so great d••rogation to the Church of Canterbury, as to make them that were his suffragans to sit above their Ordinary and Metropolitan. But the cause was, that in generall and in all matters which might concerne the weale of him and of his Realme he should have Proctors of his Nation, as other Christian Kings had in the Court of Rome, and not to abide in this Land, nor to be in any part of his Coun∣sells as beene all the spirituall and temporall at Parlia∣ment, and other great Councells, when you list to call them: And therefore though it please you to doe him that worship, to set him in your privy Councell, after your pleasure, yet in every Parliament, where every Lord, both spirituall and temporall hath his place, he ought to occupie but his place as a Bishop.
• 3. Item. The said Bishop now being Cardinall, was assoyled of his Bishoppricke of Winchester, where∣upon he sued unto our holy Father to have a Bull de∣clarative, notwithstanding he was assumpt to the state of Cardinall, that the See was not voyd, where indeed it stood voyd for a certaine time, yet the said Bull were granted and so he was exempt from his ordinary by the taking on him the state of Cardinall, and the Church Bishopricke of Winchester, so standing voyd, hee tooke againe of the Pope (you not learned thereof, nor knowing, whereby hee was fallen into the case of provision) so that all his goods was lawfully and cleerely forfeited to you my right doubted Lord, with more, as the Statute declareth plainely for your ad∣vantage.
• I••em. It is not unknowne to you (doubted Lord) how through your lands it is noysed, that the said Car∣dinall and the Archbishop of Yorke, had, and have the governance of you, and all you•• land, the which none

• of your true leige men ought to usurpe to take upon them, and have also estranged me your sole uncle, my cosin of Yorke, my consin of Huntington, and many other Lords of your Kin to have any knowledge of a∣ny great mat••er that might touch your high estate, or either of your Realmes: and of Lords spirituall of right, the Archbishop of Canterbury should be your cheefe Counsellour, the which is also estranged and set aside, and so be many other right sadd Lords, and well advised, as well spirituall as temporall, to the great hurt of you my right doubted Lord, and of your Realmes, like as the experience and workes shewne, cleerely and evidently more harme it is.
• 5. Item. In the tender age of•• you my right doubted Lord, for the necessity of a Army, the said Cardinall lent you 4000 pound upon certaine Jewels, prised at two & twenty 1000-markes with a letter of sale that if they were not quited at a certaine day you should leese them. The said Cardinall seeing your money ready to have quitted your Jewells, caused your Treasurer of England, at that day being, to pay the same money in part of another army, in defrauding you my right doubted Lord of your said Jewells, keeping them yet alway to his owne use, to your right great losse, and his singular profit and availe.
• 6. Item, the said Cardinall then being Bishop of Winchester, & Chancellor of England, delu••••ed the King of Scots upon certaine appointments (as may be shewed) presumptuously, and of his owne authority, contrary to the Act of Parliament. I have heard no∣table men of Law say, that they never heard the like thing done among them which was too great a defa∣mation to your highnesse, and also to••wed his Neece to the said King, whom that my Lord of notable memory your Father would never have so delu••••ed; and there as he should have paid for his cos••s•• forty thousand pounds, the said Cardinall Ch••••cellor of England,

• caused you to pardon him thereof ten thousand marks, whereof the greater somme hee paid you right a little, what, I report me to your highnesse.
• 7. It••, where the said Cardinall lent you (my redoubted Lord) great and notable Sommes, he hath had, and his assignes the rule & profit of the port of Hampton, where the Customers bin his servants, where (by likelihood and as it is to be supposed) he standing the chiefe Merchant of the wools of your land•• that you be great∣ly defrauded, and under that rule, what woolls and other Merchantdizes have been shipped, and may be from time to time, hard is to esteeme, to the great hurt and prejudice of you my right doubted Lord, and of all your people.
• 8. Item, Howbeit that the said Cardinall hath di∣vers times lent you great sommes of money, sith the time of your raigne, yet this loane hath beene so defer∣red and delayed, that for the most part the convena∣ble season of the imploying of the good lent was pas∣sed, so that little fruit or none came thereof•• as by ex∣perience both your Realmes have sufficiently in knowledge.
• 9. Item, Where there was Jewells and Plate, prised at eleven thousand pound in weight of the said Cardinall forfeited to you, my right redoubted Lord, hee gate him a restorement thereof for a loane of a little percell of the same•• and so defrauded you wholly of them, to your great hurt and his avayle; the which good might greatly have eased your highnesse in sparing as much of the poore Commons.
• 10. Item, The Cardinall being feoft of my said Lord your Father against his intent, gave Elizabeth Beau∣champe three hundred markes of livelihood, where that his will was, that and she were wedded, within a yeare, then to have ••••, or else not, where indeede it was two or three yeares after, to your great hurt, and dimini∣shing of your inheritance.
• ...

• 11. Item, Notwithstanding that the said Cardinall hath no manner of authority, nor interest into the Crowne, nor none may have by any possibility, yet he presumeth and taketh upon him in party your estate royall, in calling before him into great abusion of all your land, and derogation of your highnes, which hath not been seen, nor vsed in no dayes heretofore, in greater estate then he is, without your expresse ordenance and commandment.
• 12. Item, the said Cardinall nothing considering the ne∣cesity of you my right redoubted Lord, hath sued a pardon of dismes, that he should pay for the Church of Winchester, for terme of his life, giving thereby occasi∣on to all other Lords spirituall, to draw their good will for any necessity, to grant any disme, and so to lay all the charge upon the temporalty, and the poore people.
• 13. Item, by the governance and labour of the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke, there hath beene lost and dispended much notable and great good by divers embassadors sent out of this Realme. First•• to Arras for a feigned colourable peace, whereas by like∣linesse it was thought & supposed, that it should never turne to the effectuall availe of you, my right doubted Lord, nor to your said Realmes, but under colour thereof, was made the peace of your adversary, and the Duke of Burgoyn; for else your partie adverse, and the said Duke might not well have found meanes nor wayes to have communed together, nor to have concluded with other their confederations, and con∣spirations made and wrought there then, at that time against your highnesse, whereby you might have (right doubted Lord) the greater partie of your obisance, as well in your Realme of France, as in your Dut∣chie of Normandy, and much other thing gone greatly, as through the said colourable treatie, and otherwise, since the death of my brother of Bedford.
• ...

• 14. Ite. Now of late was sent another Embassador to Cale•• by the labour and councell of the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke; the cause why of the begin∣ning, is to me your sole Vncle, and other Lords of your kin and Councell unknowne, to your great charge, and against the publike good of your Realme, as it openly appeareth; the which good if it be im∣ployed for the defence of your Lands, the marchandi∣zes of the same might, have had other course•• and your said lands not to have stood in so great mischiefe as they doe.
• 15. Item, after that, to your great charge and hurt of both your Realmes, the said Cardinall and Arch∣bishop of Yorke went to your said towne of Calis, and divers Lords of your kin, and of your Councell in their fellowship, and there, as there was naturall warre betweene the Duke of Orliance, and the Duke of Burgonie, for murther of their Fathers, a capitall enmi∣tie, like to have endured for ever; the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke licen••ed and suffered the said Duke of Orleance to intreate and commune apart, with Councell of your said adversaries, as well as with the Douchies of Burgond••e, by which meanes the peace and alliance was made betweene the two Dukes, to the greatest for••e••••ing of your said capitall adversaries that could be thought; and consequently (my deare re∣doubted Lord) to your greatest charge, and hurt to both your Realmes; under colour of which treatie, your said adversaries in meane time wonne your city of Meaux, and the country thereabout, and many di∣vers roades made into your Duchie of Normandy, to the great noysance and destruction of your people, as it sheweth openly.
• 16. Item, The said Archbishop of Yorke, sent with o∣thers into this your Realme from the said Cardinall, had with your advers partie at your said Towne of Calis, made at his comming into your notable presence

• at Winsor, all the swasions and colour, all motions in the most app••rent wise that he could, to induee your Highnesse to your agreement to the desires of your capitall Adversaries, as I saw there in your no∣ble presence of his writing, at which time (as I under∣stood) it was his singular opinion, that is to say; that you should leave your right, your title, and your ho∣nour of your crowne, and your nomination of King of France, during certaine yeares, and that you should utterly abstaine, and be content onely in writing, with Rex ••ngliae, &c. to the greatest note of infamie that ever fell to you, or any of your noble Progenitors since the taking of them first, the said title and right of your Realme, and Crowne of France, to which mat∣ter in your presence, there, after that it had like your said Hignesse to aske mine advise thereupon, with o∣ther of your bloud and Counsell; I answered and said, that I would never agree thereto, to die therefore; and of the same disposition I am yet, and will be while I live in conservation of your honour, and of your oath made unto your said Crowne in time of your corona∣tion there.
• 17. Item, The said Cardinall, and Archbishop of Yorke have so laboured unto your Highnesse, that you should intend to a new day of convention in March or Aprill next comming, where it is noised to be more a∣gainst your worship, then with it; and where it was evident to all the world, that the rupture and breaking of the said peace should have fallen heretofore, of your adverse partie, because of the great untruths; now by that meanes it is like peradventure to be ••aid unto ve∣ry great slander of you my doubted Lord, like to come to none other purpose nor effect than other conventi∣ons have done aforetime, and so by subtilties and counsell of your said enemies your land (they in hope and trust of the said treatie not mightily nor puissant∣ly purveyed for) shall be like under the cullor of the

• same treatie to be burnt up and destroyed, lost, and ut∣terly turned from your obeysance.
• 18. Itera, It is said, that the deliverance of the Duke of Orleance is utterly appointed by the mediation, coun∣sell and stirring of the said Cardinall•• and Arch∣bishor of Yorke; and for that cause divers persons been come from your adversaries into this your Realme; and the said Duke also brought to your city of London, whereas my Lord your Father poysing so greatly the inconveniences and harme that might fall onely by his deliverance concluded, ordained, and determined in his last Will utterly in his wisdome, his conquest in his Realme of France: And yet then it is to be done by as great deliberation solemnity and suretie, as may be devised or thought: and seeing now the disposition of your Realme of France, the puissance and might of your enemies, and what ayde they have gotten against you there, as well under the colour of the said treatie, as otherwise, what might or ought to be thought or said for that labouring the said Duke (all things considered) by such particular parsons, the Lords of your blood not called thereunto; I report mee unro your noble grace and excellency, and unto the said wi••e true men of this your Realme.
• 19. Item, Where that every true counsellor, speci∣ally unto any King or Prince, ought of truth and of dutie to counsell, promote, in••rease, perferre and ad∣vance the weale and prosperity of his Lord; The said Cardinall being of your counsell (my right doubted Lord) hath late purchased of your Highnesse certaine great Lands, and livelihood; as the Castle and Lord∣ship of Chirke in Wales, and other lands in this your Realme: unto which I was called suddenly, and so in eschewing the breaking and losse of your armies, then againe, seeing none other remedy, gave thereunto mine assent, thinking that who that ever laboured, moved or stirred, the matter first unto your Lordship,

• counselled you•• nei••her for your worship nor profit.
• 20. More the said Cardinall hath you bound apart, to make him a sure estate of all the said Lands, by Easter next comming, as could be devised by any lear∣ned counsell, or else that suretie not made, the said Cardinall to have and enjoy to him and his heires, for∣ever the lands of the Dutchie of Lancaster in Norfolke, to the value of seven or eight hundred markes by the yeare; which thing seemeth right strange, and unseene and unheard wayes of any leige man, to seeke upon his soveraigne Lord, both in his inheritance, and in his Jewels and goods; for it is thought, but that right and extreme necessity caused it, there should, nor ought no such things to be done from which ne∣cessity (God for his mercy) ever preserve your noble person. Wherefore (my redoubted Lord) seeing that you should be so counselled, or stirred to leave your Crowne and inheritance in England, and also by fraud and subtill meanes, as is before rehearsed, so to loose your Jewels, in my truth and in mine acquitall (as it seemes to me) I may not, nor ought not counsell so great an hurt to you, and to all your Land.
• 21. Item, It is not unknowne to you (my right doubted Lord) how oftentimes I have offered my ser∣vice, to and for the defence of your Realme of France, and Dutchy o•• Normandy, where I have beene put there from by the labour of the Lord Cardinall, in preferring others after his singular affection, which hath caused a great part of the said Dutchy of Nor∣mandy, as well as of the Realme of France to be lost, as it is well knowne; and what good (my right doub∣ted Lord) was lost on that army that was last sent thi∣ther which the Earle of Mortaigne, your Counsell of France hath well and clearly declared to your High∣nesse here before.
• 22. Item, My right doubted Lord, it is not un∣knowne••, that it had not beene possible to the said Car∣dinall

• to have come to his great riches but by such meanes, for of his Church it might not rise, and inhe∣ritance he had none. Wherefore, my right doubted Lord, sith there is great good behoofe at this time for the weale and safegard of your Realmes, the poverty, necessity, and indigence of your leige people, in highnesse understand, like it unto your noble grace to consider the said lucre of the said Cardinall, and the great deceipts that you be deceived in by the labour of him, and of the Arch∣bishop, as well in this your Realme, as in the Realme of France, and Dutchy of Normandy, where neither office, livelihood, nor Captaine may be had withou•• too great good given unto him, whereby a great part of all the losse that is lost, they have beene the causers of, for who that would give most, his was the prise, not considering the merrits, service nor sufficiency of persons. Furthermore, it is greatly to be considered, how when the said Cardinall had forfeited all his goods, because of provision, as the Statute thereupon more plainely declareth, by having the rule of you my right doubted Lord•• purchased himselfe in great de∣fraudation of your Highnesse, a Charter of pardon, the which good, and it had beene well governed might many yeares have sustained your warres with∣out any t••lage of your poore people.
• 23. I••em, my redoubted Lord, whereas I wrote ma∣ny things for the weale of you, and of your Realmes•• peradventure some wil say, and understand•• that I would or have written by way of accusement of all your Counsell, which God knoweth I doe not; for your Highnesse may well see, that I name them, that be caus••rs of the s••id inordinate rule. Wherefore con∣sidering that the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke are they that pretend the governance of you and of your Realmes and Lordships•• please i•• unto your Highn••sse, of your right wisenesse to estr••nge them of

• your Counsell, to that intent that men may be at their freedome, to say what they thinke of truth.
• 24. For truth, I dare speake of my truth, the poore dare not doe so. And if the Cardinall and the Arch∣bishop of Yorke, may afterward declare themselves of that is and shall be said of them, (you my most doubted Lord) may then restore them againe to your Counsell at your noble pleasure.

When the King had heard the accusations thus laid by the Duke of Glocester against the Cardinall, he com∣mitted the examination thereof to his Counsell, whereof the more part were spirituall persons; so that what for feare, and what for favour, the matter was winked at, and nothing said to it; onely faire counte∣nance was made to the Duke, as though no malice had beene conceived against him; but venome will breake out, and inward grudge will soone appeare, which was this yeare to all men apparant; for divers secret attempts were advanced forward this season a∣gainst this Noble man, Humfry Duke of Glocester a farre off; which in conclusion came so neare, that they bereft him both of life and land. For this proud covetous Prelate* 3.234 setting the Queene against this good Duke, at a Parliament at Berry caused him there to be arrested, and murthered: by meanes of whose death all France was shortly after lost, & the Kingdome involved in a bloody civill warre. I shall close up the History of this proud Prelate with old Father Latimers words concerning him, in a Sermon before King Edward the sixth. * 3.235 There was a Bishop of Winchester in King Henry the sixth dayes, which King was but a child, but yet were there many good Acts made in his child∣hood: and I doe not reade that they were broken. This Bishop was a great man borne, and did beare such a stroake, that he was able to shoulder the Lord Protector. Well, it chanced that the Lord Protector and he fell out, and the Bishop would beare nothing

at all with him, but played the Sacrapha; so the Re∣gent of France was faine to be sent for from beyond the seas, to set them at one; and goe betweene them, for the Bishop was as able and ready to buckle with the Lord Protector, as hee was with him. Was not this a good Prelate? he should have beene at home Preaching at his Diocesse with a wannion. This Protector was so noble and godly a man that he was called of every man, the good Duke Humfry; he kept such a house as was never since kept in England, without any inhaunsing, of rents (I warrant you) or any such matter. And the Bishop for standing so stiffely by the matter, and bearing up the order of our Mother the holy Church was made a Cardinall at Calis, and thither the Bishop of Rome sent him a Car∣dinals Hat: he should have had a Tiburne Tippit, a halfe penny halter, and all such proud Prelates. These Romish Hats never brought good into England. Vpon this the Bishop goeth to the Queene Katherine, the Kings wife, a proud woman and a stout, and perswa∣ded her, that if the Duke were in such authority still, and lived, the people would honour him more than the King, and the King should not be set by; and so betweene them, I cannot tell how, it came to passe, but at S. Edmundsberry in a Parliament, the good Duke Humfry was smothered.

* 3.236To leave this Cardinall, Ste. Gardiner, both Chancellor of England,* 3.237 & B. of Winchester was the chiefe author of ma∣king & reviving the bloody Act, intitled the 6. Articles by which many of our godly Martyrs suffered; the chiefe plotter and contriver of the noble Lord Cromwells death. Who could not abide the pride of the Prelates, and was attainted by Parliament, and never came to his answer: He was a great opposer of the reformation of Religion, and abuses of the Clergy, both in King Henry the eights, and King Edwards dayes, and stirred up under hand divers Priests, Abbots, and Monkes to oppose the Kings Supremacie, and to rayse up open re∣bellion

in Lincolneshire, in the North, Cornewall, and o∣ther places, in maintenance of Popery; for which Trea∣sons and Rebellions * 3.238 Exmew, Middlemore and Nudigate, three Monkes of the Charterhouse, a Priest neare Winsor; the Abbots of Ierney, and Rivers Freer, Forrest, Crofts, and Collines Priests, Thomas Epsara Monke; five Priests of Yorkeshire, and Robert Bockham, John Tomson, Roger Bar∣ret, John Wolcocke, William Alse, James Morton, John Barrow; Richard Brune•• Priests, chiefe stirrers in the Devonshire rebellions•• and principall doers there∣in; and one Welch a Priest. Vicar of St. Thomas neare Exbridge (hanged on the Tower there in his Priests apparell, with a holy-water bucket and sacring Bell, a paire of Bedes, and such other Popish Trinkets about him, for his rebellion,) were all executed•• * 3.239 This Bishop imploed by King Henry the eight, with Sir Henry Knevet, as his Embassador, at the Di••t at Ratis∣bond, he held private intelligence, and received and sent letters under hand to the Pope, whose authority the King had utterly abolished, and had then mortall enmity with: for which false and tray••erly practise of which the King had certaine intelligence, he caused in all Pardons afterwards, all Treasons committed be∣yond the seas to be excepted, which was most meant for the Bishops cause; whom he exempted out of his Testament as being willfull and contentious, and one that would trouble them all; and exempted also out of his said Testament the Bishop of Westmins••er, for that he was Schooled in Winchesters Schoole,* 3.240 whom this King before his death was certainely beleeved to abhorre more than any English man in his Realme. He was found to be the secret worker•• that three yeares before the Kings death divers of the Privy Chamber were indited of heresie, for the which the said King was much offended.

Anno. 1548. he was committed Prisoner to the Fleet, and after to the Tower, for a Sermon preached

before King Edward, and disobeying the Kings Injun∣ctions; when he had there continued two yeares and an halfe, he was by authority deprived of his Bishop∣pricke, and sent to prison againe, where he continued, till Queene Maries time; when hee was not onely restored unto his Bishoppricke, but likewise made Lord Chancellor of England. For the extreame malice he bare to our Religion, he not onely cruelly burnt many poore men, but likewise wrought all the meanes his cunning head could devise to make away our late famous Quueene Elizabeth, saying often, it was in vaine to strike off a few leaves or branches, when the roote remained: he not onely caused this innocent Princesse to be imprisoned, and barbarously handled, both in the Tower, and after, at Woodstocke, be∣ing the Queenes owne Sister, and heire apparent to to the Crowne, procuring to her so great vexation by his rigorous usage, that she wished her selfe borne a Milkemaide; but proceeded so farre in his treacherous plots against her, that in all probabilities, his cursed policy must have prevailed, had not God moved the heart of Queene Mary her Sister, with a very kinde and naturall affection towards her, and in mercy ta∣ken him the more speedily out of the way by death, till which time she had no securitie, release, or hope of life. The whole Story of his treachery and Gods mercy towards this blessed Queene, is at large related by Master Foxe. He was a bitter opposite and enemy to Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, refusing to eate his dinner, that day, the two last of them were burnt at Oxford be∣fore hee heard from thence of their death. He was the bane of * 3.241 Queene Anne, (the Lady Anne of Cleave,) the Lord Cromwell, Dr. Barnes, and others. And though in King Henries dayes, he proved Queene Mary a Ba∣stard and the Bishop of Rome to be an usurper; yet afterwards when Queene Mary came to the Crowne, he was her chiefest instrument, the forwardest man to

advance the Popes Supremacy, and the sorest Perse∣cutor.

* 3.242 Anno. 1554. On the Cunduit in Gracious streete, King Henry the eight, was painted in harnesse, having in one hand a sword, and in the other hand a Booke whereon was written Verbum Dei, delivering the same as it were to King Edward his Sonne, who was pain∣ted in a corner by him; hereupon was no small mat∣ter made; for Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester sent for the Painter, and not onely called him Knave, for painting a Booke in King Henr••es hand, and specially for writing thereon Verbum Dei, but also Traytor and villaine, commanding him to wipe out the Booke, and Verbum Dei too. Whereupon the Painter fearing that he should leave some part of the Booke, or of Ver∣bum Dei, in King Henries hand, wiped away a peece of his finger withall. * 3.243 England had great cause to blesse God for his death, which happened so opportunity; not so much for the great hurt he had done in times past in perverting his Princesse, bringing in ••ixe Ar∣ticles, in murthering Gods Saints, in defacing Christs sincere Religion, as especially for that hee had thought to have brought to passe in murthering also Queene Eliz••beth: for whatsoever danger of death, it was shee was in, it did no doubt proceede from this Bloody Bishop, who was the cause thereof; and if it be certaine, which we heard, that her Highnesse being in the Tower, a writ came downe from certaine of the Counsell for her execution, it is out of controver∣••ie, that wily Winchester was the onely Dedalus and fra∣mer of that Engin. * 3.244 He was an enemy to this Queene, and with divers of the Lords•• strictly examined her at the Tower. And when shee recovered from her dan∣gerous sicknesse, he and other Bishops repined, looked blacked in the mouth, and told this Queene they mar∣velled, that she submitted not her selfe to her Majesties mercy, considering that she had offended her highnesse:

Winchester, after talking with her, perswaded her to submit her selfe; which she refusing, he replied, that she must tell another tale, ere that she should he set at liberty, least she should have advantage against him for her long, and wrong imprisonment: more Eng∣lish blood by his meanes was spilled in Queene Maries time, by hanging, heading, burning, and prisoning, than ever was in any Kings raigne before her. This treacherous Prelate, who called King Edward his So∣veraigne, usurper * 3.245 being hated of God, and all good men, had a miserable death sutable to his life: for the old Duke of Norfolke comming so visite him, the same day that Ridly & Latimer were burnt at Oxford, the Bishop would not sit downe to dinner, till one of his servants about foure of the clocke comming post from Oxford, brought most certaine intelligence that fire was set to these Martyrs; whereupon comming out rejoy∣cing to the Duke, Now (saith he) let us goe to Dinner. They being set down, meate immediatly was brought, and the Bishop began merrily to eate; but what fol∣lowed? The bloody Tyrant had not eaten a few bits, but the sudden stroke of Gods terrible hand fell upon him in such sort, as immediatly hee was taken from the Table, and so brought to his bed, where he conti∣nued the space of fifteene dayes in such intollerable an∣guish & torments within (rotting even above ground) that all that while during these fifteene dayes, he could not avoid by order of vrine•• or otherwise, any thing that he received, whereby his body being miserably infla∣med within (who had inflamed so many good Mar∣tyrs before) was brought to a wretched end. And thereof no doubt, as most like it is, came the thrusting out of his tongue from his mouth so swolne and blacke with the inflammation of his body. A Spectacle wor∣thy to be noted and beholden of such bloody burning Persecutors. When Doctor Day•• Bishop of Chichester came to him, and began to comfort him with words

of Gods Promise, and with the free justification in the blood of Christ our Saviour, repeating the Scriptures to him: Winchester hearing that, What my Lord (quoth he) will you open that gappe now? Than farewell all together. To me, and such other in my case you may speake it, but open this window to the people, than farewell all together. And thus this wretch died, blaspheming. He that list may read more of him in Iohn Bales Scriptorum. Brit. cent. 8. sect. 88. p. 486. &c.

Iohn White his successor in that See, was little better, and would have defaced Queene Elizabeth gladly, if hee durst, in his Funerall Sermon of Queene Mary, whom he immoderately extolled. He to obtaine this Bishoppricke, promised to * 3.246 give the Pope 1600. l. per annum, for it during his life: which grosse Symony the Pope disliking, and threatning to punish him for it, he was forced to pay much dearer, ere he could ob∣taine it. * 3.247 This Bishop, and others, being appointed to conferre with the Protestant Ministers in the first yeare of Queene Elizabeth, insteed of disputing, he, and Thomas Watson Bishop of Lincolne, two malepate Pre∣lates, threatning to excommunicate the Queene, were committed to prison, and there detained, and after that for refusing to take the oath of allegeance to the Queen; he, with thirteene Bishops more, who denied to take the Oath of Supremacy, which the greatest number of them had sworne unto formerly during the raigne of King Henry the eight, were deprived of their Bishop∣prickes, and others placed in their roome. Iohn Bale in his * 3.248 Centuries gives this description of this Pre∣late: Iohannes Whitus, Wintoniensis sch••lae olim Praeses, nunc EIVS PESTILENTISSIMAE SEDIS Episcopus, & Antichristi Romani terrificus minister, rostris & unguibus in Angliae regno restituere conatur, omnes ejus ty∣ra••nides, idolomanias, faeditates, & omni•• dogmata universa. Principum illusor, & animarum carnifex, duplex & perjurus hypocrita ambitiosus que haereticus, deum suum Mauzim, mu∣tum,

mortuum & aridum idolum, omnium perniciosissimum, adversus Denm verum, viuum & sanctum erexit. And Iohn Parkhust for his sake, wrote this Disticke to England, to take heede of all Prelates, and not to trust them.

Anglia furcatis nimium ne fidito mitris: Dic rogo, num serus sum tibi praemonitor?

With this other Disticke upon the Bishop him∣selfe.

Candidus es certè, nec candidus es, Rogitas cur? Nomine candidus es, moribus at niger es.

I finde little recorded of any of the Bishops of this See since this dayes; and what the Prelates of that See, in our memories have beene (as Bilson, Mountague, An∣drewes, Neale, and Curle now living,) is sufficiently knowne: For Bilson, Andrewes, and Neale, we know, they were great sticklers•• for * 3.249 Episcopacy, Lord∣ly Prelacy, the High Commission Inquisition, and Ex Officio Oathes; great enemies to Prohibitions and the Common Law; and no good friends to Parlia∣ments: for Mountague and Neale, they were the origi∣nall Authors and publishers of the Booke for Sports on the Lords Day•• published in King Iames his name and dayes, which occasioned must disorder then, and more since; and for the present Bishop, Curle, hee was the most violent enforcer of this Booke on the Cleargie of all other Bishops (Peirce and Wren onely excepted,) and the first that ever suspended any Ministers for re∣fusing parsonally to read it in their Churches; he suspending no lesse than five eminent Ministers at St. Mary Overies in one day, for refusing to publish it, though not injoyned nor authorized by the King to do it; whereupon other Bishops following his example, and proceedings in this kinde, both in their Consistories, high Commissions, and Visitations,

(wherein they made it one Article of Inquiry upon oath for Churchwardens to present on, whether their Minister had read to them the Declaration for Sports? a suparlative and shamelesse prophanes, not paraleld in any age since Adam till now) Silenced, Suspended, perse∣cuted; excommunicated, and drave out of the Realme, many of our best and painfullest preaching Ministers, and put both our Church and State into a misera∣ble combustion, and most sad perplexed condition, making such breaches in both, which will not be, repaired again in many yeares. O that men who professe themselves Fathers of the Church, Pillers of Religion, and Pastors of mens soules, should be such Step-fathers to their owne Diocesse and Country, such patrons of prophanesse, and licenciousnesse, and such desperate murtherers of poore peoples soules, to vex persecute, and stop their godly Ministers mouthes, because they durst not out of consciens open them, to seduce and spur them on to hell & prophanes with a full currere.

