Page  [unnumbered]Page  [unnumbered]

Il Nipotismo di Roma: OR, THE HISTORY OF THE POPES NEPHEWS, FROM The time of SIXTUS IV. to the Death of the last Pope ALEXANDER VII. The Second Part.

Written Originally in Italian, in the year 1667. and Englished by W. A.

LONDON, Printed for John Starkey, at the Miter near Temple-Bar in Fleet-street, 1669.

Page  [unnumbered]Page  [unnumbered]

THE PRINTER TO THE READER▪

TO satisfie the curiosity of an infinite number of Persons, who, having seen scarce any thing else of the Ni∣potismo besides the Title, do enquire after the Book with much earnestness, I have made hast to Print this Second Part, that so you might have it compleat; and I doubt not but you will be infinitely pleased with it. It is true, my intention was, in conformity to the Authors, to have waited yet a little longer; because that Af∣fairs in Rome seem inclinable to a change: But it was beyond my power to keep the Rain, which was already in the air, from falling to the ground; and I was forced to yield to the curiosity of so many Inquisitive persons. To which the Author was the more willing, because he had a desire to be rid of this Nipotismo, that he might give himself up to the composing of some other Books of no less curiosity: And I, on my side, have been desirous to free my Press, that I might set Page  [unnumbered] it on work again for a Book, which no doubt will be very welcome to you.

It is Intituled, Europa Morta, and comes from an Author who is a sworn Enemy of Flat∣tery. The Subject of the Book is all Politicks, and very sharply handled, shewing the defects of all the Kingdoms and Republicks of Europe, which they are now subject to for want of men of that worth and vertue, in whom it was ancient∣ly so abounding.

Divers Persons, that have read the Manu∣script, are very pressing for the publishing of it; which I hope will be done within this two months at least. And I doubt not but I shall satisfie that expectation which I now raise in you; for there you shall meet with the relation of some Acci∣dents which hitherto have been kept close from the ears of the Vulgar. In it Praises are dispen∣sed with measure, and blame with justice; and so I hope this Nipotismo will custom you to the Lecture of such Books, and make your pleasure the greater when you shall meet with the Euro∣pa Morta, which is Vniversal.

Page  1

Il Nipotismo di Roma: OR, THE HISTORY OF The Pope's NEPHEWS. The Second Part.

The FIRST BOOK.

ALL that we have said hitherto, is but the Foundation of what we have to say: For to what end would it be to have seen the Nipo∣tismo in Rome, if we did not see Rome in the Nipotismo?Page  3 And we have been curious to pry into that which the Popes have done for their Kindred, we may much more justly examine that which the Kindred does for the Popes.

A German Prelate, who now lives, and has some Opinions very different from the profession he makes of a Church-man; That is, Who is more Heretick than Catholick, does upon all occasions, and when∣soever he happens into any company, where there is a liberty of talking, profess his mind in few words, and without any ambiguity, by saying, That the Popes Kindred acquire this world by their Uncles Indulgence; and that the Uncle loses the other world by his Nephews Vices.

This opinion, which by many Catholicks would be condemned as Heretick, has nevertheless a great foundation in reason; and I am sure that the most able and ingenious men of the Court of Rome do allow of it, and maintain it, as being a Prelate's opinion.

David, who was King, Priest, and Prophet, was continually in fear of being damned for others sins; and, as we see, did every day desire of God to be de∣livered from that imputation: And yet the Popes not only do not apprehend that they may be damned for their Kindreds sins, but do furnish them with the means of offending his Divine Majesty. Certainly, the Pope's Relations would take another course if they thought they were out of the way to Heaven; nei∣ther would they be so covetous in heaping riches to∣gether, if they knew that the treasure of the Church is but in trust, and not in propriety to the Popes.

The Duke Valentine, Son to Alexander the 6th. did commit all sort of crimes imaginable, breaking Page  4 both Divine and Humane Laws without any regard or consideration. But that which was worst of all, was, that he covered his Vices with the Cloak of the Popes Authority; Saying, whensoever he was about to commit a crime: That he did very well know what he was about to do was just; for his Father, who did give him leave to do it, had the Holy Ghost.

This is the mischief that the Popedom does to the Popes; or rather, that the Popes do to the Pope∣dom. For to say true, the Popedom would be holy if the Popes were so too: But they do not desire it, or they cannot desire it, being governed by their Rela∣tions: if not as Popes, at least as private persons.