I shall onely checke the impudency, and shame the prophanenesse of these our monstrou Prelates, with words of Cardinall Bellarmine (no Puritan,* 3.250 I am certaine) touching the unlawfulnesse of Dancing and Pastimes upon Lords dayes, in sundry Sermons. I cannot verily, good hearers (saith he) explicate by words, with how great griefe of minde, I behold, in what a perverse and Diabolicall manner Holi-dayes are celebrated in this our age. How farre pevish men have obscured and defiled their pious institution, with their most corrupt manners, may be understood by this, that to strangers, and those who are ignorant what manner of feasts, these are, from those things, which they see every where to be done, they may seeme to be, not the feasts of God, but the Festivals of the Devill, and so the very Bacchanalia themselves. Yea verily, when I pray you, are there more sinnes committed then on Holidayes? When are there more sumptuous feasts

kept? When more lascivious songs heard? When are bowling-allies & Tavernes more frequented? when are there more execrable kinds of Playes Fooleries, and scurrilities? When are there more Dances in most places to the sound of the Harpe and Lute, then on these dayes? But peradventure it is no evill. or a small evill, for men to dance with women. Yea verily nothing is more pernicious. If strawes can come to the fire, and not be burnt, than a young man may dance with wo∣men. Alas, what will dances and Galliards profit thee at the last? when thou shalt have danced long, what shalt thou gaine at length•• but wearinesse of body and sicknesse of minde? knowest thou not the danger of Dances? How many thinkest thou, have entred Vir∣gins into dances, and returned Harlots? Knowest thou not what hapned to the daughter of Herodias, who with her dances was the cause that the light of the world, who had baptized the Lord, was quite extinguished? even she her selfe afterwards, as * 3.251 Nicephorus records, when she once passed over a river congealed with Ice, the Ice breaking, fell into the water up to the necke; and little after her head was congealed with frost and cold, and afterwards cut off, not with a sword, but with Ice, and then made a deadly dance upon the Ice. Knowest thou not what St. * 3.252 Ambrose, saith for her sake, One (saith he) may dance, but the daughter of an a∣dulteresse: but shee who is chast, let her learne her daughters Prayers not Dances. Of Dances, I will onely speake one word, and for this cause principally, that I understand how dancing seemes not a true evill to some, and I know that at Lovan, there are publike Schooles, where the Art of dancing is taught. But I verily, if adultery and fornication be evill, cannot see how it is not evill for men to dance with women, since it most of all provokes thereunto.* 3.253 Heare holy Iob * 3.254 I have made (saith he) a covenant with mine eyes, that I would not so much as thinke of a mayde; and shalt thou goe and dance with a maide, and provoke thy selfe to lust by

dancing, and yet no danger hang over thy head? To what end then doth the Wise man give this admoni∣tion * 3.255 Keepe not company with a woman that is a dancer, least happily thou perish in her allurements; but because if chaffe can come to the fire and not be burnt, than a young man may dance with women and not burne•• What? holy men, St. Anthony, St. Hilar••on, dwelt in the wildernesse, they perpetually gave them∣selves to fastings and prayers, and yet * 3.256 scarce def••••∣ded themselves from the spirit of fornicatio•••• and from evill de••ires and thoughts: and wilt thou ••dde ••o the heat of youth•• the heat of drinking, and then goe and laugh and sing, and dance with beautifull maydens, and shall I suspect no harme? Who of all you shall dwell with everlasting burning?* 3.257 If you cannot now abstaine from drunkennesse, from dancing, from toyes•• how shall ye be able to endure those living flames•• and most bitter gnashing of teeth? But concerning the madnesse of dancing; heare yee what the ancients as well prophane as sacred, have left written:* 3.258 Marcus Tulli••s did so detest the filthinesse of Dances, that in the defence of Muraena, he said, No so∣ber man almost danceth, unlesse perchance he be be∣sides himselfe, and extreme dancing is the Companion of many delights. And * 3.259 in another place he objecteth dancing to Antonius, as a most dishonest crime. Blush therefore, O Christian, blush, thou art overcome by an Ethnicke, and without doubt thou shalt be condem∣ned in judgement by an Ethneike. He by the light of Nature onely without the light of faith, could teach, that dancing was not the practice of any, but either of drunkards or mad men: and thou the Sonne of Cod, illuminated with a celestiall light, with whom such vanities ought not so much as to be * 3.260 named, art most mad, in the very most famous and most sacred solemnities. Let us relinquish prophane Authors, and come to Christians. Tell thou us, O most blessed Am∣brose,

thou most reverend old man, the light of the Christian Church, what thinkest thou of dances and morrisses * 3.261 Worthily, saith he, from thence we proceed to the injury of the Diuinity; for what modestie can be there where they dance, shreeke, and make a noyse together? Tell thou us also, O blessed Hierom, what thou deemest of dancing: Moreover (saith he) in his Booke against * 3.262 Heluidius, where the Tymbrils sound, the Pipes make a noise, the Harpe chatters, the Cym∣balls strike together, what feare of God can there be? Let us passe over into the East, and let us also advise with two of the Greeke Fathers. Tell thou us, O great Chrysostome the ornament of Greece, tell thou us I pray thee thy opinion of banquets and dances;* 3.263 Heare (saith he) in the 49 Homily upon Matthew, heare these things, O men who follow magnificent feasts, full of drunken∣nesse, heare I say, and tremble at the gulfe of the devill: where wanton dancing is there the devill is certainely present. For God hath not given us our legges to dance, but that we should walke modestly, not that we should impudently skippe like Camels. But if the body be polluted, by dancing impudently, how much more may the soule be thought to be defiled? The de∣vill danceth in these dances: with these, men are de∣ceived by the ministers of the Devill. Last of all, heare with what words, * 3.264 St. Basil the great, a most holy man, and most learned, deplores this madnesse, in his Ora∣tion against drunkards: Men (saith he) and women together entring into Common dances, having deli∣vered their soules to the drunken devill, wound one another with the prickes of unchast affections: profuse laughter, is practised and filthy songs, meretritious habits inviting unto petulancie are there used: Laugh∣est, and delighest thou thy selfe with an arrogant de∣light, when as thou oughtest to power out teares, and sighes for what is past? Singest thou whorish Songs, casting away the Psalmes, & Hyranes thou hast learned?

Dost thou stirre thy feete and caper furiously, and dance unhappily, when as thou oughtest to bend thy knees to prayer. Thus great Basil. Now if the holy Fa∣thers have spoken these things of dances in ge∣narall, * 3.265 how I pray had they exclaimed, if they had knowne them to have beene used in the very Festivals of Christs Nativitie? But let us leave men, and heare what the Lord himselfe, who cannot erre, what the holy Ghost, and the Spirit of Truth, saith by the Pro∣phet * 3.266 Esay: the Harpe, saith hee, and the Violl, the Taber and pipe, and wine are in your Feasts, but ye regard not the work of the Lord, neither consider the o∣peration of his hands. Ah wretched & miserable persons, the Lord hath done an admirable worke in these dayes: The Lord hath created * 3.267 a new thing upon the earth: A mayd hath brought forth a Sonne: God hath come unto men, a new starre hath appeared, the heavens are made mellifluous * 3.268 the Angels have left those blessed mansions that they might behold the little one who is given to us, and ye onely for whom these things are done, busied in wickednesse, buried in sleepe and wine, regard not the worke of the Lord,* 3.269 and consider not the operations of his hands. What therefore shall be done unto you?* 3.270 Heare the sentence of your Judge, Therefore saith he, Hell hath inlarged its ••oule, and hath opened its mouth without all bounds * 3.271 Perad∣adventure ye are ignorant how great a sacriledge it is to prophane dayes consecrated to God. Why, I beseech you, doe we not every where use Churches, Chalices, and Priestly vestments? what are these walls more than others? What are Priests Garments more than others? As to their matter nothing at all. But therefore it is a wickednesse, therefore a sacriledge therefore a most horrible villany to convert them to prophane uses because they are consecrated and dedicated to God, But who knoweth not that Holidayes are after the

same manner consecrated and dedicated unto God, and to be spent in no other but in holy workes? which of you if he should see any one enter into the Church with encredible audacity, and use the consecrated vestments, in steed of prophane garments, Temples for a Taverne, the Altar for a Table, the Corporals, or Alterclothes for Mappes, eating in sacred Patens drinking in the Holy Chalices? which of us would not tremble, who would not exclaime? And now we behold the most solemne, the most famous, the most sacred Holy-dayes, dedicated to God, that they might be spent in Prayers, Meditations, reading of holy things, Hymnes and Psalm••s, and spirituall Songs, to be prophaned with sacrilegious Dances, Morrisses, Caperings, Feasts, Drinking-matches, uncleannesses, scurrilities, and yet no man trembles, no man is mo∣ved, no man wonders; O immortall God! * 3.272 What part hath righteousnesse with unrighteousnesse? what fellowship hath light with darkenesse? what agree∣ment hath Christ with Belial? what hath the merri∣ment of the flesh to doe with the gladnesse of the spirit? what the solemnities of God, with the feasts of Bacchus and his crue? What now? those dayes wherein wee ought to please God most, shall we in them more pro∣voke him unto anger with our wickednesse? on those dayes, in which the spirit is to be fed and recreated; in them shall we more overwhelme him with wine and uncleannesses? &c. What a madnesse is this? what infirnall furies scare us out of our wits? Thus, and much more, this Romish Cardinall Bellarmin, to the eternall infamy of our pro∣phane English Prelates; to whom this Cardinall in point of Dancing and Pastimes, especially on sacred Dayes, is not onely a Puritan, but a Saint. And thus much for the Prelates of Winchester: I shall next survey the Bishops of Durham, and see whether they have been better qualified than these their Brethren.

Durham.

(b) 3.273 Kenulph the tenth Bishop of Durham,1 3.274 Anno. 750. was ta∣ken by Edbert King of the Northumbrians (belike ••or some great Treason or misdemeanour, for the Monkes conceale the reason) and committed prisoner to the Castle of Bebba, which King com∣manded the Church of Saint Peter in Lindisfarne to be besieged; which shewes that the Bishop and his Church stood out then in rebellion against their Soveraigne.

(c) 3.275 Egelricke the 16. Bishop of Durham,2 3.276 was charged with Treason, and conspiracy against William the Conqueror, and that hee had disturbed the Kings peace, and practised pyracie on the Seas: whereupon hee was committed perpetuall prisoner to Westminster, where, by continuall fasting and abundance of teares washing away the guilt of his former misdeeds, he wan unto ••imself such a reputation of holinesse, as the place of his buriall was much frequented after his death.

(d) 3.277 Egelwyn,3 3.278 his next successor in this See, much opposed himselfe against William the Conqueror, to whom afterward hee was in shew reconciled for a time; at last the ancient hatred hee bore unto the King, boyling in his stomacke, hee joyned winh certaine Noble men in a flat rebellion against the Conquerour: he and they alleaging at first, that they feared imprisonment, and hard measure, but indeed proposing to apprehend and depose the King, to set up an English man in his roome, and commit him to perpetuall imprisonment. When things succeeded not according to expectation, William the Conquerour getting the victory, Egelwyn ••lyes into Scotland; the King having banished him the Realme before, where out of his zeale, hee ••••communicates the King, and all his followers, as invaders and robbers of the Church. The yeare following he comes into England where hee and the Nobles combining with him, with many thou∣sands of the Laity and Clergy were faine to hide themselves in woods and secret places, being unable to encounter with the Kings forces; when they had done many harmes and mischiefes in divers places to the wrong of the King, they came at last ••o the Isle of Ely, which they fortified•• and seized on as the place of their residence and refuge: and o••t times issuing out thence, much wasted and spoyled the bordering countries, building a wooden Castle in the Iland•• wherupon the Conqueror comes with

all his forces, both by sea and land, and besiegeth the Iland, m••∣king wayes and passages over bogges and fennes, formerly un∣passable, building a strong Castle at Wi••bitch. Egelwyn percei∣ving the danger tooke ship and departed into voluntary exile, committing some pyracies by the way he set his course for Colen, but was forced by contrary winds to land in Scotland, thence re∣turning againe to Ely, hee was at last there taken prisoner by the Conquerour, and committed close prisoner to Abingdon, where An. 1071. refusing to take any sustenance, for meere griefe and anger he died.

4 3.279 (e) 3.280 Before his death the Conquerour having deprived him of his Bishopricke, caused one Walcher to be consecrated in his place: hee attending more worldly affaires than the charge of his flocke (as many of our Prelates do now) gave himselfe altogeher to temporall businesse; wherein hee wholly occupied himselfe, contra dignitatem Pontificalem: writes Matthew Paris. He bought of the King the Earledome of Northumberland, being by this meanes both a Spiritual and a Temporall Lo••d, and ingrossing both jurisdictions into his hands, and then making himselfe a se∣cular Judge, tooke upon him to sit in the Court, and to deter∣mine all causes at his pleasure, dealing with all very corruptly, and taking that course as might be most for his owne gaine: hereupon he geatly enriched his coffers, but purchased to him∣selfe extreme hatred among the Common people whom hee much impoverished with his extortions, which was his destru∣ction in the end. There was a Gentleman of great account called Leulfus, who had married the Earle of Northumberlands daugh∣••er, that for very devotion, to the end hee might live neere the Church in his latter time, came to Durham to dwell; he keeping company very much with the Bishop, who loved him much for his wisedome, equity, and vertues: Leofwin the Bishops Chaplain, whom he trusted with all his houshold matters, and Gilbert the Bishops kinsman that dealt in his Temporall affaires, very corrupt men, envying the credit that Leulfus had gotten with the Bishop, every where opposed and traduced him and his actions, both in words and deed, and at last conspired to murther him, which they did in a barbarous manner, assaul∣ti••g him in his house with armed men, and murthering not one∣ly the innocent Gentleman himselfe, but also his servants and who••e houshold: the newes of this horrible outragious cruelty

comming to the eares of the Bishop amazed him; so as turning about to Leofwin hee said to him: Thou hast already slaine mee with thy tongue: and doubting the danger got him into his Castle, and dispatched messengers to the friends and kindred of Leulfus, protesting, that the fact was committed without his knowledge, and that hee was heartily sory for it, and if any su∣spect him, hee could be reddy to submit himselfe to any or∣der of Law, whereby hee might cleere himselfe: herewith they seemed to be satisfied, and appointed to meete and conferre of the matter at a place called Goats-head. The Bishop for his better safety betooke himselfe to the Church with his company: at which time all the people of the province came to demand justice from the Bishop, for some wrongs done them. The Bishop answered them over roughly, that he would doe them justice for no injury or complaint, unlesse they would first give him 400^l. of good mony. Whereupon one of them in the name of all the rest, desired leave of the Bishops that hee might conferre with the rest about this exaction, that so they might give him an advised answer; which granted, the people consulted toge∣ther without the Church concerning this businesse: in meane time divers messages passed betweene the friends of Leulfus and the Bishop about this murther, but the more the matter was de∣bated (being very odious in it selfe) the more his friends, and the people too, were incensed: at last it was told them that the Bishop had harboured Leofwyn and Gilbert too in his house, and afforded them countenance since this murther, which being once heard and ••ound true, they all cryed out, it was ma∣nifest, that the Bishop was the Author of this fact: While the com∣pany stood in a mummering doubting what to doe, both con∣cerning this money and murther too, one of some speciall re∣gard among them, stepped up and used these words: Short read, good read, slay the Bishop. Hereupon without more adoe they ••an∣all unto the Church, killed as many of the Bishops retinue as they found without doores, and with horrible noyse and out∣cryes bid him and his company come out unto them. The Bi∣shop to make the best of a bad match, and to rid himselfe from danger, perswaded his kinsman Gilber•• there present to goe out unto them, if happily his death (which he well deserved) might satisfie their fury, and purchase their safety. Gilbert was content, and issuing our with divers of the Bishops company, were all

slaine, except two Englishmen servants to the Bishop, the rest being Normans. They not yet pacified, the Bishop besought Leofwyn (whose li••e hee knew was principally sought) to goe out likewise, but he utterly re••used: The Bishop therefore go∣ing to the Church dore himselfe, intrea••ed them not to take his life from him, protesting himselfe altogethe•• innocent of Leul∣fus his blood, shewing them at large how inconvenient it would be to themselves, and the whole Country to shed his blood, an unarmed Priest, and sacred consecrate Bishop, their Ruler, Governour, Magistrate. Lastly, hoping that his very countenance, gravity, age, white comely head and beard, and the Majes••y of his person might something move them to com∣passion, hee went out among them, carrying a green branch in his hands to testifie his desire of peace: when hee saw all this availed not, the people running furiously upon him, hee cast his gowne over his owne head, and committing him selfe to their fury, with innumerable wounds was pittifully massacred, toge∣ther with all his retinue to the number of one hundred per∣sons, only Leofwyn yet r••mained in the C••urch, and being often called would not come forth. So they set the Church on fire; hee not enduring the fire leapt out at a window, and was immedi∣ately hewne in a thousand pieces. This barbarous slaughter was committed May the 4. 1080. as some Historians, or 1075. as others record. The King hearing of this tumult, sent his brother Odo Bishop of Bayon, with many of his Nobles; and a great army to take punishment of this murther, which while they sought to revenge, they brought the whole Country to de∣solation; those that were guilty prevented the danger by ••light, so as few of them were apprehe••ded; of the rest that stayd at h••me, some we••e unjustly executed, and the rest com∣pelled to ransome themselves to their utter impoverishing, and undoing. This was the life and death of the first Lord Bishop of this See; who joyned both the temporall and spirituall Ju••is∣diction and honour together in his owne person, being both a Bishop, and an Earle.

(f) 3.281 Anno 1074. during this Bishops domination, Plu••es Epi∣scopi & Abbates, many Bishops and Abbots, with 3. Earles, and many Souldiers conspired toge••her at No••wich, to thrust the Conquerour ou•• of his Kingdome, sending messages ••o ••he King of Denmarke for aide, and confederating themselves with the

Welchmen: whereupon ••hey burnt and spoyled many townes and villages belonging to the Conquerour; but at last they were defeated by him, some of them being banished the Realme, others hanged, others deprived of their eyes. Who these Bi∣shops were in particular that joyned in this conspiracy and re∣bellion, is not expressed; but they were many in number; whether this Bishop might not be one of the company I know not.

(g) 3.282 William Kairlipho,5 3.283 Abbo•• of Saint Vincent, his next suc∣cessour, who got so farre into the favour of King William Rufus, that he made him his houshold Chaplaine, and one of his Privie Councell, and did what hee list under him, in the yeare of our Lord 1088. joyned himselfe with Odo Bishop of Bayon, and Ea••le of Kent, Geffry Bishop of Constantia, and other great men in a rebellious conspiracy against King William, who much favou∣red and trusted him, to deprive him of his Crowne, as an effemi∣na••e per••on, both in mind and countenance, and of a fearefull heart, who would do all things rashly, both against right and justice; which revolt and treachery of his the King tooke very grievous∣ly. Whereupon they take up armes against the King, wasting the Country in sundry parts, intending to set up his Brother Ro∣bert in his place as King, giving out divers words, and sending abroad many Letters to incite men to take armes for this pur∣pose. The bishop of Durham held out Durham, by strong hand against the King, who comming thither in person with his army besieged it, so as the Bishop was at length forced to surrender the City, and yeeld himselfe•• whereupo•• hee was exiled the Land, with divers of his complices; and for his former pre∣••••nded friendship to the King, was suffered to goe Scotfree (though worthy a thousand quarterings) upon ••hi•• he pre∣sently passed over Sea into Normandy, there he continued neere three yeares in a voluntary exile, untill Sept••mber 11. 1190. at what time the King comming to Durham, received him into his ••ull favour, and restored him to his former dignities. After which hee sided with the Kin•• against Anselme to thrust him out of his Bishopricke, that himselfe might succeed him: b••t hee fai∣led in that projec••. Falling againe into the Kings displeasure, he was summoned to appeare before him at Glocester, by a cer∣taine day, before which tim•• hee fell sicke (of griefe as was ••hought:) when he appeared not, and it was told the King he••

was sicke, he swore by S. Lukes face (which was his usuall Oath) he lied and did but counterfeit; and hee would ••ave him fetcht with a vengeance. But it appeares his excuse was true enough, for hee died soone after. Holinshed saith, hee died ••or sorrow, because he could not cleere himsel••e of his offence in the said rebellion, albeit that he laboured most earnestly so to do, that hee might thereby have obtained the King•• favour againe.

(h) 3.284 Ranulph Flambard his very next successor,6 3.285 a very wicked man, nothing scrupulous, but ready to do any thing for prefer∣ment, was by King William Rufus (who ••ound him a fit man for his purpose to bring great summes of money into his coffers, by any unlaw••ull meanes) made chiefe Governour of all his Realme under him, so as hee had all tha•• authority which now the Lord Treasurer, Chancellour, and divers other offices have divided among••t them this au••hority he abused very impudent∣ly, not caring whom he offended, so as he might enrich either the King or himselfe. Many times when the King gave com∣mandement for the levying of a certaine summe of moneyes a∣mongst his Subjects, hee would require of the Commons twice as much, whereat the King being very well content, would laugh, and say, that Ranulph was the onely man for his turne, who cared not whom hee displeased, so hee might please his Master. It was impossible but hee should be very odious, both unto the Common people and Nobility also; and no marvell if many complaints were made unto the King of him, against all which hee shut his eares obstina••ely. When therefore that way succee∣ded not, some of his discontented adversaries determined to wrecke their malice on him by killing him; They faine a mes∣sage from the Bishop of London his old Master, that hee was very sicke and ready to depart the world, that hee was wonderfull desirous to speake with him, and to the end hee might make the better speed, had sent him a Barge to convey him to his house, being then by the water-side; Hee suspecting no fraud, went with them in great haste, attended onely by his Secretary, and some one or two other. They having him thus in their clutches, carried him not to the appoi••ted Staires, but unto •• Ship provided for him, ready to set saile. As soone as hee perceived how hee was entrapped, hee cast away his Ring, or manuell Seale, and after his great S••ale into the river lest they might give opportunity of forging false grants, and

conveyances. Then hee falls to intreating and perswading, but all to no purpose, for they were determined he should die. They had appointed two Marin••rs to dispatch him either by knocking out his braines, or heaving him alive over-board, for doing whereof they were promised to have his cloathes. These executioners could not agree upon the division of the reward, ••or his gowne was better worth than all the rest of his apparell: while they were reasoning upon that point, it pleased God to raise a terrible tempest, so as they looked every minute to die th••mselves, and therefore had no very good leasure of thinking to put another man to death. Ranulph then omitting no oppor∣tunity of his deliverance, like another Orion, by the musicke of his eloquence, seekes to disswade them from the bloody exe∣cution of their determination•• laying before them the danger that was like to ensue them upon the execu••ion of so cruell a murther, which could not be hid; and lastly, wishing them to consider, how God by raising this tempest had threatned to re∣venge his death, and had as it were set the Image of vengeance before their eyes: promising them mountaines of gold if they saved his life; By which hee so farre prevailed, that one of them offered to defend him, and Girald the author of this conspi∣racie, was content to set him aland, and to conduct him to his owne house. But so soone as hee had done, not trusting a re∣conciled foe, hee got him out of the Land: A••ter this notable voyage hee was consecrated Bishop of Durham: Hee was scarce warme in his See, but King William Rufus was slaine, and his brother Henry succeeded him. This Prince not able to with∣stand the importunity of his Nobles, and the innumerable com∣plaints made against this Bishop, by the vote of the whole Parlia∣ment, clapt him up in the Towre. But hee so enchaunted his kee∣pers, as they were content to let him goe, and runne away with themselves. William of Malmesbury saith, that he procured a waterbea••er in his Tank••rd to bring him a rope, by whi••h hee slid downe from the wall to the ground, and so (although hee hurt his arme, and galled his legge to the bone) away he esca∣ped, getting himselfe into Normandy, where hee arri••ed in the beginning of February, Ann. 1101. There hee never left buz∣zing into the eares of Robert, Duke of Normandy, that the King∣dome of England was his by right, till hee procured him to a••∣tempt the invasion of the Realme, to his owne great losse, the

effusion of much Christian blood, and the great disturbance and dammage of the whole Realme: How long hee continued in his exile is not recorded by our Historians, who brand him for a notable extortioner, oppressor, rebell, and desperate wicked wretch, & ad omne scelus paratum, (as too many of his coate since him have beene) who set the whole Realme into an uproare and com∣bustion. * 3.286 About the yeare 1100. King Edgar gave to the Monkes of Durham the lands of Coldingham. And to this Bi∣shop of Durham he gave the towne of Barwicke, but for that the said Bishop afterward wrought treason against him, hee lost that gift, and the King resumed that Towne into his hands againe.

7 3.287Hugh Pusar his successor, the 33. Bishop of that See, nephew to King Stephen, a man very wise in ordering temporall matters, not spir••tuall,* 3.288 exceeding covetous, and as cunning in getting money, as covetous in desiring it, was refused to be consecrated Bishop by Murdack Archbishop of Yorke, for want of yea••es, and lightnesse in behaviour, whereupon he obtained his con∣secration at Rome. King Richard the first ••or a great masse of money hee had prepared for his voyage into the holy Land, di∣spensed with his vowe of pilgrimage thither, and likewise made him Earle of Northumberland. The King having created him an Earle, turned him about unto the company, and laugh∣ing said, I have performed a wonderfull exploit, for (quoth hee) of an old Bishop I have made a young Earle. Hee likewise gave the King one thousand Markes to make him chiefe Justice of Eng∣land:* 3.289 qui nimirum consultius proprio contentus officio divini juris multo decentius quam humani minister extitisset, cum nemo possit utrique, prout dignum est deservire, atque illud domini••um ad Apo∣stolos, maxime Successores Apostolorum respiciat. Non potestis Deo servire & mammonae. Si enim velit Episcopus ut coelesti pariter & terreno Regi placeat, ad utrumque se officium dividere: certe. Rex coelestis, qui sibi vult ex toto corde, tota anima, tota virtute serviri, ministerium dimidium non approbat, non diligit, non acceptat. Quid si Episcopus nec saltem dimidius, quae Dei sunt, & decent Episcopum, exequatur, sed vices suas indignis et remissis executoribus commit∣tat ut terreno vel foro, vel palatio totus serviat? nam nec terreni Principis ratiocinia quisquam dimidius sufficienter administrat. Quamobrem memoratus Pontifex cum jam esset grandaevus, officio seculari suscepto in Australibus Angliae partibus ad publica totus ne∣got••a recidebat, mundo non crucifixus, sed infixus, writes Nubrigensis of him.* 3.290 Roger Archbishop of Yorke deceasing A. 1181. delivered

great summes of money to certaine Bishops to be distributed a∣mong poore people. King Henry the second after his death cal∣led for the mony and seised it to his use, alleadging a sentence given by the same Archbishop in his li••etime, that no Ecclesiasti∣call person might give any thing by will except hee devised the the same whilst hee was in perfect health. Yet this Bishop of Durham would not depart with 400 Markes, which hee had received to distribute among the poore, alleaging, that hee dealt the same away before the Archbishops death, and therefore hee that would have it againe, must goe gather it up of them to whom hee had distributed it, which himselfe would in no wise doe. But the King tooke no small displeasure with this indiscreet answer, in so much that hee seised the Castle of Durham into his hands; and sought meanes to disquiet the said Bishop by divers manner of wayes* 3.291 King Richard going into the holy Land, made this Bishop chiefe Justice from Trent Northwards, and the Bi∣shop of Ely Lord Chancellor and chiefe Justice of England, betweene whom strife and discord immediately ar••se, which of them should be the greater, for that which pleased the one displeased the other; for all power is impatient of a consort. The Bishop of Ely soone after imprisoned him till hee had surrendred Winsor Castle, and others to him, and put in pledges to be faithfull to the King and Kingdome, of which more in Ely. At the returne of King Richard from Ierusalem, hee found him not so fa∣vourable as hee expected, and thinking that he grudged him his Earledome, resigned the same into his hands. For the re∣demption of which he afterward offered the King great summes of money; whereupon the King knowing how to use him in his kind, writ letters to him full of reverend and gracious spee∣ches, wishing him to bring up his money to London, and there to receive the Government of the whole Realme, which hee would commit to him, and the Archbishop of Canterbury. Being very joyfull of this ••avour, he comes about Shrovetide towards London, and surfeiting of flesh by the way died. This Prelate (who much troubled and oppressed the Commons, and whole Realme) had no lesse than three bastard sonnes,* 3.292 whom hee en∣deavoured to advance, but they all dyed before him. Hee was oft in armes in the field, and besieged the Castle of Thifehill be∣longing to Earle Iohn: he tooke up the Crossado and went beyond Sea with King Richard the first to the warres in the holy Land; but considering the danger, got a dispensation

and returned speeding better than Baldwin Archbishop of Canter∣bury, and ten Archbishops and Bishops more, who di••d at the siege before Acon; and like warlike Prelates stirred up King Richard with sundry other Christian Princes to that bloody, chargeable, and un••ortunate warre, wherein many thousands of Christians spent both their lives, and estates, and whereby Christians lost the verity of Christian Religion, and Christ himselfe in a great measure, whiles thus they warre to secure the place of his sepulcher, which proved a sepulcher both to their bodies and soules. * William K. of Scotland comming to visit King Richard the first afte•• his release; this Prelate, and Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury, went to Brackley, where the Bishop had an Inne. The King of Scots servants comming thither, would have ta∣ken up the Bishops Inne for their King: but the Bishops ser∣vants withstood them; whereupon they bought provision for the King and dressed it in another house in that same Court: When the Bishop came thither, and his servants had informed him what had passed, he would not retire, but went on boldly unto his Inne, and commanded his meat to be set on the table; whiles he was at dinner, the Archbishop of Canterbury comes to him, and offers him his lodging, and counsels him to remove and leave the Inne. The King of Scots comming late from hun∣ting, when hee was told what had happened, tooke it very grie∣vously, and would not goe thither, but commanded all his pro∣vision to be given to the poore, and goes forthwith to the King to Selnestone, & complains to him of the injury the Bishop of Durham had offered to him; for which the King sharpely rebuked him.