To this purpose I remember a Story which hapned about twenty years ago, and to which I give the grea∣ter credit; because I have it from a worthy Person, and one who heard the words which were said.

A Swedish Gentleman had left Stockholm, the Ca∣pital of the Kingdom, with a design to travel over all Europe, as Gentry uses to do: But his principle aim was to be instructed in the way of Worship of the Church of Rome, and be well informed of the diffe∣rence between the Protestant and Catholick Religion, with a resolution to follow that which he should like best; and he thought no place fitter for his design than Rome, as being the City which gives the rule to others, having in it the Head of the Church, and an infinity of Church-men and Prelates.

In his way thither he met with another German, a Protestant, who had the same design; whereupon, having contracted a great Friendship together, they continued their Journey, and hapned to come to Rome in the beginning of the holy Week, which is the week before Easter.

Page  5Being lodged, they began by little and little to frequent the Churches, see the Ceremonies, enquire into the Pope's Power, into his Court, and a thou∣sand other particularities, all relating to the same end. The Magnificence of the Pope's Habit, the rich Or∣naments of the Altars, the variety of Ceremonies, the Majesty of the Cardinals, and Prelates, the De∣votion of the Monks and Fryars, and the great con∣course of people to the Churches, did at first sur∣prize these young Gentlemen; and inflame in them that desire which curiosity had already kindled.

Having observed all these things with great care and exactness, they began to inform themselves of the Civil Power of the Pope; of the Entrigues of the Court; of the Government of the City and State. And in their exact Inquisition they found that in∣deed all that Policy and Humane Wit could produce was to be seen in the Church-Government, and did not much disapprove of it: But no sooner had they (following still their first curiosity) pryed into the business of the Nipotismo, and discovered the inte∣rests of the Nephew towards the Uncle, and the Uncle towards the Nephew; but they presently re∣solved to return home, and live and die in the Prote∣stant Religion.

The German, whether it was that he had dived into the secret of the Nipotismo, or for some other reason, was not altogether averse from changing his Religion; though by no means he would not remain in Rome: But the Swede was so scandalized at the Church-mens lives, that having conceived a perfect hatred for them, he said to the German, That he would never be the Subject of a Bishop who should be the Slave of his own Relations.

Page  6Of this Gentleman's opinion there are many, not only in Protestant Countries, but in the middle of Italy it self; and I wish to God, that many of those sins, which lie so heavy upon the Romans consciences, had not been occasioned by the scandal which they continually receive from the Nipotismo.

That which I have related of a Swede is not much different from what I have to say of an English or Scottish man, I know not well which; but I am a ve∣ry fit person to relate the Story, for I was present at the dispute which he had with a French Bishop: which was thus:

This Stranger had been two years in Rome, in which time he had had divers occasions of being known to the Pope and his Nephews, as likewise of knowing them; and had been infinitely scandalized to see the small care the Pope did take to correct his Nephews extravagancies both in Morals and Polities: But above all, he was much grieved to see that the Pope had taken out of the Treasure of the Church the richest Jewels to bestow them upon his Nephews; and that they made no scruple of robbing the Church to enrich themselves. Having met in France with this French Bishop, they fell upon the discourse of Reli∣gion. The Bishop perceiving the ill impressions he had received at Rome, thought it was a part of his duty to endeavour to blot them out of this Gentle∣man's mind, by telling him, That it was impossible to be saved out of the Church of Rome. But all that he could say was to no purpose, for the Protestant could scarce afford him audience, but impatiently inter∣rupting him, told him, That it was a hard matter that the Pope could save others, since he did give his own Ne∣phews a most inevitable occasion of damnation.

Page  7Every day the Casuists are disputing, Whether or no a Thief may be saved without restitution of his theft, if he be in a possibility to do it? And they all agree, that he must either make amends by restitution, or be damned. If this be so, how is it possible for the Pope's Nephews, if the greatest part of their Revenues are the spoils of the Church, and got by unlawful means, the Popes having raised that very money, which they are so proud of, either out of dead mens graves, or the veines of the living.

Though this be true, and that the mischief, which the Popes receive from their Kindred be very great; yet it is a necessary one, and so necessary, that many are of opinion, that those Popes who do forbear ad∣vancing their Relations are but small Politicians.

Three Reasons do particularly move the Popes to call their Relations to them: First, The affection which naturally we bear to our bloud and kindred, The conservation of their Persons, and the Policy of their Government.