* 3.293Richard de Marisco, Lord Chancellor of England, and Arch∣deacon of Notthumberland, an old Courtier, was thrust into this See by Gualo the Popes Legate,* 3.294 and consecrated by the Archbishop of Yorke in the yeare 1217. during the time of the va∣cancy. This Richard was a very prodigall man, and spent so liberally the goods of his Church, as the Monkes doubting hee would undoe them, and himselfe also, went about by course of Law to stay him, and force him to a moderation of expence. But it fell out quite contrary to their expectation, for hee being wilfully set, continued Law with them, appealing to Rome, &c. and continued his old course even untill his death. The yeare 1226. in the beginning of Easter terme, hee rid up to London

with a troope of Lawyers attend••ng on him. At Peterborough he was entertained in the Ab••ey very ••ono••rably, and going to bed there in very good health, was found in the morning by his Chamberlaine starke dead. Hee deceased May the first, lea∣ving his Church 40000. markes indeb••ed, though his conten∣tion, and pr••digall factious humour.

Anthony Beake the 41. Bishop of this See,* 3.295 a very wealthy man, contented not himselfe with ordinary Titles. Therefore he pro∣cured the Pope to make him Patriarc•• of ••erusalem, & obtained of the King the Principality of ••he Isle of Man, during his life. Anno 1294. being Ambassador to the Emperor Iohn Ro••an the Arch∣bishop of Yorke excommunicated him, which cost him ••000. Markes fine to the King, and his life to boote, hee dying for griefe. There was grea•• stirre betweene him and the Prior and Covent of Durham. Hee informed the Pope that the Prior was a very simple and insufficient man to rule that house, and there∣upon procured the government thereof both spirituall and tem∣porall to be committed to him. The Monkes appealed both the Pope and King, who required the hearing of these contro∣versies betweene the Prior and Bishop. This notwithstanding the Bishops officers, made no more adoe, but excommunica∣ted the Prior, Monkes and all for not obeying their authority immediately. Herewith ••he King greatly offended, caused those Officers to be fined, and summoned the Bishop himselfe to ap∣peare before him at a day appointed, before which day hee got to Rome, never acquainting the King with his determination. The King thereupon seised into his hands the Bishops liberties, & appointed a new Chancellour, new Justices, and other offi∣cers of Durham, Hee writ also to the Pope in favour of the Prior, who delivering the Kings Letters himselfe, the Pope adjudged him a sober and discreet man, what ever the Bishop had repor∣ted of him, and restored him to his place; during the Bishops disgrace for this contempt, the King tooke ••hree Mannors with the Church of Symondbury from the Bishopricke, with divers Castles and Lands forfeited to him by Iohn Bayliol King of Scots, and others. The Bishop at last submitted himselfe, and bought his peace. * 3.296 Anno Dom. 1298. in the battell of Foukirke, betweene the English and Scots, this Bishop of Durham (An∣thony Beake) led the second battell of the Englishmen con••isting of 39. standards: who hasting forth to be the first that should

give the on ••et, when his men approached neere the enemies the Bishop commanded them to stay till the third battell which the King (Edward the first) led, might approach. But that va∣liant Knight the Lord Ralph Basset of Draiton said to him; My Lord, you may goe and say Masse, which better becommeth you, than to teach us what wee have to doe; for wee will doe that which be∣longeth to the order and custome of warre.

* 3.297About the yeare 1318. at the importunate suite of the Kings of England and France, the Pope gave the Bishopricke of Du••ham unto one Lewes Beaumont, a Frenchman borne, and of the blood Royall there; hee was lame of both his legges, and so unlearned,* 3.298 that hee could not read the Bulls and other instru∣ments of his consecration. When hee should have pronoun∣ced this word (Metropoliticae) not knowing what to make of it (though hee had studied upon it and laboured his Lesson long before) after a little pause, Soyt pur dit (saith he) let it goe for read, and so passed it over. In like sort he stumbled at (In aenig∣mate) when hee had fumbled about it a while, Par Saint Lewis (quoth hee) il n'est pas curtois qui ceste parolle ici escrit, that is, by Saint Lewes he is to blame that writ this word here. Not with∣out great cause therefore the Pope was somewhat strait laced in admitting him. He obtained con••ecration so hardly, as in foure∣teene yeares hee could scarce creepe o••t of debt. Riding to Durham to be install'd there, hee was robbed (together with two Cardinals, that were then in his company) upon Wiglesden More neere Derlington. The Captaines of this rour were na∣med Gilbert Middleton, and Walter Selby. Not content to take all the treasure of the Cardinals, the Bishop, and their traine; they carried the Bishop prisoner to Morpeth, where they con∣strained him to pay a great ransome. Gilbert Middleton was soone after taken at his owne Castle of Nitford, carried to Lon∣don, and there drawne and hanged in the presence of the Car∣dinalls. After this, one Sir Iosceline Deinvill, and his brother Robert, came with a great company to divers of this B. of Durhams houses in the habits of Friers, & spoyled them, leaving nothing, but bare walls, and did many other notable robberies•• for which they & divers of their company were soone after hanged at York. This B. stood very stoutly in defence of the Liberties of his See, recovered divers lands taken away from Anthony Beake his prede∣••essor, and procured this sentence to be given in the behalfe of

his Church; quod Episc••pus Dunelmensi•• debet habere forisfactu∣ras guerrarum intra libertates, sicut Rex extra: that the Bishop of Durham is to have the forfeitures of warre in as ample sort within his owne Liberties as the King without.

I••mediately after this Bishops death in great hast (but with* 3.299 no great good speed) the Covent of Dur••am proceeded unto the Election of a new Bishop (the old being yet scarcely buried)* 3.300 and they made choise of one of their owne company a Monke of Durham. This election the Arch-Bishop of Yorke confirmed, yea the matter grew so forward, as the same Arch-bishop was con∣tent to give him consecration also. All this while the Kings good will was not sought, no nor (which was a greater oversight as the world then went) the Popes neither. The King therefore not onely refused to deliver possession of the Temporalties un∣to this elect, but also laboured the Pope, ex plenitudine potestatis, to conferre the Bishopricke upon a Chaplaine of his named Ri∣chard de Bury, the Deane of Wells. Partly to pleasure the one that requested, partly to displeasure the other for not requesting, he did so, and commanded the Bishop of Win∣chester to consecrate him; which being performed at Chertsey soone after Christmasse, the King presently invested him in the temporalties belonging to that See. Now was the Monke a Bishop without a Bishopricke; having no other home, he was faine to returne to his Cloyster, and there for very griefe (as it is supposed) within a few dayes after dyed. This Richard dé Bury, at what time Edward of Windsor Prince of Wales fled into France with his Mother, was principall receiver of the Kings Revenewes in Gascoigne. Their mony failing, he ayded them secretly with a great summe of that he had received for the King. It had almost cost him his life, he was so narrowly pursued by some of the Kings friends that got understanding of it, as hee was glad to hide himselfe in a steeple in Paris the space of se∣ven dayes. The Queene we know was then contriving an open rebellion and plotting a mischeivous treason against her hus∣band King Edward the second, whom she shortly after seised upon in an hostile manner, and afterwards caused to be deprived and murthered, so that this Prelates furnishing of her thus with the Kings owne monies to further this her designe, was high Treason at the least.

Not to mention how the Pope upon King Edward the third his request consecrated * 3.301 Thomas Hatfield his Secretary Bishop of

this See without any regard or examination of his worthinesse being a man altogether illiterate, and that when some of the Cardinalls tooke exceptions against him, saying, that he was not onely a meere lay man, but a fell••w of light behaviour, and no way fit for that place, how the Pope answered, that if the King of Eng∣land had requested him for an Asse at that time he would not have denyed him, and thereupon made this A••se a Bishop.

* 3.302Iohn Fordham Bishop of Durham, Anno 1388. was by Parli∣ament banished the Court,* 3.303 as a pernicious instrument and cor∣rupter of King Richard the second, a Traytor, a flatterer, a whisperer, a slanderer and wicked person.

* 3.304Iohn Sherwood the 52 Bishop of Durham Solliciter of all King Edward the fourths causes in the Court of Rome, fell off from his Masters Sonne King Edward the fifth, to that bloody usurper Richard the third, at whose * 3.305 Coronation this Bishop of Durham went on the one side of him,* 3.306 and the Bishop of Bath on the other, the Arch-bishop of Canterbury with the rest of the Bishops and Abbots mitred and in rich Copes, every one of them carrying Censers in their hands, going in great solemnity before him, and afterwards crowning both him and his Queene, according to the custome of the Realme: so officious were they to this usurper.

* 3.307Cutbert Tonstall the 58. Bishop of Durham, December 20. 1551. was committed to the Tower for his disobedience to King Edward the sixth, where he continued all his Reigne. The King was so farre offended with him that 7. Edward. 6. the Bishopricke of Durham was dissolved by * 3.308 Act of Parliament and all the Lands and hereditaments thereof given to the King:* 3.309 but he dying this Bishopricke was againe revived and erected. 1. Mar. Parliament. 2. cap. 3. and this Bishop thereunto restored. Who in the first yeare of Queene Elizabeth for his contumacy and disobedience in maintaining the Popes Supremacie which he oppugned formerly, and for refusing the oath of Supremacy which he had sworne unto in the raigne of King Henry the eight, he was justly deprived and committed prisoner to Lambeth House, where he dyed. I finde this Tonstall highly applauded by some who lived since his dayes, but * 3.310 M. Tyndall who knew him farre better than they, writes thus of him. And as for the Bi∣shopricke of Durham, to say the very truth, he (to wit Cardinall Wolsie) could not but of good cougruity reward his old Chaplaine,

and one of the chiefe of all his Secretaries withall, still Saturne, that so seldome speaketh, but walketh up and downe all day mu∣sing and imagining mischiefe, a doubling hypocrite made to dissem∣ble. Which for what service done in Christs Gospell came he to the Bishopricke of Lond••n? Or what such service did he therein? hee burnt the New Testament, calling it,* 3.311 Doctrinam peregrinam, strange learning: (The story of whose buying and burning of M. Tyndals New Testaments, who with the money set forth a new and better Edition, is related * 3.312 by M. Hall, at large, in his Chronicle 21. H. 8. f. 186.) Yea Verily, looke how strange his living in whose blood that Testament was made, was from the living of the Pope; even so strange is that Doctrine from the Popes Law, in which onely, and in the Practise thereof is Tunstall learned. Which also for what cause left he the Bishopricke of London? Even for the same cause he tooke it after that he had long served for it, covetous∣nesse and ambition. Neither is it possible naturally (pray marke this passage) that there should be any good Bishop, so long as the Bisho∣prickes be nothing save worldly Pompe, and honour,* 3.313 superfluous a∣bundance of all manner of riches, and liberty to doe what a man left unpunished; things which onely the evill desire, and good men abhorre.

For the late Bishops of this See of Durham, Neale, & Howson, their dispositions and actions against goodnesse and good men, and their turbulencie both in Church and State, are so well knowne to most, that I neede not mention it. And as for the present Bishop Dr Morton, whom I honour for his learning and workes against the Papists, how farre hee hath degenerated of late yeares from his Pristine zeale and hatred of Romish Super∣stitions and Innovations,* 3.314 and how farre he hath ingaged him∣self in the late Wars and differences between England and Scot∣land, I leave to others to determine. Onely this I cannot pre∣••ermit in silence; that as the first Popish Innovations and super∣stitions, which lately over-spread our whole Church, had their Originall from Bishop Neale and his Chaplaine Dr. Cosens at Durham; so God hath made that City and Bishopricke of Dur∣ham (the onely County of England stiled by the name of a Bi∣shoprick) the seate of our late wars wherein the Scottish Armie now resides; to manifest to all the world, that these unhappie civill warres sprung from the Bishops, since the seate of them is no where but in this Bishoprick, the Scottish Generall for the

most part hath kept his residence in the Bishop of Durhams own Palaces, who for feare hath left them vacant, and fled that Country which he hath much oppressed. From Durham I pro∣ceede to Salisbury.

Salisbury.

1 3.315Alstane or Adelstane, Bishop of Sherburne (which See was not long after translated to Salisbury) * 3.316 turned warrior, and led an Army into Kent against Ethelwolfe King o•• that County, and chased away both the King, and all other that would not sub∣mit themselves to Egbert, over the Thames out of their Country. He fought oft against the Danes, provided money, and furnished out men to withstand them, and tooke upon him to order all matters of the State under King Ethelwolfe. When King Ethel∣wolfe returned from Rome, Adelstane who bare no small rule in the Kingdome of the West-Saxons, would not suffer him to be admitted King, because he had done in certaine points contra∣ry to the Lawes and Ordinances of the Kingdome, as he con∣ceived; whereupon by this Bishops meanes Ethelbald this Kings sonne was established King in his Fathers steed, and so conti∣nued, till at last by agreement the Kingdome was devided be∣twixt them. This Bishop was fervently set on covetousnesse, and greatly enriched his See of Sherburne, where he continued Bishop 50. yeares.

2 3.317Roger, the great rich Bishop of Salisbury, advanced and spe∣cially trusted by King Henry the first, for all the benefits that he and his friends received from him, proved not so thankfull or faithfull to his Majestie as was to be expected. * 3.318 For King Henry the first having lost his onely sonne and Heire apparent Prince William, by mis-fortune upon the Sea, and having no issue lawfully begotten to inherit the Kingdome, but onely Mawd the Empresse, thought good to take an Oath of all the Nobility; wherein they promised, to yeeld obedience to her as their Soveraigne, and to none other. This Oath Roger not onely tooke himselfe, but likewise administred to all the other, being then Chancellour of England: yet notwithstanding for∣getting all duties of Religion towards God, of thankfulnesse to∣wards his patron, and Loyalty towards his Prince, he was the first man who upon the death of the King fell to plotting for the advancement of Stephen unto the Kingdome (who likewise

had taken the former Oath and swore homage and fealty unto Mawde) which by his perswasion he first attempted, and much deale by his ungracious counsell at last obtained. At the time of King Henry his death, it hapned that Mawde was in Nor∣mandy with her Father, wherefore Stephen Earle of Bologne ta∣king this advantage, wrought so with this Bishop, and the Bi∣shop of Winchester, and they with him, as they were content to set the Crowne upon his head, who otherwise than by a kinde of election which they procured, had no colour of right unto the same. For if they regarded nearenesse of blood, not onely Mawde and her sonne were nearer, but Theobald also Earle of Bloyes, Stephens elder brother. Howbeit these Clergie men that bare all the sway in those times, desirous to continue their owne greatnesse, would needes make choyse of him, thinking by this meanes they should so farre obleige Stephen to them, as in all likelihood it must be a meanes not onely to continue, but likewise much to encrease their swaying power, greatnesse and authority. As for the Oath they had taken, this Bishop devised an excuse; that King Henry after the time they had sworne to his daughter, marrying her out of the Realme without her con∣sent, had therein discharged them of that Oath. However, this allegation might bleare the eyes of men, it could not deceive God, that out of his justice turned this device to the destruction of many, and the infinite trouble of all them that had any finger in the same, especially of this Bishop. King Stephen in the be∣ginning of his raigne, to secure himselfe the better against forraine invasions, as he thought, granted license unto all that would to build Castles in any part of the Realme; by ver∣tue of which grant in a short time after, there were erected no lesse than 1117. new Castles. This Bishop hereupon (cujus opera nunquam Episcopali a fuere, writes Neubrigensis) built a Ca∣stle, at the Devises (the goodliest, stateliest building in all Eu∣rope) with the Castles of Shirborne and Malmesbury, and new walled and repaired the Castle of Salisbury: Et quoniam hujus∣modi extructio Episcopalem honestatem minus decere videbatur, ad tollendam illius structionis invidiam & quasi expiandam maculam, totidem monasteria construens, collegis religiosis implevit, saith the same Neubrigensis. These antidotes were of so small force, as there wanted not many to buzze dayly into the Kings eares, that these Castles no doubt were intended to entertaine the

party of the Empresse his adversary, and that it much behooved him to take them from the Bishop, in whose hands to leave them was neither safe nor seemely. Wherefore partly out of feare and jealousie of the Bishops fidelity, and partly out of a desire of the Bishops wealth, as some conjecture, he summons a councell at Oxford, whither all the Bishops, and specially Roger of Salisbury are summoned. Roger would faine excuse himsel••e by his age and indisposition of body; whereunto the King an∣swered that he could by no meanes spare him, nor want his advice, whereon he meant principally to relye. Whereupon the Bishop presuming on the Kings ••avour (who had made one of his Nephewes Chancellour, another Treasurer of England, be∣stowed on himselfe the Burrough of Malmesbury, saying some∣times, Let this man beg while he will, for a while, I will grant him halfe the Kingdome rather than say him nay, and sooner shall he be weary of craving than I of granting) repaired to Oxford, where there grew a fray betweene some of the Kings Officers and the Bishops men about lodgings, wherein two of his men were slaine and divers wounded. Hereupon his men and he fled, as also his son & Nephews, but they were all persued and taken, ex∣cept the Bishop of Ely, who fled to the Castle of the Devises, which was very well manned and provided, determining to hold it out against the King, who presently repaired thither with all speed, carrying his Prisoners along with him, whom he caused to be very hardly used, shutting up the one Bishop in an Oxestall, the other in a filthy black roome, more loathsome than the other. At his first comming he summoned the Castle, enten∣ding to prove all meanes to get in rather than let this occasion slip. Trying therefore many practises, when no other would take successe, he caused a paire of gallowes to be set up, and swore he would hang Roger the Bishop, if the Castle were not presently yeelded up to him. The Bishop of Ely continuing obstinate in his deniall, though his Uncle of Salisbury had en∣treated him earnestly to yeeld, the halter was now about the young mans necke, and he ready to be executed, when his Fa∣ther humbly besought the king to accept his best endeavour for the effecting of his desire, and to save his Sonnes life, was con∣tent, to sweare he would neither eate nor drinke before the Castle were delivered to the King. Hereupon the execution of the Son was stayed, but it cost the Father his Life. For the Bishop of

Ely his Nephew, notwithstanding what entreaty would be made, suffered his Uncle to ••ast three whole dayes before he would give over•• by meanes whereof the Old Bishop, partly for griefe, partly by so long abstinence ••ell sicke of a quartaine Ague, whereof he languished and at last dyed, raving and taking on like a man distract of his wits certaine dayes before his depar∣ture, which death and usage of his is by our Historians reputed a just judgement of God upon him for his perjury and Treason against Mawde in dis-inheriting her of the Crowne contrary to his Oath. There was found in this Castle of his 4000. Markes of silver ready coyned, besides gold, plate, jewels and household stuffe of inestimable price, all which the King layd hands on; The Bishops sonne was kept in Prison, and dealt earnestly with∣all to renounce the Empresse against whom he had formerly si∣ded, and devote himselfe to the Kings party; which he constant∣ly refused, and with long suite obtained at last, that hee might be banished the Realme.

* 3.319 This Act of the King in seising the Bishops Castles, was variously spoken of many. Some sayd, the Bishops were law∣fully deprived of them, because they had built them without any warrant from the Canons, that they ought to be Evange∣lists of peace, not Architects of Castles, which might prove a refuge to Malefactors. Hugh Arch-Bishop of Rhoan, alleadged these things with more ample reasons and speeches, being the Kings greatest advocate, and maintaining his side with all his eloquence. Others held the contrary, with whom Henry Bi∣shop of Winchester sided, being the Popes Legate, and the Kings owne Brother; whom neither his brotherly alliance, nor feare of danger compelled to exorbitate from the truth, who al∣ledged, that if the Bishops had transgressed the rule of Justice in any thing, that the judgement hereof belonged not to the King, but to the Canons, and that they ought not to be depri∣ved of any possession without a publik Ecclesiasticall Councell; That the King had done this, not out of a zeale of rectitude, but for his owne profit, who rendred not the Castles to the Chur∣ches, by whose cost, and on whose lands they were built, but contrarily gave them to lay men, and that to such who had little Religion in them: speaking these things privately, and also pub∣likely before the King, and calling upon him to free and restore the Bishops, he lost his labour, no man listning to him. Wherfore

determining to try the vigour of the Canons, he commanded the king ••his brother immediately to appeare before him at the Councell which he was about to celebrate at Winchester, where most of the Bishops of England assembling, the Cardinalls Com∣mission for his power Legatine•• from Pope Innocent being first read, he made a speech in Latine, wherein he complained of the unworthy apprehending of the Bishops of Salisbury and Lincolne, both detained Prisoners, affirming that it was a mise∣rable wickednesse that the king was so farre seduced by incen∣diaries, that he should command hands to be layd on his owne people, especially on his Bishops in the peace of his Court. That a Celestiall injury was hereby added to the kings disho∣nour, that under pretence of the defaults of the Bishops, Chur∣ches should be spoyled of their possessions. That the kings excesse against the Law of God did so farre grieve him, that he would rather suffer much losse both in his body and, estate than the Episcopall celsitude should be cast downe with so great in∣dignity; that he of•• admonished•• the king to amend this same, who even then refused not the calling of the Councell; that therefore the Arch-bishop and the rest should consult together what was needfull to be done, and hee would not be wanting to the execution of their advise, neither for love of the king who was his brother, nor for the losse of his posses∣sions, no nor yet for the perill of his head. The King not distru∣sting his cause, sent some Earles unto the Councell, demaunding why he was summoned thither? The Legate answered them in briefe; that he who remembred that he had subjected himselfe to the faith of Christ, ought not to be angry if he were called by Christs Ministers to make satisfaction, being conscious of so great guilt as these ages had never seene. For it was the act of secular Gen∣tiles to imprison Bishops and strip them of their possessions. Therefore they should tell his Brother, that if he would give a willing assent to his Councell, he would by Gods direction give him ••uch as neither the Church of Rome, nor the Court of the king of France, nor Count Theobald, brother to them both, should contradict, but ought favourably to embrace; that the king for the present should doe advisedly, if either he would give an account of his fact, or undergoe the judgement of the Canons: for he ought of duty to favour the Church, by re∣ception into whose bosome, and not by a ••and of Souldiers he

was promoted to the kingdome. Whereupon the Earles departing, returned not long af••er w••th Albin De••er, an experienced Lawyer: Who pleaded, that Roger the Bishop had many wayes in••ured king Stephen; that he came very seldome to his Court; tha•• his men presuming on his power had raised seditions, that as often in other places, so of late at Oxford they had made assaults on men, and that upon Earle Alans owne Nephew, and upon the Servants of Henry de Lyons, a man of so great Nobility, & so haughty a brow, that he would never upon king Henries re∣quest condescend to come into England; That this injury re∣dounded to king Stephen, for whose loves sake h••e came, that so great violence was offered to him: that the Bishop of Lin∣colne out of his inveterate hatred against Alan had by his Servants beene the Author of Sedition: that the Bishop of Salisbury secretly favoured the kings enemies dissembling his double dealing in the interim till a fi•• occasion: that the king had undoubtedly discovered this by many things, and by this especially, that he would not suffer Roger Mortimer with the kings Souldiers, which he led in great ••eare of the Bristow men, so much as to stay one night at Malmesbury; that it was in every mans mouth, that as soone as ever the Empresse should arrive, that he with his N••phewes and Castles, would revolt to her: that Roger was thus taken, not as a Bishop but as the Kings Servant, who both administred his affaires, and received his wages: that the King had not taken away the Castles from them by violence, but that both the Bishops thankefully ren∣dered them, that they might excuse the calumny of the tumult which they had raised in the Court; that the King found some money in the Castles, which were law••ully his owne, because the Bishop had collected it out of the Rents of the Royall Ex∣chequer in the time of King Henry his Uncle and antecessor; that the Bishop for feare of his offences against the King, willing∣ly parted from them, as he did from his Castles, of which ••he King wanted not witnesses; that therefore he desired the agreements betweene him and the Bishops should remaine firme. Roger on the other side alleaged, that he was never a Servant to the King nor received his wages; moreover some threatnings were utte∣red by this generous Prelate (who scorned to be dejected with mis-fortunes) that if he found not justice in that Councell for the things taken from him, that he would complaine thereof in

the audience of a greater Court. The Legate answered mildly•• That they ought first to inquire as of other things, so of all things which are spoken against Bishops in an Ecclesiasticall Councell, by way of accusation, whether they be true or not? rather then to pro∣nounce sentence, against men uncondemned contrary to the decrees of the Canons: let the King therefore doe that is lawfull to be done in secular judgements, revest the Bishop of the things taken away by the Law of the Nations, disseised men shall not plead. Many things be∣ing spoken on both sides after this manner, the cause at the Kings request was deferred 3. dayes longer, till the Archbishop of Rhoan came; Who sayd, he granted that Bishops might have Castles if they could prove by the Canons, that by law they ought to have them; Which because they could not, that it was extreame dis∣honesty to contend against the Canons; And grant (saith he) that they may enjoy them, yet verily because it is a suspitious time, all the great men according to the custome of other Nations ought to deliver up the Keyes of their Fortresses to the Kings pleasure, who ought to wage warre for the peace of all men. Thus all the contro∣versie of the Bishops was weakned: For either according to the De∣crees of the Canons it is unjust they should have Castles; or if this be tolerated by the Kings indulgence, they ought to yeeld up the keyes t•• the necessity of the time. To this Albric the Kings Lawyer added, that the King was informed, that the Bishops threatned among them∣selves, and provided to send some of them to Rome against him. And this (saith he) the King commendeth to you, that none of you presume to doe it, for if any one against his will, and the dignity of the King∣dome of England, shall goe any where from England, peradventure his returne shal be difficult. Moreover he, because he seeth himselfe grie∣ved, of his own accord appeales you to Rome. After the King, part∣ly by commending, partly by way of threatning had comman∣ded these things, it was understood whither it tended•• Where∣fore they so departed, that neither he would suffer the censure of the Canons (nor be judged by them) neither did the Bishops thinke fit to exercise it, and that for a double reason: Either because it would be temerarious to excommunicate the King without the Popes privity; Or else because they heard, and some also saw, that there were swords drawne round about them, for words were no jests, but there was a contention almost about life and blood. Yet the Legate and Archbishop gave not over, but prosecuted the tenor of their office: for casting themselves

humbly downe at the Kings feete in his Bedchamber, they besee∣ched him to compassionate the Church, to compassionate his owne s••ule and fame, that he would not suffer a dissention to be made be∣tweene the Kingdome and Priesthood: He rising up courteously, although he removed the envie of the things done ••rom him∣selfe, yet he made no effectuall performance of his good pro∣mises. And so this great suite (wherein the Prelates presumed to convent the king himselfe before them to try his title to Ca∣stles, being temporall possessions) ceased, and the pretended execution of their owne Canons, (never pressed before that I read of) vanished into nothing. These bickerings betweene the Bishop his Nephewes, and the king (to whom he owed even the Crowne he wore) caused all the Bishops to fall off from him againe, and joyne with Maude. This their treachery to King Ste∣phen is most fully recorded by William Malmesbury, who relates, * 3.320 that the Bishop of Winchester, brother to king Stephen, and the Popes Legate, taking some offence against the king, came to a Parley with Maude in the fields neere Winchester, where Maude the Empresse swore and vowed to him, that all the grea∣test businesses in England and especially the Donations of Bi∣shoprickes and Abbies should be at his disposall, if he with the holy Church would receive her for their Soveraigne, and be con∣tinually loyall to her; some of the greatest Nobles of her party making the same oath: Whereupon the Bishop made no scru∣ple to receive the Empresse as Lady of England, and to sweare to her by himselfe and some others, that as long as she brake not this agreement, that he would be faithfull to her: which done, the next day she was received by the Bishop in the Cathedrall Church of Winchester with an honourable Procession, the Bishop of Winchester going on her right hand, and Barnard Bishop of Saint Davids on her left: there were other Bishops present beside these, as, Alexander Bishop of Lincolne, Robert of Hereford, Ni∣gellus of Ely, Robert of Bath, with sundry Abbots•• a few dayes after Theobald Arch-bishop of Canterbury came to the Empresse at Winchester being invited by the Legate, but de••erred to sweare fealty to the Empresse without the kings privity, being (as hee thought) a dishonour to his fame and person; but after some conference had with the king by the Cardinall, and most of the Prelates who intreated leave of him to yeeld to the necessity of the time, they condescended to the Legates motion and fell off to the Empresse. Whereupon about a fortnight after Easter,