For the first, I hold him little better than a Beast, that has no tye of Consanguinity upon him, having many Relations that need his help; none but barba∣rous people are ignorant of those Laws of nature, and are not altogether deprived of the use of them neither.

This love to ones Relations encreases as the Rela∣tions themselves do multiply. And we may say, that love naturally descends; for in old people their love is greatest to their Grand-children, and the fifth ge∣neration still carry the old mans affections from the third and fourth. From hence proceeds, that the Popes, who ordinarily are old, are so passionate for the advancement of their Nephews, for whom often Page  8 they hazard their reputations in this world, and their souls in the next.

With our Kindred there is no Medium to be ob∣served; we must either love them tenderly, and do for them all that lies in our power: Or we must hate them perfectly, and become cruel. It is not possible to be indifferent, and do them neither good nor evil; that would be to be neither man nor beast, which is impossible.

There has been some Popes, who in the beginning of their Reign, out of Zeal and Piety, have shewed themselves averse from their Kindred; not only re∣fusing to favour them, but seeking out all occasions of mortifying them. But what folly, what devillish policy, what false hypocrisie is this? For my part, I call such a disposition a vicious humour, which soon passes out of them, or destroys them, Nature it self being offended at this so unnatural a proceed∣ing.

Adrian the sixth, Marcel the second, Urban the seventh, Leo the tenth, were all Popes very severe to their kindred, having all sworn solemnly at their Election never to admit their Kindred into Rome. And Adrian the sixth was so extravagant that he persecuted them: For he refused to give a re∣compense to one of his Relations who had done the Church very good service, only because he was his Relation.

But Divine Providence, which delights not to see Nature despis'd, reveng'd this indiscreet Zeal upon these Popes; for they all liv'd but a very little after their Creation. Adrian liv'd but one year: Marcello, Vrban, and Leo liv'd all three together, not two Months compleat.

Page  9So Innocent the Eighth, Julius the Second, Pius the Fifth, and our Alexander that now reigns, were at first strangely averse from their Kindred, which was interpreted by the People for nothing but Hypo∣crisie and Policy, that they might acquire the Title of Saints and Holy Men; for, a little after they were setled in their Kingdom, and in the Opinion of the Vulgar, they all found out some excuse or another to authorize their change; and particularly our Alex∣ander, who is now as kind as he was severe at first. And for my part I must confess, that I always laugh∣ed at Alexander, for his pretended zeale, in keeping his Relations at a distance; and I never began to have a true respect for him, and believe him really a Saint, till he had brought them to Rome.

And if Christ himself has left us written in the Gospel, That we ought not to despise our own Flesh, how can any Pope justifie an aversion to his Kindred?

Therefore I do not like that Answer of our Pope Alexander to the Cardinal Medicis, who did make it his business to oblige the Pope to call Don Mario to Rome; for he answered this Cardinal's Prayers and Entreaties with these words of Christ, They are our Brothers and Sisters that do the Will of the Lord; as if his Brother had done the Will of the Devil. And in the Example of Christ he was mistaken; for he did not despise his Brothers, as having never had any; wherefore his Words were mystical, and contained some more secret sense. But we see that Christ him∣self did shew particular favour to his Relations, as to the two Johns, the Baptist, and the Apostle; decla∣ring one to be the greatest of Prophets, and giving to the other the liberty of laying his head in his lap: But more than that, he recommended his proper Mo∣ther Page  10 the Blessed Virgin, to the Apostle John; and all the Evangelists own, that he was Christ's Favourite, and his Beloved.

After this Example, we need no other; and no body can be so bold as to pretend, That it is Piety not to own ones Relations, if Christ himself lov'd his so dearly.

But the Popes are not so much to blame, as those that blame the Popes for their affections to their Kin∣dred: For, alas! the Popes are Men, as we are; and, as such, ought to be allowed something of our fragi∣lity. But in what a Labyrinth are they engaged? For if they are really averse and cruel to their own Blood, then Nature, Heaven, the Example of Christ, and all the Reason of the World, does condemn them for inhumane, ungrateful, and barbarous.

And if they are kind, and do receive them into Rome, advance them, give them Places and Honours, then Pasquins, Murmurs, Raileries, Affronts, and a thousand Tales of them, are the recompense they are to expect from the Vulgar, who send their Cries to Heaven, and their Complaints about the World against them.

Those Popes that first invented the Title of Car∣dinal Padrone, had it may be a mind to imitate our Saviour, who declared John the Evangelist his Cosin, to be his Favorite and beloved Disciple: For Gregory the Fifteenth was wont to call his Nephew Ludovisio, his beloved John, though his Name was Lewis; and he did so to shew, That since Christ declared in fa∣vour of his Cosin, the Popes might also declare in fa∣vour of their Nephews.