Theobald Arch-bishop of Canterbury held a Councell of all the Bishops of England, and of many Abbots in great state at Win∣chester, wherein the Bishop of Winchester made this speech; That by vertue of his Legatine power which he derived from the Pope, he had summoned the Clergie of England to this Councell, that they might consult in Common of the peace of the Country, which was in great danger of Shipwrack; that in the time of King Henry his Uncle, England was a singular houshold of peace, &c. Which King some yeares before his death caused all the Bishops and Barons to sweare to the Em∣presse his Daughter and onely Childe, that the whole king∣dome of England, with the Dutchy of Normandy, should descend to her if he had no issue male by the Duke of Loraines daughter. That dismall fortune envied his most excellent Uncle, so as he dyed in Normandy without issue male. Therefore because it see∣med long to expect the Lady who resided in Normandy and de∣layd to come into England to provide for the peace of the Country, my Brother was permitted to raigne. And although I became a surety betweene God and him, that hee should ho∣nour and exalt the holy Church, maintaine good Lawes and abrogate evill, yet it grieves me to remember, it shames me to relate what a one he hath shewed himselfe in his kingdome, how no justice hath beene exercised upon the presumptuous, how all peace was presently abolished almost the same yeare, the Bishops apprehended and compelled to a reddition of their possessions, Abbies sold, the Churches rob'd of their treasures: the Counsells of wicked men heard, of good men either sus∣pended, or altogether contemned. You know how often I have convented him both by my selfe, and by the Bishops, espe∣cially in the Councell the last yeare summoned to that purpose, and that I got nothing but hatred thereby. Neither can it be unknowne to any who will rightly consider it, that I ought to love my mortall brother, but ought much more to esteeme the cause of my immortall Father. Therefore because God hath ex∣ercised his judgement touching my brother, that he might per∣mit him without my knowledge to fall into the power of the Mighty, left the kingdome should ••ottet if it wanted a king, I have invited you all by the right of my Legation to assemble together at this place. Yesterday the cause was secretly ventilated before the greater part of the Clergie of England, to whose right especially it belongs both to elect and

ordaine a king. Therefore having first invocated as it is meete Gods assistance, we have ••lected the Daughter of a peace-ma∣king king, a glorio••s king, a rich king, a good king, and in our time incomparable, to be Queene of England and Normandy, and we promise fidelity and maintenance to her. When the Bishop of Winchester had thus spoken all the Bishops and Clergie pre∣sent, (as William of Malmsbury (then present at the Councell relates) did either modestly give their acclamation to the sen∣tence (of Mauds election and Stephens rejection) or keeping si∣lence, did not contradict it. In this Councell many who tooke king Stephens part, were excommunicated, and by name Willi∣am Martell, who had intercepted some of the Legates goods: a••ter this Councell the City of London formerly addicted to king Stephen, and the greatest part of England willingly sub∣mitted to the dominion of Maude, who was principally coun∣selled by Robert her brother, and by the Legate of Winchester, who pretended that hee sought her welfare; but within few dayes after there fell out a difference betweene the Legate and Maude, which occasioned a great alteration, and was the cause of many new mischiefes in Engl••nd. Whereupon the Bishop Le∣gate departed from the Court, absolved all those whom he ••or∣merly excommunicated in the Councell without the consent of the Bishops, raised up a complaint against the Empresse that she intended to apprehend him, and made no account of any thing she had sworne to: Which report was spred over all England. Whereupon he stirred up the Londoners and Barons against the Empresse, whom he beseiged and restored S••ephen not onely to his liberty, but to the Crowne. In the meane time ••his Roger Bishop of Salisbury dyes of a Quar••aine Fever, which he fell into out of griefe of minde. * 3.321This Prelate was so high in king Henries favour that he denyed little or nothing to him that he demanded: he gave him Lands, Churches, Prebends of Clarkes, whole Abbies of Monkes, and committed the king∣dome to his trust, making him Chancellor of England. Roger therefore pleaded causes, he moderated expences, he kept the kings treasure, and that without a companion and witnesse, both while the king was present in England, and absent in Nor∣mandy: and not onely by the king, but likewise by the Nobles: and even by those who secretly envied his felicity; and especi∣ally by the kings Servants and debto••s, all things almost that he could thinke of were conferred on him: if any thing was conti∣guous to his possessions which might conduce to his utility,

that he either begged or bought, if not, he extorted it by violence, he alone was in greatest honour, abounding in wealth, pompe, ••riends, authority, stately houses and Castles, and see∣med the onely happy man on earth. Yet at last in a moment, fortune cruelly stung him with her Scorpions tayle, so as he saw many of his friends wounded, and his most familiar Souldiers beheaded before his face, himselfe captivated, two of his Ne∣phewes most potent Prelates, to be put to flight, and taken pri∣soners; and a third a young man whom he most loved to bee bound in chaines, his Castles to be rendred up, his treasures spoyled, himself afterwards in a Councell torne with most foule reproaches, the residue of his money and plate which he had layd upon the Altar to finish a Church to be•• carried away a∣gainst his will, and which is the extremity of calamity, Cum multis miser videretur•• paucissimis miserabilis erat. So much envy & hatred had he contracted out of his over great power, and that undeservedly with some whom he had advanced to honours. So Malmesbury writes of him, of whom you have heard sufficient.

3 3.322Anno Dom. 1223. Huber•• de Burgo Earle of Kent being taken and proclaimed a traytor,* 3.323 escaped out of the Castle of Ve•••• or Devises, and tooke sanctuary in the next Church; those who kept the Castle hearing of it, sent and tooke him (with those that helped him to make his escape) out of the Church and imprisoned him againe in the Castle. Robert Bingham the Bishop of Salisbury hereupon came to the Castle and threatned to curse them, if they would not deliver the Earle & restore him to sanctu∣ry againe. They made answer they had rather the Earle should hang for them than they for him: and so because they would not deliver him the Bishop excommunicated them; and after riding to the Cour••, and taking with him the Bishop of London, and other Bishops, prevailed so much by complaint to the King, that the Earle (though a traytor) was restored to the Church againe, but so as the Sheriffe of the Shire had commandement to compasse the Church about with men, to watch that no reliefe came unto him, whereby he might bee constrained through fa∣mishment to submit himselfe, but hee shortly armed, was there rescued by a power of armed men, who conveyed him armed, and o•• horsebacke into Wales, where he joyned with other of King Henry the thirds enemies. And all through the pride, and practise of this Prelate, to whose pretended jurisdiction even in case of Treason, the King himselfe must submit.

* 3.324William of Yorke the ninth Bishop of Salisbury about the year 1247. was a Courtier from his childhood,* 3.325 and better seene the in

Lawes of the Realme (which hee chiefly studied) than in the Law of God a great deale. Matthew Paris reporteth that he fir•••• brought in the custome that tenants should be suiters unto the Courts of their Landlords. This Matthew Paris stiles a very bad custome, in magnum subditorum damnum & detrimentum & superio∣rum parvum vel nullum emolumentum, unde qui nunquam hoc fece∣rant mirabantur se ad hoc fuisse coactos. And speaking of this Bi∣shops death he saith, This Bishop passed from these worldly cares and imployments to the dangers which secular men and Courtiers are beleeved to undergoe; for their workes follow them.

Anno 1392. King Richard the second,5 3.326 picked a quarrell against the Major and Sheriffes of London upon this occasion.* 3.327 Walter Romay one of Iohn Walthams servants then Bishop of Salisbury and high Treasurer of England, tooke a horseloafe from a Ba∣kers man as hee passed by in Fleetstreet, and would not deliver it againe, but broke the bakers mans head, when he was earnest to recover his loafe, the cohabitants of the streete hereupon rose and would have had the Bishops man to prison for breaking the Kings peace, but hee was rescued by his fellowes, and escaped to the Bishops house in an Allie close by; The people set in a rage for this rescue, gathered in great multitudes about the Bishops Palace gate, and would have fetched out the offender by force, assaulting the house to breake it open; but the Major and She∣riffes comming thither, after some perswasions used, appeased the people, who retired quietly to their houses. The Bishop being then at Windsor, where the Court lay, being informed of this riot, tooke such indignation therewith, that taking with him Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Yorke, then Lord Chancellor of England, he went to the King, and made an hainous complaint against the Citizens for their misdemeanour: whereupon the Major, Sheriffes, and great sort more of the Citizens were sent for to the Court, and charged with divers misdemeanors; & not∣withstanding their excuses they were all arrested, and imprison∣ed; the Major in the Castle of Windsor, the rest in other places to be safely kept, till the King by the advice of his Counsell should further determine, what should be done with them; Moreover the liberties of the City were seised into the Kings hands, the authority of the Major utterly ceased, and the King appointed Sir Edward Darlingrug to governe the City by the name of Lord Warding, and to see that every man had justice ministred as the case required; who because hee was thought to be overfavourable to the Citizens, was removed, and Sir

Baldwin Radington put in his roome. At length the King through suit, and instant labour of certaine Noblemen, especially of the Duke of Glocester, began somewhat to relent and pacifie his rigorous displeasures against the Londoners: and releasing them out of prison, and confirming some of their priviledges, and abrogating others, hee was at last reconciled to them after they had purchased his pardon with many rich presents to him and his Queene whom they royally intertained, and the payment of ten thousand pounds, which they were compelled to give the King, & to collect of the Commons of the City, not without great offence and grudging in their minds. And a••l this came through the pride and malice of this Prelate of Salisbu••y, whose servant had occasioned this riot, and yet went Scotfree, when the in∣nocent Major and Citizens were thus rigorously dealt withall. M. Fox observes truly,* 3.328 that this unjust oppression of the Londoners, was a great preparative to King Richards deposing, and lost him the hearts of his true subjects. This proud Prelate when hee died, by King Richards appointment had the honour to have his body interred among the Kings at Westminster.

6 3.329Richard Milford B. of this Diocesse, about the yeare 1388. was by an order of the Barons made in Parliament imprisoned a long time in the Castle of Bristoll,* 3.330 as a pernicious whisperer, flat∣terer, evill counseller, and Traytor to King Richard the second, and the State: yet afterwards being inlarged, he was advanced by this King, & continued one of his evill counsellors and instruments.

* 3.331William Ayscoth, Bishop of Salisbury Confessor to King Henry the 6. by his oppressions and ill dealings so farre discontented his Tenants ••nd the people,* 3.332 that in the yeare 1450. Iune 29. when that notable Rebell Iack Cade was set up against his So∣veraigne, some tenants of the Bishops and others came to Eden∣don, where hee was then saying Masse, drew him from the Altar in his Albe with his stole about his necke, to the top of an hill not farre off, and there as hee kneeled on his knees praying, they cleft his head, spoyled him to the skinne, and renting his bloody shirt into a number of peeces, tooke every man a ragge to keepe it for a monument of their worthy exploit. A barba∣rous murther, yet occasioned by his owne ill carriage, violence, oppressions, and for consenting to the giving up of the Dut∣chy of Anjou, and Mayne into the hands of the French King, as some report: since this mans murther, I find little or nothing recorded of any Bishops of this See: Wherefore I shall now steare my course towards Lincolne Diocesse.

Lincolne.

ANNO 573. Aldred1 3.333 Bishop of Leicester (afterwards tran∣slated to Lincolne) was deprived of his Bishopricke, for his seditious misdemeanors;* 3.334 it is very like hee sided with the cruell Pagan Danes, though his crimes be not expressed in particular.

Eadnoth Bishop of this See,2 3.335 turned * 3.336 warriour, and was slaine by the Danes in battle, in the yeare 1016••

Vlfe a man * 3.337 very learned,3 3.338 in the yeare 1052. together with Robert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and William Bishop of London, who had given King Edward the Confessor wicked counsell against the English, were banished into Normandy, their native Country, for this offence, vix evadentes, hardly escaping with their lives; they having beene instruments to cause the King to infringe his good Lawes, and not to administer right iustice, which he promised to re∣forme upon these Prelates dimission; who miscounselled him. This Bishop among the rest, going to the Councell of Vercels, to complaine to the Pope of his wrongfull banishment, so farre forth bewrayed his owne weakenesse and insufficiency, as the Pope was determined to have displaced him from his Bishop∣ricke, untill with gifts and golden eloquence, he perswaded him to winke at his imperfections.

Alexander Bishop of Lincolne,4 3.339 Anno 1070. * 3.340 opposed William the Conquerour, who appointed how many souldiers every Bi∣shopricke and Abby that held of him by Barony should finde in time of warre, from which they were formerly freed: hereupon he and Stigand Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, fled into Scotland, where they kept themselves close for a time (being banished by the Conqueror) and at last ioyned with the Scots against him: Egelwin Bishop of Durham being an exile at the same time, ha∣ving onely the zeale of God, excommunicated all the invaders of the Church, and ravishers of Ecclesiasticall things. This Alexan∣der is omitted by Godwin in his Catalogue of the Bishops of this see; and it seemes hee was deprived among other Bishops in the Councel of Winchester, Anno 1070. for opposing the Con∣querour.

5 3.341Remigius (who translated his see from Dorchester to Lincolne, and built the Cathedrall there, to whose consecration by the Kings command,* 3.342 all the Bishops of England were summoned, himselfe dying two dayes before the time appointed for its con∣secration) was impeached of high treason against King William Rufus, but his servant purging his master by the iudgement of an hot iron (or Ordalium) then in use, restored him to the Kings favour, and wiped off this blot to his pontificall honour, as Huntindon writes. He was preferred first to this Bishopricke by William the Conquerour, for divers good services done unto him, for which he long before promised him a Bishopricke in England. The consi∣deration of this gift comming to the Popes eare, he would needs adiudge it Simony, and as a symonist actually deprived him of his Bishopricke: but at the request of Lanfranke Arch-bishop of Can∣terbury, hee restored him to his Ring and Crosier againe. The Arch-bishop of Yorke labored to hinder the translation of his See to Lincoln, laying challenge to the iurisdiction of that County, as antiently belonging to his Archbishoprick, wherupon the Bishop was forced to crave in aid of the King to make good the Title, and his successor Robert Bloet, was glad to give William Rufus 5000 pound to cleare the Title, that the Arch-bishop of Yorke layd un∣to the iurisdiction of this See and County; which was reputed Symony in the King, but iustice in the Bishop.

6 3.343Alexander, nephew to Roger the great rich Bishop of Salisbury, consecrated Bishop of Lincolne Iuly 22. An. 1123. placed his chiefe delight in building of Castles, wherein hee imitated his unkle Roger, hereupon hee built a stately Castle at Banbury, another at Newarke, a third at Sleford, which saith * 3.344 Nubrigensis, did ill beseem a Bishops honesty, much lesse his function. These Castles were such eye-sores to King Stephen, as they provoked him to picke a quarrell with the Bishop, to clap him up in prison (together with his uncle Roger of Salisbury, and to bereave them at once, both of their munition and treasure, of which they had heaped up great store. For King Stephen fearing that this great rich Prelate and his uncle of Salisbury (who had built two strong Castles, the one at Salisbury the other at the Devises) would side with Maud the Empresse, against him, sends for both these Bishops, and demands those Castles of them, which they refusing to deliver up to his possession; the King thereupon claps them up in prison, besieg∣eth their Castles, which their Creatures held out and kept by

force against him, til at the last with much a do he possessed him∣selfe of them, in such manner as is before more largely related in the story of Roger of Salisbury. The King not long after relea∣sing this Bishop, he and some others secretly conspired against him, procured Maud the Empresse to come over with an army, with whom he joyned. And by this and the other confederates assistance Stephen was afterwards taken prisoner, deprived of his Crowne in a Synod at Winch••ster; Maud received and acknow∣ledged as Queene by the Prelates and Kingdome, till Stephen being againe released by the Bishops practises, and putting Maud to the worst, after many battels and great effusion of English Christian Blood, (occasioned onely by the Prelates practises,) Stephen and Maud came to a mutuall agreement. Of which you may read more largely in Roger of Salisbury.

The See of Lincolne continuing voyd almost seven yeeres after the death of Robert de Chisney, Geoffry Plantagenet Archdeacon of Lincolne,7 3.345 base sonne to King Henry the second was elected Bishop thereto; who contenting himselfe with the large revenues of the Bishopricke, never sought consecration; well knowing that he might so fleece the sheepe though he listed not to take the charge of feeding the sheepe. Seven yeeres he reaped the fruits of that See by colour of his election, and then by the Popes comman∣dement to Richard Archbishop of Canterbury to compell Geoffry either to resigne his ••ishopricke, or immediately to enter into orders, and to take the office of a Bishop on him, he resigned all his interest in the same, the copy of which resignation you may read in Roger Hoveden † 3.346. After which he turned Couttier for eight yeeres space, and at last returning to the Church againe, became Archbishop of Yorke•• How he carried himselfe in that See I have before in part expressed (page 185, 186.) and now shall give you some further account (t••ough somewhat out of course) out of* 3.347 Roger Hoveden and others. He was no sooner setled in Yorke, but there fell out a great contestation betweene him and Henry deane of Yorke, and Buchard the Treasurer, whom he excommunicated for refusing to give over singing, and to begin their Service afresh upon his entering into th•• Church; whereby the Church that day ceased from Divine Service. This difference being composed Buchard and Geoffry soone after fell ou•• againe; whereupon Ge••ffry excommunicating him the se∣cond time, he goes to the Pope for absolution, and so farre pre∣vailed

with the Pope, that he would neither confirme Geoffries election nor suffer him to be consecrated. And withall the Pope exempted Hugh Bishop of Durham from making any profession of subjection to Geoffry elect of Yorke during his life, though he were consecrated, because he h••d formerly once made his profession to the Church of Yorke, and to S. William the Arch∣bishop of Yorke, and to his successors. Queene Elenor, K. Richards mother, hereupon passeth from Messana through Rome to intreat and humbly beseech the Pope in the Kings behalfe, to confirme his brothers election to Yorke, and either to consecrate him Archbishop thereof by himselfe or some other: which the Pope doing, Geoffry shortly after cites Hugh Bishop of Durham pe∣remptorly to appeare before him at a Synod in the Cathedrall Church at Yorke, thereto professe his obedience to him, which he endeavoured to substract, and to exempt himselfe by all meanes from his jurisdiction. Hugh refuseth to come thither, or to make his profession or obedience to him (being, as he said, not bound by Law to doe it: and thereupon appeales the first, second, and third time to the Pope, and submits his cause to him. The Archbishop hearing of it, in great fury excommunicates him notwithstanding this appeale, threatning to compell him to make profession and obedience by Ecclesiasticall censures notwithstanding this appeale. The Bishop of Durham on the other side would not obey the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but in contempt thereof, boldly celebrated, and caused to be celebrated Divine offices as before. The Archbishop hereupon overturnes all the Altars where the Bishop of Durham had celebrated,* 3.348 and breakes the Chalices within his Diocesse wherein any other had cele∣br••ted in the Bishops presence; and held his brother Iohn Earle of Morton for an excommunicate person, because he had ea••en with the Bishop of Du••ham after that sentence, and would not communicate with him untill he gave him satisfaction and came to be absolved. When the Bishop of Durham saw that many refused to speake, eate or drinke with him, he sent messengers to the Pope, who relating to him first in secret, then before all the Cardinals, how indiscreetly and Archbishop had excommunica∣ted him, slighting his appeale; the Pope and all the Cardinals adjudged that sentence a meere nullity, and that it ought not to be observed; and thereupon the Pope writ a letter to the Bishops of Lincolne, Rochester, and others to declare this sentence of ex∣communication

voyd, in their Churches, by vertue of the Popes Apostolicall authority, and to command the people to commu∣nicate with the Bishop of Durham notwithstanding it, as they did before; and to declare, that the Bishop for the injuries done unto him by the Archbishop in overturning the Altars, and breaking the Chalices, should be exempted from all subjection to him during life. Whereupon these Bishops and delegates met at Northampton, and after much debate, departed without any final agreement. In Lent following this Archbishop being sum∣moned to appeare at London by the Kings Justices, came to Westminster with his Crosse carried before him; whereupon the Bishop of London and the other Prelates prohibited him to pre∣sume to carry his Crosse within the Province of Canturbury: who contemptuously answered them, that he would not let it down•• for them; yet by the advice of his followers he hid it from the face of the people, left a tumult should arise among the Clergy. The Bishop of London accounting him ex∣communicate for this transgression, suspended the new Temple, where the Archbishop lodged, both from Divine Service, and the tolling and ringing of Bels, so as he was forced to goe out of the City. After this the Archbishop levied a great Army, fortified Don∣castre, and would have besieged Thifehill Castle belonging to Earle Morton, which Hugh Bardalfe and William St••••ville refu∣sing to doe, he departed with his men in a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from them, cal∣ling them traitors to the King and Kingdome. Soone after the Deanery of Yorke being voyd, the Archbishop first gave the Dea∣nery to Simon Apull, and after that to one Philip, whom the King recommended. The Canons of Yorke pretending the right of e∣lecting the Deane to appertaine to them, elected Apul against the Bishops will. The Archbishop hereupon appeales to Rome, the Canons notwithstanding proceed in their election of Apul; the Archbishops messengers and Apul meeting with the King in Germany in their passage towards Rome, he inhibited all their appeales to Rome; saying, that if any attempted the contrary, he should not returne into the Realme againe. In the meane time, the Canons of Yorke suspended the Cathedrall Church from all their accustomed Divine service, and their Bels likewise from their usuall office of ringing, for which the whole City was in an uproare: they likewise uncloathed their Altars, locked up the Archbishops stall in the Quire, barred up the doore by which

he used to enter into the Church out of his Pallace and Chap∣pell, and did many other things in contempt of him; which the Archbishop hearing of, being ready to take ship to passe the seas, returned to the Church, admonishing and commanding the Ministers of this Church to minister therein after the ancient manner; who contemning his admonition and precept, left the Church voyd, and destitute of Divine service. Here∣upon shortly after the Archbishop by the advice of his wisest friends, puts new Ministers and Officers into the Cathedrall Church which he found voyd, to officiate there; which they did till the Canons and Chaplaines were restored againe thereto by lay power and violence: he likewise excommunicates foure of the chiefe officers of the Church for suspending it; who there∣upon complaine to the King, and appeale to Rome; where the Pope hearing both parties, setled the Deanery upon Simon Apul for that time, saving the rights of the Archbishop and Chapter, thereto for the future, which he left undecided. As soone as ever the Deane was thus setled and invested by a golden ring, he and the Chapter defame and accuse the Archbishop, allea∣ging; that he was a violent spoyler of his owne and other mens Clerkes; a wicked extortioner, that he brake open Church doores by violence and force of armes, symoniacally divided and reteyned Ecclesiasticall bene∣fices, gave no respect to appeales, that vilipending all his Episcopall office, he was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to hauking, hunting and other military cares! for which things they intended to depose him, especially those whō he himselfe had advanced to great honours, and enriched with great wealth and revences in the Church of Yorke, beyond that he ought. Of such the Lord saith, I have nourished and exalted chil∣dren, but they have rebelled against me. Let them therefore beware lest with Iudas the traytor they be condemned in Hell. Here∣upon the Pope writ to Hugh Bishop of Lincolne, and his cojudges, that if any would accuse the Archbishop of these things, they should diligently heare what both sides propounded, and certifie him the truth in writing under their Seales: And if no accuser appeared, and there were a publique fame of them, that then the Archbishop should be enjoyned to make his purgation with three Bishops and three Abbots. The Archbishop had appealed before the citation of the Judges, and had taken his journey to prosecute his appeale; but being hindred by the Kings prohibi∣tion and the distemper of the ayre, he appeared not at Rome on

the day prefixed, nor yet at a further day given him: whereupon he was suspended from all his Episcopall administration. Soone after this Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury comes to Nottingham to King Richard the first, causing his Crosse to be carried before him: Geoffry of Yorke carried not his Crosse, but complained to the King of Canturbury, for carrying his Crosse up in the Province of Yorke; which when the Archbishop had heard, and seen that Gef••ry carried no crosse before him at all; he answered; I carry my Crosse throughout all England, & ought to beare it, as Primate of all England; but thou bearest not thy Crosse, and perchance thou ought∣est not to carry it. And therefore things standing thu••, I appeale to my Lord the Pope. After this, Geffrey bought the Sherivalty of York∣shire of the King for 3000. markes, and an 100. markes annuall rent; and within few moneths after the King calling a Coun∣sell, all the Laymen and Clergy that would, had the liberty to complaine against this Archbishop, who made many complaints of his rapines and unjust exactions, to which he gave no answer. Not long after King Richard being to be crowned a new at Win∣chester, commanded this Archbishop of Yorke not to come to his Coronation the next day with his Crosse borne up before him, lest per∣adventure some tumult might arise between•• him and the Archbishop of Canterbury: Whereupon being thus prohibited to beare his crosse, he refused to be present at the Kings Coronation. Some three weekes after, the King being at Waltham, Geoffry come•• to him with his crosse carried before him; of which Canterbury com∣plained very much to the King, who answered, that this contro∣versie belonged not to him, but to the Pope to decide; and the next day the King made a finall accord betweene William Long∣champ Bishop of Ely, and Geoffry, touching all controversies about his apprehension and injuries susteined at Dover upon his arivall; Ely with an hundred Priests more swearing, that hee neither commanded nor willed, that Geoffry should be appre∣hended in such sort. Not long after the King being in France, the Canons of Yorke complained to Hubert of Canterbury against Geoffry their Archbishop; who thereupon sends commissioners to Yorke to heare and determine their complaints; these impri∣son the Archbishops men, accused of robery, so that the Arch∣bishop could not b••yle them, restore the Canons to the Church, and induct them into their stals out of which th•••• were expel∣led; and because the Archbishop appeared not befor•• them