For my part, I am of opinion, that let them do what they will, it is not in their power not to love their Page  11 Relations, and to abstain from doing of them all the good imaginable. And we have seen the experience of this in Alexander the Seventh, who made as if he had had no affection for them; but Nature soon made him lay aside this Mask, and profess himself a Man, as the rest.

This is then one of the Reasons that move the Popes to be so tender of their Kindreds Advantages: But there is a second, which is not any ways inferi∣our to this, which is the preservation of their proper Person.

One of the greatest misfortunes of a Princely Life, is the perpetual care and sollicitude they are in, of preserving themselves. Their Goodness is often the subject of their Neighbours Envy. If they be wic∣ked, they are hated by their own Subjects. So that often they are in doubt which they shall chuse to be, Good or Bad.

Was there a greater Prince than Henry the Third of France? Was there ever any thing more magna∣nimous and good, than Henry the Fourth his Succes∣sor? And yet their Greatness, their Bounty, and their Generosity, could not preserve their Persons, but saw their blood shed most miserably by the hands of barbarous Murderers.

But was there ever a better Prince in the World than the late King of England, Charles the First, who had no fault but that he was too good? And yet such Royal Goodness could not preserve him (I trem∣ble to speak of it) from the barbarous hands of his own Subjects; and upon an ignominious Scaffold, was forced to lose his Life by a fatal Ax.

What are Kingdoms and States to any body, if they must be perpetually from morning to night busi∣ed Page  12 about their own preservation? And what a mis∣fortune to a Man is a Kingdom, if to preserve him∣self from his own Subjects, he must be fain to raise Cittadels and build Castles in all the places where he goes, that he can never sleep, if Guards and Senti∣nels do not watch for him? Certainly a Subject's condition, that takes his rest without fear, is much more to be valued, than the perpetual perplexity of a fearful Prince.

The Popes nevertheless are these unfortunate Men, and are more exposed to the danger of being made away, than all the Princes of Christendom. For if any body be so bold and wicked as to wish and de∣sire the death of a Prince whose Crown is Heredita∣ry; yet he stops in his Enterprise, and considers, That he must fear the Sons Vengeance. Those Men who consented to the death, or, to say better, pronounced Sentence upon the late King of England, whereso∣ever they are now, they do without doubt repent their Action; and if they had ever thought of the happy Restauration of Charles the Second, they had dealt otherwise with his Father. So that I must say, by the leave of those Cromwellian Politicians, That they were but pittiful ones that could not fore∣see that. Wo be to those that offend a Prince, in hopes that his Heir will forget the offence.

This Reason procures some Security to Princes of an Hereditary Kingdom, and makes the Popes endea∣vour to find out some means also to secure themselves by their Kindred: For it is well known how many Popes have been poysoned and made away, some∣times by Emperours, sometimes by the People, some∣times by particular Persons; and yet no body has ever taken upon them to revenge their death. And Page  13 why? Because that their Kindred, not being Heirs of their Power, are not in a capacity to shew their re∣sentment; and are much more busied in getting into the next Pope's favour, who is ordinarily their Ene∣my, than in revenging their Uncle's death.

The Cardinals themselves, who for their own In∣terest are not much concerned in the Pope's preservati∣on, do not trouble themselves to inquire by what means he came to his end; 'tis enough for them that the Popedom is vacant, and that they have the Au∣thority of chusing a Successor, who must be one of themselves.

The Popes Lives are a perpetual War; for without they are set upon by the Cares and Troubles of their Employment, and within by the fear of death, which is so great in them, that they are afraid of the very Air they breath.

Sixtus the Fifth went one day to the Convent of the Apostles, which was assigned to the Fryars of the Order he had bin of: and coming in of a sudden with∣out giving any warning, met in their Refectory with a Brother who was eating a Mess of Beans very hun∣grily. The good Pope remembring his ancient condi∣tion, sat down by him upon a wooden Form, and fell to eating with as great an appetite as the Brother, and made him fill the Dish up again when they had emptied it.