upon summons, seised on all his lands except the mannor of Ripun where he resided, and sequestred his Shrievalty of Yorke∣shire into the hands of others. About the same time the Ca∣nons of Yorke excommunicated formerly by the Bishop, procure an absolution from the Pope, which was published openly in the Church, and they therupon were restored. The Archbishop appeales hereupon, and going over to Normandy to the King, for 2000. markes procures a restitution of all his Lands and goods formerly sequestred and seised; and a precept to put the Deane and Canons out of their new gaind possession. Not long after the Pope sends Commissioners to York to enquire of the Bishops excesses whereof the Canons accused him, mentioned at large in Pope Caelestines letter and commission recorded by Hoveden. The Deane comming to Yorke from Rome while the commissioners were there, some of the Archbishops creatures meeting him, per∣swaded him not to goe to the mother Church, which hee not yeelding to, they laid violent hands on him, for which the com∣missioners excommunicated them; whereupon he went to the Church where the canons joyfully received him. The Bishop notwithstanding expulseth him and the Canons againe, who thereupon procure a letter from Pope Coelestine to the Deane of Lincolne and others, to inquire of their dammages, and to cause the Bishop to satisfie them to the full without any appeale: whereupon they proved their dammages before them to amount to one thousand markes. Soone after the Bishop of Whiterne the Archbishops Suffragan, and Officiall, comes to Yorke against the time of receiving the Lords Supper, to consecrate chrisme, and oyle, as he had accustomed. The Deane and chapter of Yorke would not receive him; whereupon he went to Suelle and there consecrated chrisme and oyle, and delivered them to the Arch∣bishops Officials, to distribute them throughout the Churches of the Archbishopicke. Geoffry de Muschamp Archdeacon of Cliveland received the chrisme and oyle, but presently cast them into a dunghill, and the other Canons of S. Peters would receive none of him, but sent to Hugh Bishop of Lincolne to receive oyle and chrisme from him: whereupon Peter Archdeacon of Lin∣colne, the Archbishops brother prohibited the Bishop to give them any oyle or chrisme from him: upon which he appealed to Rome thereabout. The Archbishop the same time, who had offended the King his brother, was reconciled to him, and re∣ceived

into his favour with a kisse of peace, whereupon he grew so excessively proud, that he exasperated the King himselfe with his reproachfull speeches, so as he commanded him to be dis∣seised of his Archbishopricke, and Vis••ountship of Yorke. In the meane time Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury procured him∣selfe to be the Popes Legate, with a speciall clause in his Buls, & a mandate to the Archbishop of Yorke, and all other, to submit to his jurisdiction, as Legate to the Apostolicke S••e; whereupon he summoned the Deane and Chapter of Yorke to appeare before him, and yeeld subjection to him in their owne Cathedrall, as Popes Legate; who thereupon received and submitted to him, not as he was Archbishop of Canterbury, but Legate onely: which done, hee summons and holds a councell in the Cathedrall Church of Yorke, wherein he made divers canons for the go∣vernment of the Church and Clergy; and heard the controver∣sie betweene th•• Archbishop and the Deane and chapter of Yorke touching the Archdeaconry of Westring, which they con∣tended for; but they appealed to Rome about it, Anno 1195. The Canons of Yorke solicited 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bishop of Lincolne by virtue of the Popes Commission directed to him, to p••onounce sentence of interdict and suspention against Geoffry their Bishop: who answered, That he would rather be suspended himselfe, then suspend him; whereupon the canons sent messengers to Rome to complaine to Pope Caelestine of the Bishop of Lincolne, and the other Judges Delegates, that they proceeded not accor∣ding to the Popes injunction. Who thereupon sends three letters into England; one, to Simon the Deane, wherein he suspends the Archbishop from his Episcopall function, as a man every way unworthy of it, and gives Simon power to execute the same during this suspension. Another to all the Abbots, Clergy, and people of the Diocesse of Yorke, to notifie this suspention to them, and to command them, not to obey the Archbishop or answer before him in any case, but onely before the Deane Simon, to whom he had delegated his Arch-Episcopall authority. A third to the B••shop of Lincolne and others, expressing all the complaints against the Archbishop and his excesses, and com∣manding them to publish this his suspension from his Bishop∣ricke, and to absolve those of his Diocesse from any subje∣ction or obedience to him as Archbishop. And in all these letters, this is one great cause which they alledge for this his

suspension. Quod pastoralis officii debito praetermisso, secularibus nego∣tiis implicari, & non divinis obs••quiis, sed venatione, aucupio, & aliis militaribus curis animi sui studium applicare, & exercere alia, quae commisso sibi Officio Pontificali, & honori non modicum derogant, &c. Hereupon the Archbishop goes to Rome, where after a long delay the Pope acquits him from all the Deanes and Canons accusati∣ons, takes off his suspensions, and restores him to his Archiepis∣copall authority; the rather because the King being angry with him, had long before spoyled him of his temporal••ies and sought to deprive him. The Archbishop hereupon by reason of this Kings indignation goes into France not daring to come into England, and seeing he could not finde grace in the Kings eyes, to obtaine either his temporalties or his spiritualties, he returnes backe againe towards Rome. In the meane time the Deane and Chapter of Yorke conferre the Archdeaconry of West∣rising upon Peter Imant during life, by the Kings consent; which the Archbishop hearing of, excommunicated and suspended him for intruding thereunto without right, and declared his insti∣tution thereunto a nullity: which excommunication he sends over into England. Soone after Ralph Wigstof Clerke, the Arch∣bishops agent at Rome, falling desperately ••icke there, consessed before the Pope and all his Cardinals, that he had gotten many false letters in the Court of Rome touching the Archbishops affaires; whereupon the Pope writ to Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury to intercept these letters, which were found hid in the hands of Roger Ripunt clerke, together with poysoned rings, girdles, and other poysons which the Archbishop sent to destroy the Deane and Canons of Yorke, all which were publikely burnt at Totehill before a great multitude of men and women; the bringer of them was imprisoned, and the Archbishop had the blame of all imputed to him. After this the King sent for the Deane and Canons of Yorke, and Geoffry the Archbishop to meete him in Normandy, to reconcile them; Geoffry comming before them was reconciled to the King his brother, who re∣stored him to his temporalties and spiritualties; which done he departed to Rome: but the Deane and Canons coming three daies after, hindered his restitution till the Archbishop and they were accorded, of which they much vaunted. Not long after there arose many new contestations and schismes between this Archbishop and the Deane and Canons of Yorke about

Roger and Honorius Archdeacons of Richmond; which * 3.349 Ho••••den relates at large: of which (God willing) I shall give a larger account in my History of the Schismes of English Prelates betweene themselves; which how many, great and violent they have beene, you may in part conjecture by this one Prelates story. After this the Pope writ earnestly to King Richard, to desire him to be re∣conciled to this Archbishop his brother, and to embrace him with peac••, least he should be forced in his behalfe to punish him and his Kingdome by an Ecclesiasticall censure: here∣upon the King sent the Bishops of Durham, Ely, Winchester, Wor∣cester and Bath to the Archbishop, desiring him in the spirit of humility to confirme all the Kings grants, upon which the King would intirely restore him to his Archbishopricke. This he profered to doe, if these Bishops by a writing under their hands and seales would warrant this counsell before the Pope. Which they refusing, telling him he was of age to answer for himselfe, departed without any accord: whereupon the Arch∣bishop went to Rome, whither the King sent messengers against him, who writ to the King from Rome, that the Pope earnestly desired him to restore the Archbishop intirely into his Bishop∣ricke, so as he satisfie him the money he owed: which if he refused, he would first by an interdict of the whole Province of Yorke, after that by an interdict of the whole Kingdome, without any appeale enforce him to it, and compell his Clerks to resigne their rents which they have received, and the Deane and Canons of Yorke to make an agreement with the Bishop, unlesse some new cause should arise. King Richard dying, and King Iohn succeeding, while Geoffry of Yorke was beyond sea; when Iohn was to be crowned, Philip Bishop of Durham was so presumptuous, as to appeale against the Kings owne Coronation, that it should not be accomplished in the absence of Geoffry Archbishop of Yorke and Primate of England. After this the King commanded the Lands of the Archbishop which had beene sequestred al∣most two yeeres into the hands of Stephen Turnham, to be deli∣vered to three others for this Archbishops use; yet afterwards he retained them in his owne hands, promising to restore them when as the Archbishop and hee met; who meeting together soone after in Normandy, the King and he were reconciled, & he received him honourably. Not long after, King Iohn displeased with this Archbishop seised all his temporalties into his hands by Iames de Petorne Sheriffe of Yorkeshire, who violently entred

into his manners, and wasted his goods. This Archbishop hereupon excommunicates the Sheriffe, and all authours and counsellers of this violence, with candles lighted, and Bels rung: he likewise excommunicated all who had stirred up his brother Iohn to anger against him without his default: he also excomu∣nicated the Burgesses of Beverly, and suspended the Towne it selfe, from the celebration of Divine service, and the sound of Bels, for breaking his Parke, and troubling and diminishing the goods which his Predecessor and he had for a time peace∣ably enjoyed. King Iohn by the advice of his counsell restored him afterwards to his Bishopricke, but gave him a day in Court to answer his contempt in not going beyond the Seas with him when summoned to doe it; in not suffering the Kings Officers to leavy money of his plowlands, as they did in all other parts of the Kingdome; in beating the Sheriffe of Yorkes servants, and in not paying him 3000. markes due to King Richard: soone after, the King comming to Beverly, was neither received with pro••ession nor sound of Bels by reason of the Archbishops in∣terdict, whose servant Henry Chappell denied to let the King have any of the Archbishops wine; for which affront the King com∣manded him and all the Archbishops servants to be imprisoned, whereever they should be found: whereupon the King com∣ming to Yorke, the Archbishop for a round summe of money (through the Queenes mediation) bought his peace of the King; but yet instantly fell out with the Deane and Chapter about the election of a singing man; the Archbishop made choyce of one, the Deane and chapter of another as belonging to their election: the like contention fell betweene them about the Archdeaconry of Cleveland: the Archbishop elected Ralph Kyme, the Deane and canons, Hugh Murdac for Archdeacon, against the Archbishops will, and hinder the instalment of Ra••ph; whereupon the Archbishop excommunicated Murdac; And at the same time Honorius Archdeacon of Richmond complained against the Archbishop to the Pope for taking away the institu∣tions to Churches and Synodals belonging to him: the Pope hereupon writ divers letters in his favour. Geoffry thus perplex∣ed, and in the Kings disfavour, purchaseth his grace and a con∣firmation of the rights of his Bishopricke from the King for a thousand markes sterling to be payd within one yeere, for pay∣ment whereof he pawned his Barony to the King: After which he falling into the Kings displea••ure againe, was forced to fly the

Kingdome and * 3.350 died in exile, as you may read before, p. 186.

St. Hugh the ninth Bishop of Lincolne,8 3.351 Anno 1108. when King Richard the first by Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury, his chiefe Justice, required an ayd of 300.* 3.352 Knights to remaine with him in his service for one whole yeere, or so much money as might serve to maintaine that number, after the rate of three shillings a day English money for every Knight; whereas all others were contented to be contributers herein, onely this S. Hugh Bishop of Lincoln refused, and spake sore against Hubert that moved the ma••∣ter, wishing him to doe nothing whereof he might be ashamed;

Vnde pudor frontem signet, mentemque reatus Torqueat, aut famae titulos infamia laedat.

He was noted to be of a perfect life, because, Potestatis secularis in rebus Ecclesiae saevientis impetus, adeò constanter elidere consuevit, ut rerum & corporis sui periculum contemnere vid••retur: in quo & adeò profecit quod & jura revocavit amissa, & Ecclesiam suam à servitute gravissim•• liberavit, as Matthew Paris writes: and because hee would not ••ticke to reprove men of their faults plainely and f••ankly, not regarding the favour or dis-favour of any man; in so much that he would not feare to pronounce them accursed, which being the King Officers would take upon them the pu∣nishment of any person within Orders of the Church, for hun∣ting and killing the Kings game within his Parkes, Forrests, and Chases:* 3.353 yea (and that which is more) he would deny pay∣ment of such Subsidies and taxes as he was assessed to pay to the uses of King Richard and King Iohn, towards the maintenance of their warres, and did oftentimes accu••e by Ecclesiasticall au∣tho••ity such Sheriffes, collectors, and officers, as did distreine upon his lands and goods to satisfie those Kings of their de∣mands; alledging openly, that he would not pay any money to∣wards the maintenance of warres with one ch••istian Prince, upon private displeasure and grudge made against another Prince of the same religion. This was his reason. And when he came before the King to answer to his disobedience shewed herein, he would so handle the matter, partly with gentle admo••nishments, partly with sharpe reproofes, and sometimes mixing merry and pleasant speech among his serious arguments, that of∣tentimes he would so qualifie the Kings mind, that being diver∣ted from anger, he could not but laugh and smile at the Bishops pleasant talke and merry conceits. This manner he used not onely with King Iohn alone, but with King Henry the second,

and Richard the first in whose time he governed the See of Lin∣colne. And for these* 3.354 vertues principally was he canonized for a Romane Saint by Pope Honorius the third. Peter Suter and * 3.355 Ribadeneira, in his life record, that this Bishop had many con∣tests with King Richard the first, that he resisted the King to his face when he demanded ayde and subsidies of his Subjects, so that by his meanes onely and another Bishops who joyned with him, the King could obtaine nothing at all; whereupon in great rage and fury he banished both the Bishops, and confis∣cated all their goods; the other Bishops goods were seised, who thereupon afterward submitted and craved pardon of the King: but the Kings Offi••ers proceeding against S. Hugh, he presently excommunicated them, so as none of them for feare of this thunderbolt of his durst touch one thred of his garment, our Lord having horribly punished divers whom he had excommu∣nicated, some of them being never seene nor heard of after∣wards. One thing this Hugh did which is memorable: going to visit the religious houses within his Diocesse, he came to Godstow a house of Nunnes neere Oxford; * 3.356 seeing a hearse in the middle of the Quire covered with silke, and tapers burning, round about it, he demanded who was buried there; and being informed, that it was faire Rosamonds Tomb, concubine to King Henry the second, who at her intreaty had done much for that house, and in regard of those favours was afforded that honour: he commanded her body to be digged up immediately, and buried in the Churchyard, least Christian religion should wax vile: saying, it was a place a great deale too good for an harlot, & it should be an example to other women to terrifie them from such a wicked and filthy kinde of life * 3.357. This Prelate dying, when he was brought to Lincolne to be interred, Iohn King of England, and William King of Scots were met there with an in∣finite company of Nobility of both Realmes. The two Kings for the great reverence they bare to his holinesse (who yet gave no ••everence at all to Kings, as you have formerly heard) would needs set their shoulders to the beare, and helped to carry his course from the gates of the City, untill it came to the Church doore, where the Prelates themselves received and carried it into the Quire and bu••yed him in the body of the East end of the Church ABOVE THE HIGH ALTAR: (which therefore stood not close to the East wall in those times, but

some good distance from it) neere the Altar of Saint Iohn.

Hugh Walis,9 3.358 or de Wils, his next successour in this See but one, Anno 1209. notwithstanding King Iohn refused to receive Ste∣phen Langhton, that arch-traytor, for Archbishop of Canterbury,* 3.359 and commanded this Bishop to repaire to the Archbishop of Rhoan for consecration from him, and not to receive it from Langhton, in contempt of this his Soveraignes command got him to Langhton and received consecration from him: whereupon the King seised on all his temporalties, and kept him fasting from them foure yeeres, and then restored them. After this he joyned both with the Barons, and Lewis the French King (who came to conquer the Realme) against his naturall Soveraigne: For which treasons he was onely excommunicated by the Pope, and not absolved till he had paid the Pope one thousand marks, and a hundred markes to his Legate. Divers other of our Pre∣lates were fined for the same cause, and that so deepely, as they were compelled to sell all they had to purchase the Kings favour.

Anno Dom. 1252. * 3.360 King Henry the third in a Parliament held at London,10 3.361 getting a grant from the Pope of the tenths due to the Church to be received of him for three yeeres, towards the charges of his journey into the holy Land to rescue it from the Saracens, demanded these tenths of the spiritualtie: But the Bishops, and especially Robert Gros••head Bishop of Lin••olne utter∣ly refused to be contributary to this grant; They alledged sun∣dry reasons for their excuse, as the poverty of the English Church being already made bare with continuall exactions and oppressions; but chiefly they excused themselves by the absence of the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke, of whom, the one was beyond the Sea; and the other at home in the North parts: All the other Bishops were there except Here••ord and Chester, who was sicke: and therefore without the consent of those that were absent, and namely their Primate of Canterbury, they could not conclude any generall poynt touching the Kings demand. And although the King fretted and stormed against them, yet could he not bring them to his purpose, so as the Parliament was for that time dissolved: Yet before their departure from London, the King communed with them apart, to see if he could get some money towards his charges, but they had tuned their strings all after one not••, discording all from his Tenor, so that

not a penny could be got of them: wherefore he tooke high dis∣pleasure against them, reviling them in most reproachfull man∣ne••; and amongst other he reviled his halfe brother the elect of Winchester, taxing him of great unthankfulnesse, who also among the residue stood against him. Anno 1257. they denyed the King a Subsidie againe, there being (saith Holinshed) a great unto∣ward disposition in the Subjects of that time for the helping of their King, with a necessary ayd of money towards such great charges as he had bin by divers wayes occasioned to be at. Befo••e this * 3.362 Anno 1250. this Bishop excommunicated a Priest for in∣continency, who continuing for some daies without seeking to be reconciled, the Bishop sent to the Sheriffe of Rutland within whose Bayliwicke the Priest dwelt, to apprehend him as a diso∣dient and rebellious person, who not executing the Bishops commandement, the Bishop thereupon excommunicates the Sheriffe: whereof the King being informed tooke displeasure, and sending to the Pope, procured an inhibition, that no Archbishop or Bishop should compell any Officer of the King to follow any suit before them for those things that appertaine to the Kings jurisdiction, or give sentence against them for the same. This * 3.363 Grosthead Bishop of Lincolne, Anno 1246. upon the suggestion of the Friers Predicants and Minorites, raged more then was meet or expedient against those of his D••ocesse, ma∣king strict inquisition in his Bishopricke by his Archdeacons and Deanes, concerning the chastity and manners as well of Noble as ignoble (upon oath) to the enormious hurt and scan∣dall of the reputations of many * 3.364 Which had never beene accusto∣med to be done before. The King hearing the grievous complaints of his people against these Innovations, did thereupon by the advice of his Counsell and Courts of Justice, send a Writ to the Sheriffe of Hertford in these words. Henry by the grace of God, King of England, &c. We command thee, that as thou lovest thy selfe, and all things that are thine, that thou from henceforth suffer not any Laymen of ••hy Baylywicke to assemble together in any place, at the will of the Bishop of Lincolne, or of his Archdeacons, Officials, or rurall Deanes, to make any acknowledgments or attestations upon their oath, unlesse in cases of Matrimony and testament. * 3.365 And the very next yeere fol∣lowing, in pursurance thereof, the King (by Parliament) en∣acted, and commanded these things ensuing to be inviolably observed; That if any Lay men were convented before an Ecclesia∣sticall

Iudge, for breach of faith and perjury that they shou••d be pro∣hibited by the King. And that the Ecclesiasticall Iudge should be pro∣hibited to hold plea of all causes against Laymen, unlesse they were of Matrimony and Testament. All which Matthew Paris precisely relates. Which prohibition and statute nullified the constitution of O••ho, and hindered this Bishops innovation; whereupon, that insolent traytorly Martiall Archbishop of Canterbury, Boni∣face (* 3.366 better skilled in affaires of a Campe then of the Church) Anno 1256. (but nine yeeres after this prohibition and forenamed statute) published this peremptory audacious constitution in affront of them both: Statuimus quod Laici ubi de subditorum pec∣••••tis & excessibus corrigendis per Praelatos & Ecclesiasticos judices inquiritur ad praestandum de veritate dicenda juramentum per excom∣municationis sententias, si opus fu••rit, compellantur; impedientes verò ne hujusmodi juramentum praestetur: (for the Judges with many othe••s then generally oppugned and hindred the ushering in of this Innovation) per interdicti & excommunicationis sententiam arceant••••. To evacuate which exorbitant illegall constitution (meant onely of witnesses, not of Churchwardens, Sidemen, or Stangers oathes as the * 3.367 Glosse of Lindwood (who records it) resolves in expresse termes, trenching both upon the peoples li∣berties and the Courts of Justice too; the Judges frequently granted out sundry generall prohibitions to all, or most of the Sheriffes of England; as is evident by * 3.368 the R••gister of Writs. * 3.369 Fitz herberts natura Brevium. Rastall, and others; commanding the Sheriffe to inhibite Bishops and their Officers, to cite Laymen before them, to take an oath in any case whatsoever, except of Matrimony or Testament only;* 3.370 and not to suffer the people to appeare before them to take such oathes. The continuer of Matthew Paris his History of England, p. 966, 967. writes of this Bishop of Lincolne, That Simon Earle of Leicester (who most opposed Henry the third, and warred against him) adhered to him, and delivered his children to him to be educated. That by his counsell tractabat ardua, tentabat dubia, finivit inchoata, ea maximè, per quae meritum sibi succrescere aestimabat. And this Bishop is said to have enjoyned the Earle in remis••ion of his sinnes, that he should undertake this cause of the Barons against the King, for which he contended even unto death, affirming, that the peace of the Church of England could not be established, but by the materiall Sword; and that all who died for it, should be crowned with martyrdome. And some say, that

this Bishop laying his hand sometimes on the head of this Earles ••ldest sonne, said unto him; Oh my deere sonne, both th••u and thy father shall both die in one day, and with one kind of death, yet for justice and v••rity. Such an animater was he both of rebellion and warres.

11 3.371Henry Lexinton the next Bishop of this See, Anno 1257. offered some kind of hard measure unto the University of Oxford, by in∣fringing certaine liberties th••t of old belonged unto it.* 3.372 For re∣dresse hereof, they were forced to make their complaint unto the King, lying then at S. Albons, and sent nine Masters of Art to the Court for that purpose; Matthew Paris a Monk•• of S. Al∣bons was present at the delivery of the petition, and (as himselfe writeth) was bold to s••ep unto the King, using these speeches to him in private. I beseech your Grace, even for Gods sake, to have compassion upon the Church now tottering, and in great danger of utter subversion: The Vniversity of Paris, the nurse of ••o many excellent and famous Pr••lates, is now greatly troubled: If the Vniversity of Oxford be disquieted and mole••ted also, (especially at this time) being the second Vniversity of Christendome, and even another foundation of the Church, it is much to be feared, lea•••• it cause a generall confusion and u••••••r ruine of the whole Church. God forbid (said the King) that that should happen, especially in my time; I will endeavour to prevent it. I doubt not he was as good as his word, for I finde no more mention of any further stirres. This I have thought good, the rather to set downe, to shew, what was the reputation of our University of Oxford in those daies, and what indignities this Bishop offered to it, to cause a publike combustion.

12 3.373Henry Burwash the 15. Bishop of Lincolne, though advanced to that See by King Edward the second his speciall favour, within two yeeres after his consecration,* 3.374 for some contempts and misdemeanors he fell so faire into the Kings displeasure, that his temporalties were seized upon into the Kings hands for two yeeres space. Anno 1324. they were restored to him againe, and he to the Kings favour,* 3.375 but the grudge thereof so st••cke in his stomacke, as the Queene rising against her husband seeking to depose him, (as afterward shee did) no man was so forward to take her part, no man was so eager against the King, his un∣doubted true and naturall Prince, as this Bishop. Thomas Walfing∣ham writes, that almost all the Prelates joyned with the Queene against the King, & precipuè, &c. but especially the Bishop of Lin∣colne,

H••reford, Dublin and Ely who raised a great Army for her•• others (and principally the Archbishop o•• Canterbury) ••urnished her with money, and when the Queene had taken the King prisoner Anno 1327. keeping her Ch••istmas a•• Wal••ingford, the Archbishop of Can∣terbury and Y••rke, the Bishop of Winch••ster (whom she m••de Lord Tre••surer) the Bi••h••p of Norwich her Lord Cha••cellour, this good Bishop of Lincolne, the Bishops of Ely, Coventry, and other Prelates k••pt their Christmas with her, with great honour, joy, and triumph; whence comming to Westminster, pr••sently after Twelftide they assembled in Parliament, deposed the King from his Crowne, and elected his sonne in his steed; to which ele∣ction the Archbishop of Canterbury there present consented, ET OMNES PRAELATI, and all the Prelates: the Archbi∣shop making an oration to them to confirme and justifie this election, taking for his text, Vox Populi, vox Dei: Such good Subjects were all the Archbishops and Bishops at that time; and this Prelate one of the ringleaders; who not content thus to spoyle his Soveraigne of his Crown, Kingdome and life too; not long after making a new Pa••ke at Tyinghurst, he inclosed in the same, ground belonging to divers poore men his tenants, for which he had many a bitter curse of them: * 3.376 whereupon it is reported, that after his death he appeared to one of his Gen∣tlemen in the likenesse of a Keeper, with a Bow and Arrowes in his hand, a horne by his side, and a greene jerkin on his backe; telling him, that for the injurious enclosing of that Parke, he was appointed to the keeping of the same, there to be tormen∣ted till it were disparked againe, desiring him to intreat the Canons of Lincolne, his brethren, that this wrong done by him, by their good meanes might be righted; who upon this infor∣mation, sent one William Batchellour of their Company to see it utterly disparked: which was effected.

Anno 1351. the Unive••sity of * 3.377 Oxford presented unto Iohn Synwall13 3.378 Bishop of Lincolne (unto whose jurisdiction Oxford then appertained) one William Palmarin for thei•• Chancellour, and prayed him to admit him. The Bishop (I know not for what cause) delayed h••s admission from time to time, and enforced the University to complaine of this hard dealing unto the Arch∣bishop. He presently set downe a day wherein he enjoyned the Bishop to admit this Chancellour, or else to render a reason of his refusall. At the time appointed the Proctours of the

University were ready together with this William Palmorie to demand admission. And when the Bishop of Lincolne came not (trusting belike to this priviledge procured from Rome to ex∣emp•• hims••lfe his authority and jurisdiction) the Archbishop causes his Chancellour Iohn Car••ton Deane of Wels to admit him, writ to the Uniuersity to receive him, and cited the Bishop to answer before him for his contempt. He appealed to the Pope, would not come, and for his contumacy was convicted. Much money was spent in this suite afterwards at Rome. The event was, that the Archbishop prevailed, and the others privi∣ledge was by speciall order of the Pope revoked, who also gran∣ted unto the University at the same time, that the Chancellour hereafter should onely be elected by the Schollers themselves, and so presently authorized to govern them without the admis∣sion of any other.

14 3.379Thomas Watson Bishop of Lincolne in the first yeere of Queene Elizabeth, was deprived of hs Bishopricke, and imprisoned, for refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy,* 3.380 and counselling the other Bishops to excommunicate the Queene, for altering religion. Of which see more before in Tonstall Bi∣shop of London.

25 3.381Of other Bishops of this See since his time, I finde little in Hi∣story; As for the present Prelate of that Diocesse, as he deserves due praise for his magnificent Structures of Libraries, Hospitals and the like; So on the other side, his excessive pride and miscar∣riages in his Chancellor-ship, for which he lost that office; and es∣pecially his advancing of the now Arch-bishop of Canterbury (who proved a scourge to him, as well as others,) with his pro∣curing Mountagues Appeale to be printed, which * 3.382 kindled a great Combustion in our Church and State, and laid the foundation of all those Popish Innovations both in doctrine and discipline, which have since, like a filthy leprosie, over-spread our Church, and bred such sad effects and distractions among us) deserve iust blame. Yea, his late extraordinary stickling (much spoken against) to main∣taine the Lordly iurisdiction, and secular authority of our Pre∣lates, without the least diminution or reformation of their ex∣cesses, hath much ecclipsed all the honour and reputation he had gained by his former sufferings, which should have made him (as the vulgar truely say) more * 3.383 meeke and lowly in heart, like Christ his Master, of whom he, and all other Pontifs, should learne Hu∣mility,

not lofty and pontificall domineering like Diotrephes, who loved to have the preheminen••e, for which St.* 3.384 Iohn condemns him, or like the ambitious Apostles, who contended, * 3.385 which of them should be greatest; for which Christ sharpely rebuked th••m sundry times, saying, Ye know that the Princes of the Gentiles exercise dominion ov••r them, and they that are great, exercise authority upon them, But it shall not be so among you; but whosoever will be great among you, let him be your minister, and whosoever will be chi••fe among you, let him be your s••rvant: even as the Sonne of man came not to be ministred unto, but to minister, and to give his life a ransome for many. Which texts, (toge∣ther with that of Peter, * 3.386 Feed the flock of God which is among you, taking the oversight thereof, not by constraint, but willingly; not for filthy lucre, but of a ready minde; neither as being Lords over Gods He∣ritage, but being ensamples to the flocke &c. Yea all of you be subiect one to another, and be cloathed with humility; for God resisteth the proud, and giveth grace to the humble) it seemes this Prelate and his Bre∣thren have forgotten, or at least beleeve not to bee canonicall; since they now poynt-blancke oppugne them: yet me thinkes, he should in this case, have remembred, what himselfe had but lately published in print (* 3.387 as most Orthodox in doctrine, and consonant in Discipline to the Church of England, and very fit to be printed and pub∣lished in any place or places, where h•• as Ordinary was inabled and licen∣ced so to doe: (and so at Westminster.) In the holy Table Name and Thing, pag. 82. against Clergy mens intermedling with secular af∣faires, where thus he writes.

* 3.388 O foolish St. Basil, that bids h••s Clergie take speciall heed, that their Martha be not troubled with ma∣ny things. O dull Synesius, that held it fitter for an * 3.389 Aegyptian then a Christian Priest to be over-troubled with matters of wrang∣ling. Well Doctor, God helpe the poore people committed to thy Cure; they are like to finde but a sorry Shepherd: One that will be in the vestry, when hee should be in the Pulpit; and by his much nimblenesse in the one, is like to shew a proportionable heavynesse in the other: which he thus seconds, p. 166.167. St. Cyprian was angry with one Geminius Victor, for making (a∣gainst the Canon) one Faustinus a Priest, Overseer of his Will, and by that meanes withdrawing him from his calling and mi∣ni••••ry. And enlarging himselfe in that discourse, how carefull God had beene in providing Tith••s and Oblations for the Priest under the Law, giving him not Lands and Husbandries amongst the other Tribes, ut in nulla re avocar••••ur, that hee might have

no occasion to be withdrawne from the Altar; He aggravates the offence of these Testators, that by making Church-men, Exe∣cutors and Overseers of their last Wills, ab altari Sacerdotes & Ministros volunt avocare, will needs withdraw Ministers from their Ecclesiasticall functions, with no lesse offence, then if, under the Law, they had withdrawne the Priests from the holy Altar. So that this pl••ce takes my Doctor a little by the nose, that cannot indure to be a looker on, and a dull Sp••ctator, confined only to his ministeriall meditations. So this Prelate.

And do not th••se p••ssages of this Bishop take himselfe a little by the Nose ••oo, as w••ll as the Doctor, who cannot endure to be a looker on, and a dull Spectator, confined only to his ministeriall Meditations, unlesse he may likewise sit as a Peere in Parliament, and intermeddle with secu∣lar affaires? If not, as some conceive they doe, yet sure I am, the words of Synesius and Cyprian in their places which hee quo••t••s, will round him in the eare, and give him no little checke. For Synesius in his 52. Epistle to Andronicus, writes thus against Bishops sitting as Iudges, and intermedling with publike secular affaires, to which Andronicus would have perswaded him. To ioyne the power of administring the republique, with the Priesthood, is all one as to knit those things together which cannot be coupled by any coniunction. Anci∣ent times permitted the same persons to be Priests & Iudges. For the Ae∣gyptians and Hebrewes for a long time used the government of Priests; Afterwards when, as it seemes to me, that the divine worke began to be done in a humane manner, Deus ambo vitae genera separavit, God se∣parated both kindes of life, and one of these was appointed to sacred things, the other to government and empire; for He designeth some to the dregs of the lowest things, others he hath associated unto himselfe. Those are im∣ployed in secular affaires, not in Prayer•• But yet in both, God requires what is honest and consentaneous. Why dost thou therefore againe revoke them? Why wilt thou conioyne these things which God hath separated? Who requirest us not to administer, but to deprave us in administring: than which, what can be more unhappy? Hast thou need of a Patron? Goe to him who is President in the Lawes of the Republike, (or Lord chiefe Iustice.) Hast thou need of God in any thing? Goe to the Bishop of the City. Contemplation is the end of Priesthood, if a man not falsly usurpe that name to himselfe. Now Contemplation and Action doe no way••s ac∣cord: for the force of the Will is moved into action, which cannot bee without some affection; But the Soule which is to become the receptacle of God, ought to be free from all affection••: he had need of vacation from

secular imployments, who with the s••udy of Philosophy is imploy••d in sa∣cr••d things. After this he there professe••h. He neither would nor could undertake and mannage both secular and spirituall affaires; and there∣fore desires, that either another Bishop might be ••lected in his place, which would discharge both, or else another ioyned to him, to dispatch those worldly af••ai••es which he neither would, nor could administer. And be∣cause this might seem a novelty, he gives ••his excellent answer to it, necessary for our present time, and answering one grand ob∣iection against the alteration of Episcopall government, now found by long experience to be very pernicious to our Church and State. Quid exclamastis? num quia nondum factum illud est, ficri idcircone nunc non convenit? multa quae necessaria erant, invenit tempus, & emendavit. Non ad exemplum fieri omnia solent, & vnumquodque eorum quae facta sunt initium habuit, & antequam fieret, nondum erat factum. Consuetudini vtilitatem anteponere praestabilius est. Demus & nos meliori consuetudini initium. Thus farre Synesius the Bishops first Author. And as for St. Cyprian his second Author, he was so angry with Geminius Victor for making one Faustinus a Priest overseer of his Will, that he * 3.390 decreed this dishonourable punishment to him even after his decease. Non est quod pro dormitione eius apud vos fiat oblatio, aut deprecatio nomine eius in Ecclesia frequentetur, ut Sacerdo∣tum decretum religiose & necessario factum, servetur a nobis: simul & caeteris fratribus detur exemplum, ne quid Sacerdotes & Ministros Dei Altari eius & Ecclesi•• vacantes, ad saeculares molestias devocet; which if the now Bishop of Lincolne had well considered, I dare pre∣sume, it would have strucke him dumbe, and made him ashamed, so much as once to open his mouth in defence of our Prelates u∣surping or exercising temporall iurisdiction, and intermedling in temporall affaires, in which himselfe heretofore hath beene overmuch conversant, farre more then this Clerke, who was but a bare overseer of another mans will. But for him and his Pre∣decessors this may suffice. I shall now hasten to the Bishops of some other Sees.

The End of the first Part.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Virg. Ecl••g. 3. p. 8.
• * 1.2

  Zuidas, H••lioke, Natal••s Comes, Diod••••us Siculus, Va••••o, and others, thus describe him.
• 1 1.3

  ODO.
• * 1.4

  Wil. Malms. de Gestis Pontificum Angl. l. 1. p. 201. Mat. West. Flores Hist. An. 955, 957, 958. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. Odo Sev••rus, p. 46 47.51, 52, 53. Speeds History of Great Brit∣taine, l. 7. Mo∣narch. 29. p. 403.404 Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 137. Godwyns Catalogue of Bishops, p. 62, 64, 65.
• * 1.5

  See Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p 52.53. Ho∣linsh. Hist. of Eng∣land. l. 6. c. 21. p. 157.
• * 1.6

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 61.62. See part. 2. p. 227.228.
• 2 1.7

  DUNSTAN.
• * 1.8

  In vita Sanct•• Editha.
• * 1.9

  History of Great Brittaine, l. 7 c. 42. sect. 21. p. 409. c. 43. sect. 1. p. 410. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p 61, 62. Holinshed. Hist. of England. l. 6. c. 23 p. 59. l. 7. c. 1. p. 164.165. l. 6. c. 24. p. 161. c. 25. p. 162. Fox Acts and Monuments, vol. 1. p. 201.202.
• * 1.10

  An impudent audacious A••••.
• * 1.11

  Malmsbury de Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 10. p. 62. Speed l. 7. c. 43, 44. p. 413, 414.
• * 1.12

  Math. Westm. An. 983. p. 379. Speed•• p. 414. Ant. Eccles. Brit. 61. Malms. de Gestis Regum Angl. l. 2. c. 10. p. 62. Holinshed History of Engla••d l. 7. c. 1.
• * 1.13

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 52, 53. Holinshed Hist. of England, l. 6. c. 22 p. 158.
• 3 1.14

  SIRICIUS.
• * 1.15

  Malms. de G••st. Po••tif. l. 1. f. 203. de Gestis R••gum Ang. l. 2. c. 10. p. 62. He••ry H••••∣tingdon, Hist. l. 5. p. 357. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 64. Godwins Catal. of Bishops, p. 65. H••linsh••d Hist. of Engl. l. 7. c. 2. p. 166.
• * 1.16

  M. Tindall obe∣dience of a Chri∣stian Man, p. 116.152.
• 4 1.17

  ROBERT.
• * 1.18

  Wil. Malms. de Gestis Ponti••icum Angl. l. 1. p. 204. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 73. to 79. Godwyns Catalo∣gue of Bishops, p. 68, 69, 70. Speed. l. 7. c 3. p. 203.413.414. Holinshed. Hist. of England. l. 8. c. 2.4.
• † 1.19

  See here the Pride, malice, de∣sperate ambition and impietie of Arch-Prelates, thus injuriously to set the Sonne against the Mo∣ther.
• † 1.20

  Loe how Bi∣shops Lord and Tyrannize it over Kings themselves.
• * 1.21

  Malmes. de Ge∣st••s Regum Angl. l. 2. c. 13. p. 82.
• * 1.22

  Malmes. de Gest. Pont. Angl. l. 1. p. 205. de Gestis Reg. A••g. l. 3. p. 102. Ant. Eccl. Brit. p. 89.90.91 Speeds History l. 9. c. 2. p. 435, 436, 437. Poli∣chron. l. 6. c. 29. l. 3. c. 1, 2, 3, 4. Mat. West. An. 1067, 1070. God••••ns Catal. of Bishop•• p 71, 72 73. Hol••nshed Vol. 3. p. 8, 9. Hist. of Engl. l. 8. c. ••.
• 5 1.23

  STIGAND.
• * 1.24

  Mat. Paris hist Major, p. 8. Speed hist. l. 9. c. 2. p. 441.443. Hol••nsh. p. 8, 9.
• 5 1.25

  LANFRANK.
• * 1.26

  Ma••. West. Au. 1088, 1089, 1090. Mat. Pari•• p. 13.14. Wil. Mal••s. de Gest. Reg. A••gl. l. p. 4.120, 121. Antiq. Eccl. Br••t. p. 100. God••i••s Catal. of Bps, p. 74.75. Speed, l. 9. c. 3. p. 456.457. to 464. Holinsh. Vol. 3. p. ••••.17, 18.
• † 1.27

  Speed, l. 5. c. 3. Sect. 34. p. 463.
• † 1.28

  Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 100.
• † 1.29

  Eadmerus Hist. no••orum, l. 1.2.3. Speed, l. 9. c. 3. sect. 33.34, 35. p. 462, 463, 464 Malms. de gestis Pontif. An••l•• 1•• ••. 219. to 230. Antiq. E••••les. Brit. p. 10••, &c. God••••n•• Catal. of Bishops, p. 76. &c. For Acts and Monument. p. 169, 170.171, &c. Holinsh. Vol. •• f. 22. to 36. Wal••••••••ham, Ypo∣digma N••ustr. p. 35.
• 6 1.30

  ANSELME.
• * 1.31

  Anno 1091. p. 1.
• * 1.32

  Mat. Paris Hist. Major, p. 51, 52. Caxton Pars. 7. in his life. Wil. Ma••ms. de gestis•• R••g. Angl. l. 4. p. 125.126. Eadmerus hist. Nov••rum. l. 2, 3. Huntingd. Hist. l. 7. p. 378. Mat. Westm. An. 1100 p. 21. Godwins Catal. p. 77.
• * 1.33

  Mat West. An. 1102.1104.1107. Eadme••u•• Hist. l. 3, 4, 5. & vita Anselm. Malms. de gestis Pontif. Angl. l. 1. in vita Anselm. Mat. Paris Hist. Major, p. 56, 57•• 60. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 103. to 111. Godwins Catalogue of Bi∣shops, p. 78, 79, 80. M. Tindals practise of the Popish Prelates, p. 374. Speeds Hist. of Great Brit. l. 9. p. 463, 469, 472.
• * 1.34

  De Ge••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Angl. l 〈◊〉〈◊〉 123.
• 8 1.35

  RALPH.
• * 1.36

  Eadmerus, hist. Novorum, l. ••. p. 137. Rogerus d•• de Costrias Antiq. Eccl. Btis. p. 111, 112. Polichron. l. 7. c. 15. Speeds History of Great Britaine, p. 475.
• * 1.37

  Polich••on. l. 7. c. 15.
• * 1.38

  Speed, p. 475.
• † 1.39

  Antiq. Eccl••s. Brit. p. 112.
• 9 1.40

  WILLIAM.
• * 1.41

  Polychron. l. 7. c. 18. Fabian. pars 7. c. 232. pag. 333. &c. Malm••b. Hist. l. 1. p. 178, 179. Matth. Paris Hist. Major, p. 71. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 115. Godwins Catalogue of Bishops, p. 83. Speeds Hist. l. 9. p. 484, 493, 494. Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 181. Hov••d. Annal•• pars prior, p. 481.
• * 1.42

  Will••lmus Can∣tuariensis Archi-epi••copus qui pri∣mus Sacramentum fecerat, cum, pro••∣dolor, in Regem benedixit, Hove∣d••n, p. 481.
• * 1.43

  In his Chro∣nicles. Vol. 3. p. 46. in the l••fe of King Stephen.
• * 1.44

  Note this,
• 10 1.45

  THEO∣BALD.
• * 1.46

  N••ubrigensis, l. 1. c. 10. An••. Eccl••s. Brit. p. 117.118. Godwin Catalogue of Bi∣shops, p. 85.86. Speedes Hist. p. 496, 497.
• * 1.47

  H••li••sh••d, Vol. 3. p. 57, 59.
• 11 1.48

  BECKEY. Antiq. Eccl••s. Brit. p. 118. to 124. Godwins Catal. 86. to 96. Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 186. to 206.1036.1390. Speede Hist. p•• 503. to 5016. Holinsh••d, p. 69. to 81. R••ger de H••veden. Annal. posterior, p. 491. to 534. Matthew Paris, p. 94. to 127. Math. West. An. 1166. p. 48.49.50.
• * 1.49

  Neubrigensis Hist. l. 2. c. 16. Speedes Hist. l. 9. p. 503.504. Bi∣shop I••wel, De∣fence of the A∣pologie, par. 2. c. 18. Divis. 1. p. 295, 296.
• * 1.50

  Lo•• th•• Picture of our late times, and the cause of the in••rease of scandalou•• Mi∣nisters••
• * 1.51

  Roger H••veden, An. 1163.
• * 1.52

  Note this po∣licie and auswer.
• * 1.53

  Roger de H••veden A••nal. pars. poste∣rior, p. 529.530.531 Matthew Paris, p. ••25. Sylvester Giraldus Cambrensis of the Conquest of I••e∣land. l. 1. c. 39. In H••linsh. Tom. 2. p. 25.
• * 1.54

  Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 204, 205. Speedes Hist. p. 1042. sect. 100. Godwin, p. 99 See Surius, Ribade∣neira, and Ead∣merus in his life.
• * 1.55

  Apolog. l. 2. c. 12. sect. 12.
• * 1.56

  Ho••a beatissima V••rginis Maria secundum usum Sarum, Parisiis, 15••9. fol. 12. Bishop Iewel, De∣fence of the A∣pologie, par•• 2. c. 18. Divis. 1. p. 295, 296.
• * 1.57

  Constitut. f. 149 150.
• * 1.58

  Giraldus Cambi∣••n••is of the Con∣que••t of Ireland, l. 2. c. 33. p. 52.
• * 1.59

  Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 1035, 1036.
• * 1.60

  Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 1390.
• * 1.61

  Speeds Hist. p. 554, 555, 564, 565. Holinshed, p. 157, 158, 159•• 162, 168, 169.
• 12 1.62

  HUBERT.
• * 1.63

  See Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 143, 144. Mat. Paris, An. 1201. p. 198. Matth. West. An. 1201. p. 77.
• * 1.64

  ••••e H••l••ns••••d, p. 168.169.
• * 1.65

  Lo•• the pride of a Prelate mix∣ed with Treche∣••y.
• * 1.66

  Mat. Pari•• Hist. Major, p. 264.
• † 1.67

  Mat. Paris, In. 1205. p•• 204 Antiq. E••cl••s. Brit. p. 144. H••∣linsh. p. 169. Speed, p. 565.
• † 1.68

  Holinshed, p. 15••, 15••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. An••al•• pars p••s••••∣ri••r. p. 767, 768.769. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Eccl. Brit. p. 138. ••o 144. Speeds Hist. p. 550.
• * 1.69

  Note this.
• * 1.70

  Hoveden, An. pars posterior p. 793.794.
• * 1.71

  Mat. Paris Hist. Major. p. 94. An••. Eccles. Brit p. 122 Godwins Catal. of Bishops, p. 88
• * 1.72

  See a Breviate of the Prelates intolerable Usur∣pations, the Epi∣stl•• to the King.
• * 1.73

  Mat. Par. Hist. Major, p. 204.205, 213. to 278. sparsim. Antiq. Eccles. Brit and Godwins in the life of Steph. Langh. Mat. West•• An. 1207.1208. to 1214. Speed, How Holinsh••d, Hove∣den, Hu••tingdon, Grafton, Caxton, Polychronicon, Fa∣bian, Martin, and others in the life of King Iohn. Mr Tindalls Practise of Popish Pre∣lates, p. 374, 375. Doctor Barnes his Sup∣plication to King Henry the 8. p. 189. Mr. Fox Acts and Monu••ments, p. 226. to 234.
• 13 1.74

  REGI∣NALD.
• * 1.75

  Oh the impie∣ty of Popes and Prelates, thus to preferre their wills before Gods Service & the peoples soules.
• † 1.76

  Matth. Paris, Ann. 1208.
• * 1.77

  Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 229. to 234.409.719.
• * 1.78

  ••dem Ann. 1209.
• * 1.79

  Idem Ann. 1212.
• * 1.80

  Mat. Paris, Hist. Min.
• * 1.81

  Mat. West••n. Hist. 1213. and Mat. Paris, An. 1213.
• † 1.82

  Mat. Paris. loc. cit. p. 310.
• * 1.83

  Mat. Westm. loc. cit. ex part•• Dom. Papae Regi Franc••r••m al ••isq•• inju••••••run•• & idem nit Paris. p. 311••
• † 1.84

  Paris. loc. c••t••
• * 1.85

  Paris. & Westm. loc. cit.
• * 1.86

  Paris. A••n. 1213.
• * 1.87

  Paris. in loco cit. dum aut••m, &c.
• * 1.88

  Matth. W••stm. Paris. lo••. cit. Holinshed, p. 177.178.
• * 1.89

  Mat Paris, and Mat. West. An. 1217. Doctor Craking ther p•• up••on the Popes Temporall Mo∣narchy, p. 245. to ••48.
• * 1.90

  V••rbae Epist. Ioh•• ad Innoc. ci••••n•••••• in resp. ad Apoll. Bellar. c. 3. See Holins. p. 177.178.
• * 1.91

  In illum insu••∣gunt postqu••m Ecclesia satisfecit ••ui assist••bant ••••dem quando Ec∣cl••siam off••nd••bat. in Epist. Innoc. 3. apud Mat. Paris. An. 1217. Innoc. p. 356.
• * 1.92

  D••risionibus mu••••••plicatis subsannando dix••∣run•• Mat. Paris, An•• 1215. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 p••ractis. Idem An. 1216. Ho••••nsh p. 186.
• * 1.93

  I••ti commun••s conjura•••• & con∣fad••rati capita∣lem censent••n••um ha••u••runt, & ju∣raverunt omnes in prasentia Archi∣••piscopi, quod viso ••emper e•• congruo, propriis libertati∣bus, si necesse fu••∣rit, d••c••rtabunt u••qu•• ad mort••m. Id••m.
• * 1.94

  Holin••••ed, p. 180, 181, 182.
• * 1.95

  Oh, to what base slavery was this King brought by these Trayterly Pre∣lates?
• * 1.96

  Mat. Paris, p. 244, 230. Speed l. 9. ••. 8. s••ct. 55. p. 582, 584.
• * 1.97

  All••gaba••t Archiepis••••pum Cant••ariensem Regis Anglia h••∣stem esse ••ubli∣cum, ut qui Bar••∣nibus Angliae in∣conti••um c••ntra Reg••m ••undem pr••buit, & consen∣sum; quodqu•• ••psi∣us favore & ••••n∣sili•• ii••••m Bar••n•••• dictum R••g••m •• s••l•••• d••p••ll••r•• mo∣lir••••t••r. &c: Matth. Paris, Hist. Major, p. 261, 263.
• * 1.98

  See here the doubling and juggling of the Pope.
• † 1.99

  Fo•• Acts and Monuments, p. 719. with the Authors th••re ci∣ted, and Speeds Historie of Great Brittain, l. 9. c. 8. sect. 63. p. 578, 588.
• * 1.100

  Holinsh. p. 196, 204, 205.
• * 1.101

  Mat. Paris, An. 1231. p. 355•• Mat. Parker, Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 158. G••dwin p. 110, 111. Holinsh. p. 213.
• 14 1.102

  RICHARD.
• † 1.103

  See Holinsh. p. 114. Mat. Paris, Ann. 1232.
• 15 1.104

  EDMUND.
• † 1.105

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 159. to 171. Godwyn, 112.113. Fox Acts and Monu∣ments, p. 321•• 409, 533. H••lins. p. 222•• 223, 225.
• * 1.106

  Lib. 7. c. 35. f. 305. F••x Acts and Monuments, p. 254.255, 321,
• * 1.107

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. Bonifaciu••, p. 171. &c. Godwin. p. 114. to 119.
• 16 1.108

  BONI∣FACE.
• * 1.109

  Antiq. Eccle. Brit. p. 185. Stow, p. 188.
• * 1.110

  Holinshed, p. 238.
• * 1.111

  Ioh. d•• Aton. C••nstit. L••gitima Eccl••siae, t••tuisque Regionis Angliae, (stiled in the Title, Divinum opus) f. 138.139, 140, 141. Gu••l. Lindwode Provinc. l. 5. Tit. de P••nis, f. 226.227.228. l. 2. De Fore Compe∣tenti•• f. 67. &c.
• * 1.112

  See the Pre∣lates insolency here against their Kings.
• * 1.113

  Regist. of Writs, par. 2. f. 27. to 65. Turba••••ur, nec immerito & mo∣v••mu••, &c See the Breviate, p. ••6, 97•• 15, 16.
• 17 1.114

  JOHN PECKAM.
• † 1.115

  Antiqu. Eccl. Brit. p. 201, 202 205, 206, 207. Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 320, 321. Goodwin his Ca∣talogue of Bi∣shops, p. 123.
• * 1.116

  Ioha•• de At••n Constitut. 130.
• † 1.117

  Holi••s••. p. 280. b.
• * 1.118

  Regist. of W••its par. 2. f. 61, b. 62.646.
• 18 1.119

  ROBERT WINCHELSY.
• * 1.120

  Antiq Eccles. Brit. Robertus Winchelse, p. 209, to 223. Godwin P. 125, 126, 127. Wal∣singh. Hist. Angl. p. 34, 35.46.63 Math. West. An. 1294.1295, 1296, 1300.1301, 1305. Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 320, 321, 337. Holinsh. p. 301, 302. See 393. a.
• † 1.121

  See Bishop Iewels defence of his Apologe, pa. 6. c. 2. p, 521, 522 Cromptons juris∣diction of Cou••ts, f. 19.
• * 1.122

  A dutifull An∣swer of an Arch Prelate to his Prince.
• * 1.123

  See Holinsh p. 313, Ann•• 1305
• * 1.124

  See Mat. West. An. •• 305. p. 452 453. An. 1306. p. 457.
• * 1.125

  Pag. 316, 293.
• * 1.126

  Antiq. Eccl••s. Bri••. p. 219, 220•• 229.
• * 1.127

  M. 19. E. 3. Fitz. Iurisdicti∣••n, 28.
• 19 1.128

  WALTER RAYNOLDS.
• * 1.129

  Fox Acts ••nd Monuments, p. 342. A••t. Ec••l••s. p. 226.227. God∣wins Gatal. p. 129.130, Wal∣singham. Hist. Angl. p. 98.99, 101, 103, 104, 105. Speed, hist. l. 9. c. 11. p. 667, 677, 679, 680, 681, 685. H••lin. p. 335.
• * 1.130

  A dutifull speech of a Pre∣late.
• * 1.131

  The presump∣tuous d••meanour of Pre••ate••.
• * 1.132

  Hanging was too good for him and his complices.
• * 1.133

  See Holins••ed, p. 338, 339, 340, 341.
• * 1.134

  Antiq Eccl••s. Brit. p. 236. to 258. God••in, p. 132. to 137. Walsing. p. 136. ••s. 147. Fox Acts & Monuments, p. 349, 350, 409.
• 20 1.135

  JOHN STRATFORD.
• * 1.136

  Spe••d••, hist. l. 9. c. 12. Sect. 64, 65•• p. 69••. Fox•• Acts and Monum••nts p. 350.
• * 1.137

  Antiq. Eccels. Brit. p. 239. H••∣linsh. p. 361.
• † 1.138

  I wish our present s••cular Prelates would observe this.
• † 1.139

  An insolent act of a Trayterly Prelate.
• * 1.140

  Ant. Eccles. ••rit. p. 241. to 255. Walsing. p. 138. ••s. 144. Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 339, 350, 351.
• * 1.141

  Not•• this proud in••olent An∣swere.
• * 1.142

  So his present Successour and our other Pre∣lates argued in Dr. Bast••••ckes c••se.
• * 1.143

  Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 409. Edit. 1610••
• 21 1.144

  SIMON ISLIP.
• * 1.145

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 26••.••6•• Fox Acts and Monu••••••••••. p. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. ••68. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 274.
• 22 1.146

  SIMON LANGHAM.
• * 1.147

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 275. to 282. Walsing. Hist. Angl. Ann. 1371. p. 181. Et Ypodigma Neu∣st••••••, p. 132.
• * 1.148

  See Holins••••d, p. 406. Caxton 7. part. An. 46. Ed. 3.
• 23 1.149

  WILLIAM WITLESEY.
• * 1.150

  See Antiq. Eccles. ••rit. p. 282.
• 24 1.151

  SIMON SUDBURY.
• * 1.152

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 283. to 205.
• * 1.153

  Walsing. Hist. Angl. An. 1381. p. 261, 262, 263. Ypodigma Neust. p. 139. Godwins Cat. of Bi••hops, p. 102.103. Graft••n, p. 336.
• 25 1.154

  WILLIAM COURTNEY,
• * 1.155

  Ant. Eccles. Br••t. p. 282.284.
• † 1.156

  Antiqu. Ec••l. Brit. p. 296, to 300, &c. Holin. p. 475, 476.
• * 1.157

  Ant. Eccl. Brit. p. 299, 300••
• * 1.158

  Therfore they sit there only by their Tenure, as Barons, not as Bishops.
• * 1.159

  Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 404, &c. See Walsing. Hist. Ang. p. 300, to 330. Holinsh••d, p. 482, &c.
• * 1.160

  See Master Full••rs Argu∣ment, p. 8, 9.
• * 1.161

  Note here the Prelates forgery of an Act of Parliament.
• * 1.162

  Note here the injustice, trea∣chery, and bloo∣dy practises of the Prelates.
• * 1.163

  Thomas Walsin. ••ist. Aug, p. 348 Anti. E••cl••. Brit. p. 300.
• † 1.164

  Anti. Eccle. Bri. p. 303, to 311. Godwin p. 152, &c: Fox Acts & Monuments, p. 533•• Grafton p. 390, 391, Holin. p. 488. &c. to 514. Polychroni∣con, l. ult. c: 8. Walsingham hist. An•••• p: 397, to 403.
• 26 1.165

  THOMAS ARVNDEL
• * 1.166

  See Fabian, par. 7, p. 351.
• * 1.167

  Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 474. to 540.
• * 1.168

  See I••annes de Aton. Constit. Prov. f. 104.
• † 1.169

  Tho. Gascon. in Dict. Theol. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 311. Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 276. the old Edi∣tion. Godwin, p. 110.
• * 1.170

  Holinsh••d p. ••24.
• * 1.171

  It was spoken like a Prelate.
• * 1.172

  Thomas Walsing. Hist. Aug. An. 1414.414.415. Holin••••••d, p. 526.
• * 1.173

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 282. p. 308. Speed. p. 775. Walsingham Yp••dig. N••ustr. p. 166.
• * 1.174

  He spake like •• Lord.
• * 1.175

  Tho. Waldens•••• Hist. A••g. ••410. p. 422. Ypodig. Neu••••. p. 174. H••lin. p. 536. Fa∣bian, Ann. 1410. part. 7. p. 386, 387.
• 27 1.176

  HENRY CHICH••LY.
• * 1.177

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 312.315 God••ins Catal. p. 159. Walsingh. Hist. Aug. p. 432.
• * 1.178

  Antiq. Eccl••s. Brit. p. 317. to 322. where the ••opes B••ll and ••he Arch-Bi∣••hops Lettersare ••t large recited.
• * 1.179

  Antiq. Eccl••s. Brit. p. 322.
• † 1.180

  Lindwood Pr••∣vinc. Const. 3. Tit. de Clericis conju∣gatis p. 94.95.
• * 1.181

  37. H. 8. cap. 17. intituled, A•• Act that Doctor•• of Civill Law, be∣ing married, may exercise Eccl••sia∣sticall Iurisdiction.
• * 1.182

  Meaning our Engli••h Pre∣lates.
• * 1.183

  Note this.
• * 1.184

  To wit, under Henry Chich••ly, fore-cited.
• * 1.185

  Not•• this.
• * 1.186

  Where then is ••ur Bishops pre∣tend••d Superio∣rity and Jurisdi∣ction by Divine right••
• * 1.187

  Not th•• Bi∣shops.
• * 1.188

  Not by Bi∣shops.
• * 1.189

  To wit, by speciall Pate••t which Bishop•• ••hen had, and none have ••o••.
• * 1.190

  See Bishop Halls 3. late ••ookes of Epis∣copacy.
• * 1.191

  See the Brevi∣ate of the Pre∣lates intolerable Usurpations, both upon the Kings Prerogative Royall, and the Subjects Liber∣••ies.
• * 1.192

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 323. and Li••dwood his Epistle Dedica∣tory before his Institutions.
• † 1.193

  Fabian. part. 7. p. 390.139. Hall. An. 2. H 5. f 35.36. &c•• Holins••. p. 54••.547, &c. 583.
• * 1.194

  Antiq. Eccl••s. Brit. p. 325. to 330.
• 28 1.195

  JOHN STAFFORD.
• * 1.196

  St••ph••n ••ardi∣••••r his Letter from the Fleete to the Lord Pro∣tector, Oct. 14. Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 741. in the old Edition, quite omitted i•• the ne••.
• * 1.197

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 330.331
• 29 1.198

  JOHN KEMP.
• * 1.199

  Antiq. Ec••les. Brit. p. 334. to 339.
• 30 1.200

  THOMAS BOURGCHIER
• * 1.201

  H••lin. p. 717. to 722. Hall, in Edw. the 5. ••. 8. to 14. Speed. p. 90••. to 912.
• * 1.202

  Holinsh. p. 725. to 728. Speed, p. 918.919.
• * 1.203

  Holinsh. p. 733.734. Hall, f. 25.26.
• † 1.204

  Pag. 114.
• 31 1.205

  JOHN MORTON.
• * 1.206

  Hall, f. 30. to 40. H••linshed, p. 735. to 760. Spe••d, p. 931.932. to 946. Antiq Eccles. Brit p. 339. to 344. Godwin in his life.
• * 1.207

  Speed p. 960. See Hall, Holin∣••••••d, Polyd••r•• Vir∣gill, Stow, and Bacon in the life of Henry the se∣venth.
• * 1.208

  Antiq. Eccles. Bri••. p. 342.343.344. God∣win p. 117.
• * 1.209

  Antiq. Eccles. Bri••. p. 342.343.344. God∣win p. 117.
• * 1.210

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 341.342.
• * 1.211

  Halls Chron. An. 15. H. 7, f. 50.51. Holin••••••d, p. 78••.
• * 1.212

  See Stam••ord his Plees of the Crowne. l. 2. c. 41. to 51.
• * 1.213

  4. H. 7. c. 13.
• 32 1.214

  HENRY DEANE.
• * 1.215

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 345.346.347.348. Godwin p. 118.119.
• * 1.216

  Are not such then like to prove faithfull Counsellours of State to Princes.
• * 1.217

  Are not such then like to prove faithfull Counsellours of State to Princes.
• * 1.218

  Limina or Lumina.
• * 1.219

  Therefore their owne Kings, if the Pope adjudge them such.
• * 1.220

  Mauritiu•• de Alzedo, de Prae∣cellen••ia Epis••. dignitatis, l. 1. sect. 8.
• * 1.221

  Fo•• Acts and Monuments, p. 961. Halls Chro∣nicle, A•••• 24. H•• 8. f. 205.206. D. Burnes his Suppli∣••ation to King Henry the 8. p. ••85. to 201.
• * 1.222

  Dr. Barnes, ibid.
• * 1.223

  See 25. H. 8. c. 20.28. Hen. 8. c. 10.35. Hen.. 8•• c. 1.
• * 2.1

  28. H. 8. c. 10. See 35. H. 8. c. 1. to the like cl••use and Oath.
• * 2.2

  The Bishops naturall Pede∣gree.
• * 2.3

  As our Bishops in imitation of him pretend their Episcopacy to have.
• (m) 2.4

  In his workes p. 195. to 205.
• (n) 2.5

  In vi. lib. 2. Tit de jurej••∣••and•• c. Ego Epi∣sc••pus.
• * 2.6

  The same may be sayd of the Oath of Ca∣nonicall obedi∣ence to Bishops.
• * 2.7

  The holy workes of Bishops.
• (o) 2.8

  In Pr••••••. 6. ••. Quoniam in ••••rbo Papa.
• (p) 2.9

  1 Pet. 5.2.3.
• * 2.10

  Bishop Fisher answered, that he was sworne to the Pope, and and therefore would not sweare to the Kings supremacy.
• (q) 2.11

  1 Pet. 5.
• (r) 2.12

  2 Cor. 8.
• (s) 2.13

  1 Cor. 4.
• (t) 2.14

  Mat. 20.
• * 2.15

  Note this.
• (v) 2.16

  In 6. lib. 2. d••sent. & ••••. judi∣cata cap. pastoralis in verb•• Homagi••.
• * 2.17

  Excuse the Bi∣shops perjury who can.
• * 2.18

  Di. 23. Qui episcopus ex con∣cilio 4 Cartha.
• (y) 2.19

  Tim. 3. Tit. 1.
• * 2.20

  Who is lawfull to be Pope.
• * 2.21

  The Popes wic∣kednesse descri∣bed at large.
• * 2.22

  The Pope dot•• practise Coun∣sels against th•• honorable state of Princes.
• (z) 2.23

  Quest. 6. c•• Aliu••.
• * 2.24

  H••re is specially to be noted the practise of P••••∣lates. For 〈◊〉〈◊〉 are the doing•• of the Holy ••••∣ther of Rome, that for Rebelli∣on against Prin∣ces he would give absolution, but for matter against his Pope∣dome there was never absolution might be obtai∣ned.
• * 2.25

  The Popes Re∣gals.
• * 2.26

  Peter was ac∣quainted with his nets but not with Regals.
• * 2.27

  In verb••s ••••lus 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.28

  These Articles be now granted and are no He∣resie.
• * 2.29

  The Prelates cannot abide to use obedience to their Prince.
• * 2.30

  We have been•• led by blind guiders.
• * 2.31

  The Kings po∣wer is immedi∣ately of God.
• * 2.32

  1. Pet. 2.
• * 2.33

  Rom. 13.
• * 2.34

  He that defen∣deth the Pope against his So∣veraigne Lord or Lady is an unnaturall Sub∣ject.
• * 2.35

  Saving of Order hath two signi∣fications.
• * 2.36

  The Pope will hold a Councell when and where it pleaseth him.
• * 2.37

  Iu. 6. l. 1. de Ma∣joritate & obedi∣entia: Delecti ••ili•• De Iureiu∣••ando c. Ego, in verbo singulis.
• * 2.38

  The Prelates will obey the Pope but not the Prince.
• * 2.39

  A devilish Pra∣ctise of Prelates
• * 2.40

  The Bishops sweare to visit the Pope yeare∣ly.
• * 2.41

  The Pope ta∣keth sure Order with his Bishops
• 12 2.42

  Quest. 2. ••. Quantu: & de Reditibus, &c. Mos est.
• 12 2.43

  Quest. 2. cap. Non liceat Pap••.
• * 2.44

  In 6. Tit. 4. c. Ad Apost. in verbo Co••tin••tar.
• * 2.45

  This is the clause that m••intaineth the Popes Pompe and glory, and this is that that giveth him li∣berty to say and doe what he will.
• * 2.46

  Dist. 40. c. Non nos.
• * 2.47

  Glo••s•• in verbo quis.
• * 2.48

  The Preachers of the Doctrine of Christ must needs be Here∣tickes, for the sayd Doctrine is against the Pope 2 Joh. 7. they preach against the Pope & there∣fore are Here∣tickes.
• * 2.49

  The writers Pe∣tition to the Kings Grace.
• (a) 2.50

  Antiquit Ec∣cles. Brit. f. 346. to 380.436. God∣win p. 166. to 170. Holinshed. p. 878.910. to 923.
• 31 2.51

  WILLIAM WARHAM.
• * 2.52

  For which Of∣fice of Execution he had an annu∣all Fee from the Arch-bishop worthy so great an Arch-bishop, and so great a man. Antiqu. Eccl. Bri••. p. 436.
• (b) 2.53

  Antiquit. Eccles. Brit. p. 350.351.352.436.
• (c) 2.54

  Holinshed, p. 812.
• (d) 2.55

  Holinshed. p. 911.912. Hall. 22. H. 8. fol. 188.189. whose words are here but transcribed.
• * 2.56

  Note the mis∣chiefe of Pre∣lates being great temporall Of∣ficers.
• * 2.57

  What ever makes against the Bishops gaines, be they never so unjust, must be said to tend to the Churches de∣struction.
• * 2.58

  A silly and false evasion of a Prelate.
• (e) 2.59

  See these 2 Acts yet in force, viz. 21. H. 8. c. 4.5.
• (f) 2.60

  21. H. 8. c. 13.
• * 2.61

  It is no new thing for Priests to rayle against Parliaments for making good Lawes to order them.
• (g) 2.62

  22. H. ••. c. 15.
• (h) 2.63

  See Fox Acts and Monuments: p. 952. and in the pages before.
• (i) 2.64

  H••lins••ed, p. 936, 937. Hall An. 25. H. 8. f. 218. b. Speed, p. 1029.
• 34 2.65

  THOMAS CRANMER.
• (k) 2.66

  Fox Acts and Monuments pag. 1703.
• (l) 2.67

  Antiq. Eccl••s. Brit. p. 381. to 405. Fox Act•• and Monuments. p. 1690. to 17••••.
• (m) 2.68

  31. H. 8. c. 10.37. H. 8. c. 17 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Acts & mo∣numents, p. 1074. to 1089, 99••.1000, 1001.
• (n) 2.69

  Fox Acts and Monuments, pag. 1698. Antiquit. Eccles. Brit. pag. 401.
• (o) 2.70

  Holinshed, p. 1090.1093.
• (p) 2.71

  Cr••mptons Ju∣risdic. of Courts. f. 12. b.
• (q) 2.72

  Holinshed. p. 1091.
• (r) 2.73

  See Fox Acts and Monuments in their histories
• (s) 2.74

  Speed history, p. 1033.
• (t) 2.75

  Thomas Cran∣mer.
• (u) 2.76

  Iohn Fisher.
• (x) 2.77

  Iohn Long∣••and.
• (s) 2.78

  Acts and mo∣numents, p. 1472 old edition.
• (t) 2.79

  Halls Chro∣nicle. 31. H. 8. f. 234. Holinshed. p. 946. Speed. p. 1044, 1045.
• (u) 2.80

  Acts & Mo∣numents, p.•• 586, 587.589.1289.1472. old editi∣on.
• (x) 2.81

  Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 389, 390.396.
• (y) 2.82

  32. H. 8. c. 10.35. H. 8. c. 5.6.
• (z) 2.83

  ••Antiq: Ec∣cles. Brit. p. 403•• 404.••
• (a) 2.84

  Fox Acts and Monuments, vol. 3. p. 666, 667. in the last edition. Antiq. Eccles: Brit. p. 403.
• (b) 2.85

  Holinshed, p. 1089.
• (c) 2.86

  Fox Acts and monuments, old Edition. p. 881.884, 885. Speed. p. 1223.
• 35 2.87

  CARDINAL POOLE.
• (d) 2.88

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 405. to 424. Godwin. p. 171, 172. Speed, p. 1143, 1144.
• * 2.89

  fol. 60, 61.
• (f) 2.90

  Recorded in M. Fox Acts and monumens, pag. 972. and Thomas Bacons reports of certaine men, vol•• f. 266.267. The manifold ingratitude of P••••le.
• (g) 2.91

  In his reports of certaine men: vol. 3. f. 279, 280.
• * 2.92

  The madnesse of the Pope a∣gainst England.
• * 2.93

  Reginald Pole, & his unnatural∣nesse to the Realme of Eng∣land.
• * 2.94

  The Pope mover of wa••res.
• * 2.95

  Breakers of peace, and sow∣ers of discord, are the children of the devill.
• (h) 2.96

  Ant••q. Eccles. Brit. p. 408.
• (i) 2.97

  〈…〉〈…〉
• (k) 2.98

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. qua supr••••
• (l) 2.99

  God••••••, pag. 124. to 129. See Speed, p. 1143, 1144. Martin•• Hist: p. 397, to 401.
• (m) 2.100

  1. & 2. Phil. & Mary, ch. 8. See Holinshed, p. ••1••2, 1123.
• * 2.101

  The submission of the whole Realme to the Pope.
• * 2.102

  Schisme and dis∣obedience a∣gainst the Se•• Apostolike.
• * 2.103

  25. H. 8. c. 19.21.26. H. 8. c. 1.3.27. H. 8. c. 15.28. H. 8. c. 7.10.31. H. 8. c. 10.14.32. H. 8. c. 22, 24, 26.33. H. 8. c. 29.34. & 35.H. 8. c. 17.19.35. H. 8. c. 1.3.37. H. 8. ••. 17.
• * 2.104

  More care is here taken for the Popes, than Queenes supre∣macy.
• * 2.105

  Restored here to their jurisdi∣ction, together with the Pope, as members of his body.
• * 2.106

  See the Br••∣viate of the Pre∣lates Encroach∣ments, &c. p. 106.107•• 114.115.125.1••6.127.91. to 100••
• * 2.107

  Fox Acts and monuments, in the old Edition. p. 684.689.924••690. In that of 1610. p. 1294.1495.
• * 2.108

  Fox Acts and Monuments old Edition. p. p. 9••4
• * 2.109

  Fox Acts and Monuments p. 927.
• * 2.110

  See the Hi••••o∣ry the Councill, of Trent. p 339. to 3••5. Sir Iohn Davis Irish Re∣ports. f. 97.98. See the Br••via•••• p. 91. to 100. & Cooke Ca••∣dries Case f. ••.
• * 2.111

  See I new dis∣covery of the Prelates tyran∣ny. p. 34. &c.
• * 2.112

  Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 422. Fox Acts and Monu∣ments p. 1537. in the old Edi∣tion.
• * 2.113

  Antiq. Ecclesiae Brit. p. 420.421.
• * 2.114

  Holins••ed p. 1134. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 422.
• * 2.115

  See Martins Chronicle p. 415.416. G••dwin p. 125.126.12••
• * 2.116

  Speedes History p. 1145.
• * 2.117

  Hollinshed p. 1165.
• * 2.118

  Speed p. 1153. Godwin, p. 128.
• * 2.119

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 423.
• 36 2.120

  MATTHEW PARKER.
• * 2.121

  Antiq•• Eccles. Brit. p. 427. &c. 436.437. Mar∣tin•• History. p. 508.••••••.
• * 2.122

  Marti••s Hi∣story, p. 548.549.550.552.
• * 2.123

  Sp••••d. p. 1170. to 1176. Mar∣tins Chron. p. 557. to 560.
• 37 2.124

  EDMVND GRINDALL.
• * 2.125

  Martyns Histo∣ry. p. 662.654, 655. Continua∣tion of Holinsh••d. pag. 1322. to 1329.
• 38 2.126

  IOHN WHITEGIFT.
• * 2.127

  See Sr G••orge Paul in the life of Whitegift. Martyns Hist. p. 663.676.761, 762.780, 781, 782, 783. Iohn Penry his suppli∣cation to the Parliament: the Petition to Qu. Elizabeth. The Register••. The Abstract of cer∣taine Acts of Parliamen••. The Demonstration of Discipline. M. Cart••rights reply, Mar••in Marpr••lat••, and others.
• 39 2.128

  RICHARD BANCROFT.
• * 2.129

  In his Sermon at Pauls Crosse, by D. Reynolds in his letter to Sr. Francis Knoles.
• * 2.130

  Martyns Chron. p. 793.
• * 2.131

  p. 48, 49.
• * 2.132

  In his certaine grievances well worthy the con∣sideration of the right honourable Court of Parlia∣ment. p. 14, 15.
• 40 2.133

  GEORGE ABBOT.
• 41 2.134

  AVGV∣STINE.
• * 2.135

  See Antiq. Ec∣cles, Brit. p. 15. to 45. & 1. to 7. Fox Acts & mo∣numents, p. 149. to 156. Malmes∣de gestis Pontif. l. 1. William Har∣risons Descripti∣on of England. l. 2. c. 1.2.
• * 2.136

  See Greg. Epist. l. 11. epist. 36.44. and Morney his mystery of ini∣quity Sect. 22. p. 116, 117.
• * 2.137

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 4, 5, 6, 7. Matth. Westm. An. 603. p. 204, 205, 206. Beda Eccles. hist. l. 2. c. 21, 22. Fox Ac•••• and Monuments, p. 153, 154. Po∣lichron. l. 5. c. 19. f. 194, 195. Fabi∣an, part. 5. c. 109, 110. Malmesb. l. 5. de Regibus H••••ric•• Spelman∣•••• concilia tom. 1. p. 104. to 112. Godwin•• cata∣logue of Bi••hops, p. 5, 6. Iacob. Vsse∣rius de Britanni∣carum Ecclesiar∣prim••rdiis, pag. 133.9••2.1157. Malmes. de ge∣stis, regum A••∣gli••. l. 1. c. 3.
• * 2.138

  Epitom. Chron.
• * 2.139

  Amandus Xi••∣••ixiensis.
• * 2.140

  Antiq. Eccles. ••rit. p. 4, 5. where hee no∣tably inveighs against ceremo∣monies, and the ••igorous pres∣••••ng of them.
• 42 2.141

  WILIAM LAUD.
• * 2.142

  Sunday no Sab∣bath, p. 2.43, 44. Altare Christia∣num.
• * 2.143

  See D. R••••nald•• conference with Ha••••. c. 6. Divil. 3. p. 210. to 218. Christopher C••rlil••, his St Pe∣ters life and pe∣regrination, pro∣ving that Peter was never at Rome•• M. B••r∣nard his fabulous foundation of the Popedome.
• * 2.144

  See M. R••us•• his speech to the Lords at the Transmission of M. Smarts cause.
• * 3.1

  Mr. Pimmes Speech.
• * 3.2

  See th•• Charge of the Sc••ttish Commissioners against Canter∣bury.
• * 3.3

  Which Doctor Pierce Bishop of Bath and Wel•• in his speech to hi•• Clergy to set on this contributi∣on, stiled Bellum Episcopale, ad∣ding, that what••••ver his Majesty had expressed in his Declaration•• t•• be the cause of this warr••, yet in truth this warre is FOR VS, Bishops••
• * 3.4

  Chapt•••• 7.
• * 3.5

  The Relation of his Conf••∣rence with Fisher p. 132.142.296 ••••8.301.
• * 3.6

  Relation of his Conferenc•• with Fi••••er p. 270.
• * 3.7

  Ibidem p. 384.385.
• * 3.8

  See Antiq. Ec∣cles. Brit. p. 8. God∣win. p. 8.
• * 3.9

  Malmesbur. d•• Gestis Pontif. lib. 1. p. 196. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 14.15.17. Godwin. p. 11.
• * 3.10

  THEODORUS.
• * 3.11

  Malmesbur. de Gestis Pontif. Angl. l. 3. p, 261.262.
• * 3.12

  BIRHTUAL∣DUS.
• * 3.13

  Malmes. de Ge∣stis Pontif. l. 3. p. 263. to 266. Antiq. Eccl. Bri••. p. 17.18.19.
• * 3.14

  TATWIN.
• * 3.15

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 21. God∣win Pag. 13.
• * 3.16

  Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 22.24.
• * 3.17

  CUTBERT.
• * 3.18

  LAMBERT.
• * 3.19

  Matth. Westm. An. 765. p. ••76. Malmesburiensi••, De gestis Pontif. l. 1. p. 198, 199. Ant. Eccl••s. Brit. p. 26.29. God∣win p. ••5.
• * 3.20

  ATHELARDUS
• * 3.21

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 27, to 34. Malmes. de Ge∣stis Pontif l. 1. p. 199. Matth. West. An. 1267. p. 292. Godwin p. 16.
• * 3.22

  Epistola ad He∣gibaldum, Episc. Ant. Eccles. Brit. p. 31.
• * 3.23

  Beda E••el. Hist. l. 2. c. 3. Antiqu. Eccl••s. Brit. p. 7.
• * 3.24

  Camde••s Bri∣tannia, p. 460.
• * 3.25

  ELNOTHVS.
• * 3.26

  Speed Hist. l. 8. ••. 4. p. 484.496. Holinshed. Histo∣ry of England. l. 7. c. 13. p. 182
• * 3.27

  William H••••ri∣son Description of England. ••. 132.133.
• * 3.28

  We have seene the like of late i•• •• like prela∣••icall quarrell.
• * 3.29

  I would o•••• secular Lordly Prelates would consider this.
• * 3.30

  William Harri∣son Description of England, pag. 134, 135.
• * 3.31

  Sermo 1. in con∣vers. S. Pauli, & super Cant. Serm•• 77.
• * 3.32

  Hee writes it principally of the Popes of Rome, but tis as true o•• the Popes of Canter∣bury,
• * 3.33

  Rev. 18.19.21.
• * 3.34

  Rev. 1••.••.
• * 3.35

  Syl••••s••••r ••••ral∣du••.
• 1 3.36

  WILFRID.
• * 3.37

  Will: Mal••sb. de Gest••s Pontif. l. 3. p. 260. to 266. Antiqu••t. Ecc••••s: Brit. p. 14. to 19. Godwin. p 560, 561, 562. Math, Westm. Anno 672. Florentius Wi∣gorniensis, An. 677.6••5. Ho∣linshed hist. of Brit. l. 5. c 34.35, 36. l 6 c. 2. Henrici Spelm. Concil Tom. 1. p. 146, 147, 149, 157.161, 162, 163, 178, 179, 200, to 206.
• * 3.38

  Antiqu Ecc••es. Brit p 47.
• * 3.39

  Matth Wes••m. Anno 673. Henri••i Spelm. Co••cil. Tom. 1. p. 153.
• * 3.40

  Matb. Westm. An 872. God∣win. p. 566.
• 2 3.41

  VLFERUS.
• * 3.42

  Malmsb. de Gestis Pontif. l. 3. p 269. Godwin, p 567. Holin••hed Hist. of England. l. 6. c. 23. p. 158. Math. W••stm. Ann. 951.953.
• 3 3.43

  WOLSTAN.
• * 3.44

  Math. Westm. Hov••den & Flo¦rentius Wigorni∣••sis, An. 951, 952, 953.
• * 3.45

  Holinshed hist. of England, l. 6. c. 25. p. 162.
• 4 3.46

  OSVVALD.
• 5 3.47

  ELFRICK.
• * 3.48

  Malmsb. de Gestis Pontif. p 270, 271. Godwin, p 570. Florentius Wi∣go••niensis, An. 1040, 1041. Math Westm. An 1040 Ho∣linsheds Hist. of England. l. 7. c 15. p. 185. Speed, p. 407••
• 6 3.49

  ALDREDUS
• * 3.50

  Will: Malmsb. de Gest••s Pontif. l. 3. p. 271. Godwin. p. 571. to 574. Speed, p. 419. Polichro••. l. 7. c. 27, 28. l. 7. c. 1. Math. W••stm. Ann. 1071. Wig••r∣niensis, An. 106••. Holinshed, ••ist. of England, l 8. c. 8. p. 196.
• 7 3.51

  THURSTAN
• * 3.52

  Polichron. l. 7. c. 15. Malmsb•• de Gestis Ponti. l. 3. p. 274, 275. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 112, 113. Eadme∣rus hist. Novo∣rum, l 5, 6. p. 117. to 138. Godwin p. 579.580.981. Walfingh. and Holtnshed, p. 41, 42, 49.
• 8 3.53

  MURDAC:
• * 3.54

  Nenbrig••nsis hist. l. 1. c. 17. Godw. p. 582.
• 9 3.55

  PLANTAGI∣NET
• * 3.56

  Godw. p. 587, 588 Neubrig. l. 4. c. 17. Mat•• Paris hist Ma∣ior, p. 146.157, 134, 212, 222, Holinshed, p. 143, 147, 163 170.
• * 3.57

  Matth. Westm. Anno 1207.
• * 3.58

  Holinshed, p 147.
• 10 3.59

  GODFREY DE KINTON.
• * 3.60

  Godwin p. 594.
• * 3.61

  Godw p. 596. See 21. Ed. 1. ••n the Fleas of the Parliament, plac. 17. & Dors••clauso, p. 21. E. 1. m. 3.
• 11 3.62

  IOHN ROMAN.
• * 3.63

  Godw. p. 597.598.
• 12 3.64

  THOMAS DE COR∣BRIDGE.
• * 3.65

  Walsing•• hist. Angliae p•• 110, 111. Holinsh. 348.
• 13 3.66

  WILLIAM DE MELTON
• * 3.67

  Holinsh••d hist. of Scot. p. 222.
• 14 3.68

  ALEXAN∣DER NEVEL.
• * 3.69

  Godwin. p. 601, 602, Graf∣ton, p. 375. Holi••shed, p. 458, 460, 463, 464. Walsingh. hist Ang p 354, 368. Speeds p. 748, 749.
• * 3.70

  Alexan. Nevel ••roditor•• & ••usur••one tran∣slato ad•• Epis∣copatum S. An∣dr••ae in Scotia, Hist. Ang. p. 368.
• 15 3.71

  THOMAS ARUNDEL.
• * 3.72

  Godwin, p. 603•• Gra••ton, p. 382. Wal∣s••••gh. hist. Ang. p 386, 392, 393. Y••••dig. Na••st. p. 151.
• * 3.73

  Holinshed, p 488.
• * 3.74

  Holinshed, p. 503.
• * 3.75

  Godwin, p. 604, 605, 606. Polychron, lib 8. c. 10. f 326. Walsingh. Ypodigm, N••ust. A••. 1405•• f. 168.170. Caxton, pars 7. H••n 4. p. 430. Stow, Martin, Fabian An. 6. Hen. 4. Speeds Hist. l 9. c. 14. p. 775. sect. 43. Halls Chron. par. 1. An. 6. H. 4. f. 25. Walsingh. hist. Angliae, p. 416, 417. Ho∣linshed, p. 522.529, 530.
• 16 3.76

  RICHARD SCROOPE.
• * 3.77

  Stamford Plecs of the Crowne, l. 3. c. 1. f. 153. a Cromptons I••∣risdiction of Courts•• f. 12. b.
• * 3.78

  Pag. 430.
• * 3.79

  Walsingh hist. & Ypodigm. An. 1406. p. 170.
• * 3.80

  An 6. H••••. 4. f. 25.
• 17 3.81

  IOHN KEMP.
• * 3.82

  Holinsh••d, p. 620•• to 627.
• 18 3.83

  GEORGE NEVILL.
• * 3.84

  Godwin, p. 609, 610, 611, Halls Chron. An. 8 & 12. Ed. 4. f. 201, 202, 223, 224. Grafton, 8. & 12. Ed. 4. f. 678.714. Speeds Hist. l. 9. c. 17. p. 887. sect 88. Ho∣linshed, p. 683.693.
• 19 3.85

  THOMAS ROTHERAM.
• * 3.86

  Godwin. p. 616. Speeds hist. l 9. c 19. p 929.946.
• 20 3.87

  THOMAS SAVAGE.
• * 3.88

  Godwin, p. 617.
• 21 3.89

  CHRISTO∣PHER BAM∣BRIDGE.
• * 3.90

  Godwin, p. 617.618, Holinsh••d p. 835.
• 22 3.91

  THOMAS WOLSIE.
• * 3.92

  Antiqu Eccles. Brit. p 355•• to 374. Godw. p. 620. to 623. Mr. Tyndalls Practise of Po∣pish Prelates, p. 369. to 377. Hall, Graf••on, Holinshed, Stow How in the life of Henry the 8. Speed hist. p. 1004, 1005. to 1027. Fox Acts and Mo∣numents, p. 899. to 9••9. See Holinshed, p. 835. to 930.
• * 3.93

  He was afraid of poysoning, it should seeme.
• * 3.94

  See 1. ••. 6 c. 2, and the Brevi∣a••e of the ••re∣lates Encroach∣ments.
• * 3.95

  Richard Sta∣nihurst his Continuation of the Chronicles of Ireland, in Holinshed, Vol. 2. p. 85. to ••8.
• * 3.96

  Holinshed, p. 908.
• * 3.97

  Practise of Po∣pish Prelates, p. 368. to 373.
• * 3.98

  Note this en∣suing Policie which our Pre∣lates now pra∣ctise.
• * 3.99

  Note this policie wh••ch Cant••rbury of late imitated.
• * 3.100

  Practise of Po∣pish Prelates, p. 369. to 373.
• * 3.101

  Nota.
• * 3.102

  Note this.
• * 3.103

  Note this
• * 3.104

  Note this
• * 3.105

  Pag. 375. Note this.
• * 3.106

  Halls Chron. 21. H. 8. f. 184, 185, 189, 190.
• * 3.107

  Practise of Po∣pish Prelates, p. 373.
• * 3.108

  Holinshed, p. 915, 916.
• * 3.109

  Holinshed, p. 917.Godwin, p. 621.
• * 3.110

  Speed hist. l. 9. c. 21. p. 1034. to 1043. Graf∣ton, An 27. H. 8. p. 1233. to 1237.
• 23 3.111

  EDWARD LEE.
• 24 3.112

  ROBERT HOLGATE.
• * 3.113

  Godwin, p. 624.
• * 3.114

  Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 1891. to 1894. Godwin. p. 625.
• 25 3.115

  HARSN••T••
• * 3.116

  Epist. 237. f. 233.
• 26 3.117

  RICHARD NEALE.
• * 3.118

  See a new dis∣covery of the Prelates Ty∣ranny, p. 92. to 108.
• * 3.119

  In his Descrip∣tion of Eng∣land, l. 2 c. 1. p. 133.
• 1 3.120

  VODINUS
• * 3.121

  Speeds hist l 7. c 4. p. 207. Godw. p. 182.
• * 3.122

  Math. West An. 450. Hen∣ricus Huntin∣don, h••st l. 2. p. 310. Polychron. l. 5. c. 1.
• * 3.123

  ••olychron l. ••, c. 1. f. ••84. Ia∣cobus Vsserius de Brit. ••ccles. Primordiis, p. 334. Ant nini Chron Tit. 11. c 18. sect. 3 f. 51. B. Vincent••i spec. hist. l. 20. c. 11.
• 2 3.124

  ROBERT DE SIGILLO.
• * 3.125

  William Har∣risons Descrip∣tion of England, l 2. c 1. p. 133.134.
• * 3.126

  The Bishop re∣fused to sweare fealty to the King, onely to please the Pope.
• 3 3.127

  William de Sancta Maria.
• * 3.128

  Matth W••stm. Ann 1208. Matth. Paris An. 1208 p. 217.218 224. Godwin p. 194. Fabians Chron. part 1. Anno 1205. p. 28. Polichron. l. 7. c. 33 Holinshed p. 171.172. Martins Histo∣ry. p. 46.47.48.
• 4 3.129

  Roger Niger.
• * 3.130

  Matthew Pa∣ris p 374 375. Godwin p. 194.195. Mathew Westm. An 1235 p. 140.
• * 3.131

  Matth. Paris. p. 365.366. Matth. Westm. An•• 1232. p. 132.133.134. Speed. p. 606.
• * 3.132

  Matth. Paris p 374.375. Matth. Westm. An. 1233 p. 141. Speed p. 608.
• 5 3.133

  FVLCO BSSET.
• * 3.134

  Matth. Paris p 944.957.886.887 and Godwin p. 194.195.
• 6 3.135

  HENRY SANDWICH.
• * 3.136

  Matth. W••st. Anno. 1259. p. 182. Matth. Westm. Anno. 1265. 1266. p. 330.332.336.337.342.343. Matth. Paris p. 961.970. Godwin p. 196. Speed p. 641. Holinshed. p. 271.
• 7 3.137

  RICHARD WENWORTH
• * 3.138

  Holinshed, p. 348. Yh•• Wal∣singham. Hist. Angl. pag. 110.111.
• 8 3.139

  WILLIAM COVRTNEY.
• * 3.140

  Holinshed p. 420.421. Walsing∣ham. Hist. Angl. p. 216.217.218.
• * 3.141

  Walsingham. Hi. Angl. p 217.218. Holinshed p. 457, 458.
• 9 3.142

  ROBERT BRAYBROOKE
• * 3.143

  Stout Words of the Bishop of London.
• * 3.144

  Walsingham Hist. Angl.. p. 188.189.
• 10 3.145

  NICHO∣LAS RIDLY.
• * 3.146

  Holinshed. p. 1089.
• 11 3.147

  EDMOND BONNER.
• * 3.148

  Holinshed. p. 159.1160.
• * 3.149

  Fox Acts and Monu∣ments, Ediit. ult vol. 2. p. 215. l. 378.379.38 350.554.672. to 699. vol. 3 p. 105.106.107.251.254. to 384 759.879, 898 974. Mar∣tins History p. 453. Godwin. p. 144.
• 12 3.150

  RICHARD FLETCHER.
• * 3.151

  Martins Hist. p. 810. Godwin. p. 156.
• 13 3.152

  RICHARD BANCROFT.
• * 3.153

  O•• whom see more before in Cante.
• * 3.154

  See Lew••s Hughes his grie∣vances, p. 14.15.
• * 3.155

  See p. 151.152.
• 14 3.156

  WIL••IAM LAVD.
• 15 3.157

  WILLIAM IVXON.
• * 3.158

  See the Arti∣cles of the Scot∣tish Commissio∣ners against Canterbury.
• * 3.159

  William Har∣rison•• his De. scrip. Engl. lib. 2. c. 2. p. 141
• 1 3.160

  WINA.
• * 3.161

  Matth Wes••m. An. 666 p. 234. Godwin p. 132.160.
• * 3.162

  Matth West. An. 834. p. 301. Godwin. p 162.
• 2 3.163

  HERRE∣FIRDVS.
• 3 3.164

  EDSINVS.
• * 3.165

  Matth. Westm. An. 1016. p. 397.398 Poli∣chron l. 6. c. 7. Holinshed. Hist. of England. l. 7. c. 9, 10. p. 175.176. Speed p. 425.426.
• 4 3.166

  ALWYN.
• * 3.167

  Antiq. Eccl. Brit p 73 to 79. Speed, p. 203.413.41•• God∣win p 168. Holinshed Hist. of Engl l. 8. c. 1, 2 4.
• * 3.168

  Polichr••n. l 6. ••. 24••
• 4 3.169

  Stigand.
• * 3.170

  Godwin p 168 169.
• * 3.171

  Holinshed p. 30 Godwin p. 169, 170. Math. West A.•• 102. p. 23. & An. 1107. p. 25, 29.
• 5 3.172

  William Gif∣fard.
• * 3.173

  HENRY DE BLOYS.
• * 3.174

  Malms•• No∣vel. l. 1. & 2. p. 178 to 194. Matth. Paris p. 71. to 76. Matth Westm. An. 1135. to 1150. Speed l. 9 c. 5. p. 483, 484, 493, 494, Godwin, p. 221, 222, 223, Neuhrig. Hist. l. 1.2 4 to 21. Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 181. Hoveden An. pars prior, p. 481, 482. Holinshed, p. 54.
• 7 3.175

  Peter de la Roche.
• * 3.176

  Math Paris p. 370.372, 373, 393. to 397. Mat. West•• An. 1233. p. 134, 135 &c. Speed, p. 607 to 612. Holinshed. p. 1075.
• * 3.177

  The King by ad∣vancing Strang∣ers discont••nts his Nobles
• * 3.178

  The English Peeres confede∣rate against the strangers.
• * 3.179

  The ••arons con∣temne the Kings Summons.
• * 3.180

  Paris calls him•• Bacum.
• * 3.181

  The frank speech of a Preacher.
• * 3.182

  That is Rockes and Stones.
• * 3.183

  In Iuly.
• * 3.184

  The Barons se∣cond contempt to the Kings com∣mand.
• * 3.185

  The traiterous errand to the King.
• * 3.186

  In August nex••. Rog. de Wend. M. S.
• * 3.187

  In August new. Rog. de Wend. M. S.
• * 3.188

  The Earle Mar∣shall in Armes.
• * 3.189

  Matth. Paris.
• * 3.190

  Confederates himselfe with Lewelin Prince of Wales.
• * 3.191

  Rog. Wend, M. S. Math. Pa••is.
• * 3.192

  The Sunday after Michael∣mas.
• * 3.193

  Math Westm. Roger Wend. Math•• Paris.
• * 3.194

  Hubert de B••r∣go escapes into Wales, Ypod. Neust.
• a 3.195

  An. 1205 p. 134, 135 See Godwin, p 172. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit p. 160, 16••
• * 3.196

  Roger Wendever.
• * 3.197

  The King gives way to the fury of the rebellious.
• * 3.198

  A practise to ru∣ine the Earle Ma••shall.
• * 3.199

  The Pestilent tenour of the Letters.
• * 3.200

  Rog. Wend. M. S. Matth. Pari••.
• * 3.201

  Alexander Bishop of Che∣ster cleareth himselfe from disloyalty.
• * 3.202

  The Eng••ish Bi∣shops d••ale with the King about red••esse of the the common e∣vils.
• * 3.203

  Objections a∣gainst the B••shop of Winton and the Poictouines.
• * 3.204

  The outrages of ••he Ma••shalline faction.
• * 3.205

  Note th••s.
• * 3.206

  Edmond af∣terwards cano∣nized Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 160.161.
• * 3.207

  Antiqu. Eccl. Brit p. 171.163••
• * 3.208

  Rog. de Wend. M.S. Matth. Maris.
• * 3.209

  Matth. West. An. 1238. p. 147. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 169.
• * 3.210

  Antiqu. Eccle•• Brit. p. 181.182 Mat. Paris. An. 1246. p. 672. to 689.
• * 3.211

  WILLIAM de RALEY.
• 8 3.212

  WILLIAM RALEY.
• * 3.213

  Matth. Wes••m. Anno. 143. p. 174••175. An. 1244. p. 178.179. Matth. Paris p. 588.597.616.619. Godwin p. 227.228. Holinshed. p. 231.232.
• * 3.214

  Matth. ••aris p. 774.775.780.788.789.794.824.830. to 834.847.890.900.994.995.946.959, Godwin. p. 176.177.
• 6 3.215

  ETHELMA∣RVS:
• 10 3.216

  GERNSEY.
• * 3.217

  Matth. West. and Matth. Pa∣ris An. 1265.1266 Holinshed p 271. Godw••n, p. 177. See Mat. Paris p. 970.972.
• 11 3.218

  HENRY WOODLOCK.
• * 3.219

  Antiqu. Eccles. Brit p. 218. Godwin p. 231.
• 12 3.220

  ADAM TARLETON.
• * 3.221

  Walsingham Hist. Angliae p. 98.99. Antiq. Eccles. Brit 227. Godwin p. 232.233. Speeds Histo. l. 9 c. 11.12. p. 679 680.686. Walsingh. Ypodigma Neu∣striae, Anno. 1326. 1327. Hist. Angl p. 10••.104. Ho∣linshed p. 329.339.340.1245 p. 970.972.
• * 3.222

  Holinshed. p•• 452.453. See the Statut•• of 10•• R. 2. c. 1.
• 13 3.223

  WILLIAM EDINGDON.
• * 3.224

  Holinshed. p. 456. to 468.
• * 3.225

  Godwins Cat. p. 182.
• 10 3.226

  WILLIAM WICHAM.
• * 3.227

  Godwins Cat p. 184.185. Antiquit, Eccles. Br. 286 p. 287. Holinshed p. 526.527.
• * 3.228

  Godwin. p. 188.
• 13 3.229

  HENRY BEAVFORT••
• * 3.230

  Holinshed. p. 590 &c Hal 4. H. 6 f 94. to 100•• Fox. vel. 3•• p. 922 to 925.
• * 3.231

  See Holi••shed p. 594 595.596.692 Hall 4. H. 6.5.96.97 98.99.
• * 3.232

  Holinshed. p. 620. to 629. Hall, An. 10. H. 6. f. 143. to 250. Fox. vol 1. p. 922. to 925.
• * 3.233

  An. 19. H. 6. f. 143. to 146.
• * 3.234

  See Holinshed p. 622. to 628.
• * 3.235

  The second Sermon bifore King Edward. f. 36.
• * 3.236

  STEPHEN GARDINER.
• * 3.237

  Hall 31. H. 8. f. 234. Fox Acts Monuments, vol. 2. Edit ult. p. 380. 384.426.585.646.647.441.442.443.531. Antiqu. Eccles Brit. p. 386.
• * 3.238

  Hall H. 8. f. 226.228.229.230••231.232••233.234. Holinsh••d. p. 1001.1002.1006.939.941. to 945 946.947.950.951••952.961.
• * 3.239

  Fox Acts and Monuments, the old Edition p. 816.82••.823.824.815.863. and vol. 2. Edit. vlt. p. 646.647.
• * 3.240

  Fox Acts and Monuments Ed••t. ult vol. 2. p. 71•• to 740. vol. 3. p 16.40.123.527. old ••dit•• p. 903.1389.1695. a. 1••73. b.
• * 3.241

  Fox Acts and Monuments, old Edition, p. 603. &. 1031.
• * 3.242

  Holinshed p. 1121.
• * 3.243

  Holinshed. p. 1130.1157.
• * 3.244

  Holinshed. p. 1154.1154.1157.1158.1160.
• * 3.245

  Fox Acts and Monuments Edi. ult vol. 3. p. 524 527.
• * 3.246

  Iohn white
• * 3.247

  William Har∣rison Description of England. l. 2. c•• 1. p. 138. Martins Hi••••. p. 452.453.454
• * 3.248

  Cent. 9. Scrip. Brit. sect. 97. p. 736.737.
• * 3.249

  See Bilson of Church Govene∣ment Andr••wes; for Ex Officio Oathes, &c.
• * 3.250

  Cincio. 6.3.19.20.21.
• * 3.251

  Eccl••siasticae. Histor. l 1. c. 19.20 Where this Historian nota∣bly inveigheth against Dancing.
• * 3.252

  De virgini••us l. 3. Tom. 4. O∣perum p. 236.227.
• * 3.253

  Nota.
• * 3.254

  Iob 31.
• * 3.255

  Ecclesiasticus. 9.4.
• * 3.256

  Hi••ronimus E∣pist. ••2 c. 3.
• * 3.257

  Esay 33.14.
• * 3.258

  Oratio pro Mu∣raena.
• * 3.259

  Oratio pro Cn. Plaucio & Post r••ditum in Se∣natum.
• * 3.260

  Eph••s. 5 3.
• * 3.261

  De vi••ginibus•• l. 3. Tom 4. p. 226.227.
• * 3.262

  See. E••ist 10 4
• * 3.263

  See Hom. 56. Gen. 8.74. in Matth.
• * 3.264

  De Ebrietate & Luxu Sermo. Tam. 1. p. 332.336.
• * 3.265

  Nota.
• * 3.266

  Esay 5.11.12.13.
• * 3.267

  Ier. 31.22.
• * 3.268

  Matth. 2.2.10.
• * 3.269

  Luke 2.9.13.
• * 3.270

  14••13.14.15.
• * 3.271

  Nota. See vin∣centii speculum. Morale l. 3. par 9•• Distinct.
• * 3.272

  2 Cor. 6.14.15.16.
• (b) 3.273

  Mat••. W••st. An 750. p. 273. Hoveden. Annal. pars prior. An. 750. p. 402.
• 1 3.274

  KENVL∣PHVS.
• (c) 3.275

  Malmesb. d•• g••st. Pont. Angl. l. 3. p. 277. God∣win, p. 636. Mat. Paris p. 5. An. 1069. Godwin. p. 632.
• 2 3.276

  ••GELRIC.
• (d) 3.277

  Matth. Par•••• Hist. Major. An. 1070.1071. p. ••.6. Mat. Westm, & Fl••rentius Wi∣gor••i••nsis, Ann. 1070, 1071. H••∣veden. An. 1069.1070. p. 451, 452.454. God∣win, p. 636.637.
• 3 3.278

  EGELWYN.
• 4 3.279

  Walcher.
• (e) 3.280

  Malmesbur. l. 3. Hist. Angl. p. 110. H••v••den. Annal. pars prior. An. 1071.1078.1080. p. 454.455.457. Mat••. Paris, An. 1075. p. 9. Godwin pag. 637, 638, 639, 640.
• (f) 3.281

  M••••. Paris, Hist. Major An. 1074. p. 8.
• (g) 3.282

  Malmes. de gest. Reg. Angl. l. 4. p. 120, 121•• de gest. Pont. Ang. l. 3. p. ••77. Mat. Paris, An. 1088. p. 13, 14. Wig••r••. Matth. We••••m, Hoved. An. 1087, 1088. Walsingh•• ypodigma N••ustri•• An. 1088. p. 33. Holinshed. p. 17, 18.
• 5 3.283

  WILLIAM KAIRLIPHO.
• (h) 3.284

  Matt. Paris p. 51.54. Malmes. de gest. Pontif. Angl. l. 3. p. 277, 278. Godwin. p. 645, 646, 647.
• 6 3.285

  Ranulph Flam∣bard.
• * 3.286

  Holinshed. Hist. of Scotl. pag. 181.
• 7 3.287

  HVGH PVSAR.
• * 3.288

  Nu••rigens. Hist. l. 1. c. 26. l. 4. c. 4. Godwin. p. 648, 649, 650. Holins. p. 119.121.
• * 3.289

  Nubrigensis. l. 4. c. 4. l. 5. c. 8.
• * 3.290

  Holinsh p. 105. Roger de H••veden. Annal. pars pos••••∣••ius. p. 615.
• * 3.291

  Hoveden A••n••l. p••rs posterior. pag. 663.665, 666.
• * 3.292

  H••v••d••n. A••nal. pars posterior pag. 725, 736, 665, 666, 685, 738.
• * 3.293

  Richard de Ma∣risco.
• * 3.294

  Godwin Cat. p. 515
• * 3.295

  Anthony B••ak••. Godwin. p. 521.522.
• * 3.296

  Holins••. p. 305••.
• * 3.297

  LEW••S BEAVMONT.
• * 3.298

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 262, 263. Godwin, p. 522, 523.
• * 3.299

  RICHARDDE BVRY.
• * 3.300

  Godwin. p. 524.
• * 3.301

  Godwin. p. 526.
• * 3.302

  IOHN FOR∣HAM.
• * 3.303

  Walsingham Hist. Angl. An. 1388. p. 365. Speedes History p. 748. Godwin. p. 664.
• * 3.304

  IOHN SHER∣WOOD.
• * 3.305

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 262. Godwin p. 526.
• * 3.306

  Holinshed, p. 733.734.
• * 3.307

  CVTBERT TONSTALL.
• * 3.308

  Fox Acts and Monuments, p. 1180. Godwin p. 670.
• * 3.309

  Rastall Abridg. Stat. f. 149. Dur∣ham, Cambdens Brit. p. 736.741. Godwin. p. 533. Martin hist. p. 452.453.454. Holinshed p. 1184.
• * 3.310

  Practise of Po∣pish Prelates. p. 374.
• * 3.311

  Tunstall Bishop of Durham burnt the New Testa∣ment.
• * 3.312

  And out of him by M. Fex Acts and Monuments Edit. ult vol. 2. p. 284.
• * 3.313

  A Bishopricke is superfluous ho∣nour, and a lewd liberty.
• * 3.314

  See a late Pam∣hlet wherein this is expressed.
• 1 3.315

  ALSTANE or ADELSTANE.
• * 3.316

  Mat. West. An. 854. pag. 307.308. Holins. Hist. of England, l. 6. c. 9. p. 138. c. 10. p. 140. c. 11. p. 143. Malms. de Gestis Regum Angl. l. 1. c. 2. p. 40. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 36. Speed. Hist. l. 7. c. 32. Sect. 7. p. 377. Godw. p. 333.
• 2 3.317

  ROGER.
• * 3.318

  Neubrigensis Hist. l. 1. c. 6. Mat. Paris, Ho∣veden, Higden, Fabian Coxton, Speed, Stow, Graf∣ton, Martin in the life of King Ste∣ph••n. Godwin. p. 319.320 321.322. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 181. Holinshed p. 50.51•• Wil. Mal. Hist. Novel. l. 2•• p. 181.182.183. to 190.
• * 3.319

  Wil. Malm••sb. Hist. Novella. l. 2. p. 182.183.
• * 3.320

  Hist. Novellae l. 2. p. 187.188.189.
• * 3.321

  Will. Malms. Hist. N••v••lla. l. ••. p. 184.185.
• 3 3.322

  ROBERT BINGHAM
• * 3.323

  Matthew Pari•• p. 374.375. Holin∣shed. p. 217.
• * 3.324

  W••lliam of York
• * 3.325

  Mat. Paris•• Hist. Angl. p. 892.893•• Godwin. Car. p. 277.278.
• 5 3.326

  JOHN WAL∣THAM.
• * 3.327

  Holinsh••d. p. 478.479. Fox Act•• a••d Monumen••••, ••dit. ult. vol. 1. p•• 669.670. Walsin•• Hist. Angl. A•••• 1392. pag. 3••4.385, 386. Yp••dig. Neu••••r. 146.
• * 3.328

  ••olinsh. p. 485:
• 6 3.329

  RICHARD MILFORD.
• * 3.330

  Godwin. p. 281. Walsingham, Hist. Angl. p. 365. &c. & Ypodigma Naustr. A. 1388. p. 142.
• * 3.331

  WILLIAM AYSCOTH.
• * 3.332

  Fabian. par••. 7, An. 1450. pag. 453. Caxton. pars 6. An. 1450. Graft. An. 1450, p. 614. Godwin. p. 351. Holinsh. p. 636:
• 1 3.333

  ALDRED.
• * 3.334

  Matth. West. An. 873. Godw. p. 229.
• 2 3.335

  EADNOTH
• * 3.336

  Math. West. An. 1016. p. 499. Godwin. p. 229.
• * 3.337

  Matth. West. An. 1052. p. 420. Godwin. p. 230.
• 3 3.338

  ULFE.
• 4 3.339

  ALEXAN¦DER
• * 3.340

  Matth. Paris. Hist. Angl. An. 1070. p. 6. Ho∣linshed. p. 18. Matth. Westm. An. 1070 p. 4.
• 5 3.341

  REMIGI∣VS.
• * 3.342

  Hen. Huntin. hist. l. 6. p. 371. l. 7. p. 373. Matth. West. An. 1085.1091. Godwin. p. 230.231.232. Will. Malm••s•• de Gestis Pontif. l. 4 p. 290.291.
• 6 3.343

  ALEXAN∣DER.
• * 3.344

  Nubrigensis hist. l. 1. c. 6. Hun∣tindon. hist. l. 8. p. 389.390. Hove∣den. Annal. pars. prior. p. 484. to 495 Matth. Par. p. 74. to 76. Matth. Westm. An. 1139. to 1146. Holinshed. p. 50. Fox Acts and Monuments. p. 181. Speed. p. 488.492.494. &c. Godwin. p. 233.
• 7 3.345

  GEOFFRY PLANTA∣GENET. Hoveden. Annal. part. posterior. p. 611. Godwin, p. 235.
• † 3.346

  Annal. pars poster. p. 611.
• * 3.347

  Ann••lium pars posterior, p. 655•• 656, 659, to 666, 681, 689, 712, 713, 714, 718, 725, 730, to 740, 743, 747, 749, 751, 752, 754, 755, 756, 759, to 768. Matth. Paris: Hist. Angl. p. 186.195.
• * 3.348

  Note his fury.
• * 3.349

  Annal. par•• poster. p. 780.781, 785, 793, 7••4, 796, 805, 811, 817, 818, 819, 823, 824, 825, 826, 827.
• * 3.350

  Math. Westm. An. 1213. p. 92.
• 8 3.351

  S. HVG••••
• * 3.352

  Matth•• Paris. hist. Angl. p. 193, 195, 196. Roger Hoveden, Annal. pars posterior, p. 776, 777. Holinshed, p 173
• * 3.353

  A presumptu∣ous part in a Bishop.
• * 3.354

  See Willets Sy∣nop. Papis. contr. 5. qu. 3. p. 280.
• * 3.355

  ••leurs des vies des Saincts part 2. p. 428, 429.
• * 3.356

  Roger Hove∣den. Annal. pars posterior. p. 712. Godwin, p. 237, 238.
• * 3.357

  Godwin ibid. Matth. Paris hist. Ang. p. 197. Hoveden. Anna. pars posterior, p. 812, 813.
• 9 3.358

  HVGH WALLIS.
• * 3.359

  Matthew Paris Hist. Angl. p. 220, 288. Fox Acts and Monuments, vo. 1. p. 335. c. 1. Willets Synopsis Papism. contr. 5. quaest. 3 p. 280. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 149.
• * 3.360

  Holinshed, p. 246, 255.
• 10 3.361

  GROST∣HEAD.
• * 3.362

  Holinshed, p. 242
• * 3.363

  Matth. Paris, hist. major, p. 693 694.
• * 3.364

  Quod nun∣quam antea fieri consueverat (saith the Au∣thour.)
• * 3.365

  Matth. Paris, hist. major, p. 705
• * 3.366

  Antiquit. Ec∣cles. Brit. Boni∣facius, p. 185.
• * 3.367

  Lindew. Prov. Constit. l. 2. De jurejurando, ••. 80.
• * 3.368

  Pars 2. fol. 36. b. 43.50.
• * 3.369

  Nat. Bre. fol. 41.4.
• * 3.370

  Abrid. of Sta∣tutes. Tit. Prohi∣bition 5.
• 11 3.371

  HENRY LEXINTON
• * 3.372

  Matthew Paris Hist. Ang••. p. 915, 916. Godwin, p. 241, 242.
• 12 3.373

  HENRY BVRVVASH
• * 3.374

  Godwin, p. 303.
• * 3.375

  Hist. Angliae, Anno 1326, 1327. p. 101, 104 105. Speeds hi∣story of Great Brit. l. 9. c. 11. p. 678, 680, 681.
• * 3.376

  Wa••singham hist. Angl. Anno, 1343. p. 150.
• * 3.377

  Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p 269. Godwin, cat. p. 95.
• 13 3.378

  JOHN SYNVVALL.
• 14 3.379

  THOMAS WATSON.
• * 3.380

  Martin hist. p. 453. Godwin, p. 249.
• 25 3.381

  JOHN WILLIAMS.
• * 3.382

  See the Kings Proclamation for calling in his Appe••lo Cae∣sarem: And his Majesties de∣claration con∣cerning the dissolution of the last Parlia∣ment but one, p. 20, 21.
• * 3.383

  Matth. 11.29.
• * 3.384

  3 I••hn 9.
• * 3.385

  Math. 20.25. to 29. Luk. 22.24, 25, 26.
• * 3.386

  1 Pet. 5.2.3.5.
• * 3.387

  The very words of the License of Iohn Lincolne Deane of Westminster before that Booke.
• * 3.388

  Regul. fusior. Reg. 20. pag. 454.
• * 3.389

  Synes. ep. 52.
• * 3.390

  Epist. 9. lib. 1. but Epist 69. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pamelius his Edition.