The Pope's Followers wondered, and were much surprized at his Phancy, or rather extravagant Appe∣tite; but he taking no notice of them, continued to eat on with his wooden Spoon, the Beans that were very well oyled. At last having emptied the Dish a second time, and thanked the Brother for his kindness, he turned to his Followers and said, Page  14This Dish of Beans will make me live two years longer than I should have done; for I have eaten them with pleasure, and without fear. Then lifting up his hands and eyes to Heaven, he blessed God that had given a Pope once in his life an occasion of eating a meals Meat in quiet.

Pius the Fifth, who was very lean, was used to say, That it was impossible that the Popes should ever grow fat, for that Nature in them was never supplied but in fear. And yet this Pope was one of the holiest and best; though it is true, That Holiness is subject to Envy, and therefore obliged to preserve it self against the malignity of its Enemies.

And indeed the diligence which the Popes use in preserving themselves, is such, that it cannot chuse but communicate to them a continual apprehension of some imminent danger: for they do not only watch what they eat, but they never eat any thing which has not been first tasted by those that dress it, and serve it up; chusing ordinarily upon a sudden, and not bespeaking that which they like.

Paul the Fourth was wont to give the greatest part of his Dinner to those that stood by, and make them eat it in his presence; and then often he would take some of that which they had left: So that the whole Court was in perpetual fear, seeing the Pope so time∣rous.

But fear is not only inseparable from them at Ta∣ble, but at the Altar too; where they never eat the consecrated Host, before they have given a part of it to the Sacristan there present, whose care it is to pro∣vide them, and to eat that part which he receives from the Pope; who having divided it into two parts, gives him sometimes the right side, sometimes the left, as he pleases.

Page  15The same precaution is used in the taking of the Cup or Chalice, which the Pope never tastes, till the Sacristan has drunk some of it before him. So that it is evident, That the Popes do use many more pre∣ventions than any other Prince.

Now if it be thus with them, can they do better than to call about them their proper Kindred, into whose hands they may commit their Persons? Who will take a greater care of their preservation, than they who hope for Riches and Honour to their Fami∣ly? And who will take the pains to contribute to the lasting of any Empire, but he that has the greatest share in the enjoyments of it?

Those Popes who at first seemed averse from their Relations, having in a small time come to know the difficulty of their own preservation in the hands of Strangers, have immediately called them to Rome, and thrown themselves into their Arms, as a place of Refuge against so many who had an interest to de∣stroy them; and by all sorts of Favours, sought to make it their Kindreds Interest to love and take care of them.

It may be that Urban the Eighth, who lived 23 Years Pope, had not attained to half that Age, if the Barberins had not used all imaginable means to prolong his life; which else would have been plotted against by both Princes and private persons. But no body durst undertake that which seemed impossible. And without doubt, the care they took of him, did exceed the desire he had of living; for old age was become a burden to him at last.

Innocent the Tenth, after the Design of getting the Kingdom of Naples from the Spaniard was disco∣vered, stood in perpetual fear, lest, to be revenged, Page  16 they should plot his death; which it may be they had done, if Donna Olympia had not taken the care to dress his Meat, and feed him with her own hands: and in acknowledgment of her kindness, he would often say to her, Sister, do you take care of me, and I'le take care that the Popedom shall be yours.

Pius the Third, of the Family of Picolomini of Siena, had not died by poyson, procured him by Pandolfo Petruccii Tyrant of the said place, if he had had some of his Relations neer him; whereupon he was forced to trust his life in Strangers hands, and lose it miserably, before he could see any of his Kin∣dred about him.

Buthere some body will say, That indeed it would not be amiss that the Pope should resign the care of his Person to his Kindred, but not give them an unlimited Power over Church and State; That it is fit they do not want necessaries, but that he should not go about to content their insatiability. To this we will answer in time and Place; it is enough for the present to have proved, That they are the most necessary Instruments of the Popes preservation. And because the obliga∣tion of him that receives his life from another is in∣finite, therefore the Popes do think, that they can∣not repay but by infinite Gifts and Favours. Now we will pass to the third Reason, which is, The Rea∣son of State.

The State or Politick Government of the Church, is the most unfortunate and miserable in the World; for it is neither Commonwealth nor Monarchy: and as an ingenious Prelate said, It is neither from God nor the Devil. And the causes of its Misery are di∣vers; but particularly one is, Because the Supreme Governour always dying without Heirs, there is no Page  17 body left to take pity of the grievances which are con∣tinually introduc'd by the Governours of Provinces who rule as they please.

Many compare all the Ecclesiastick State to a Town taken by an Enemy, who being out of hopes to keep it any time falls to plundering and destroy∣ing it, carrying away all that's good; and leaving to the poor Citizens nothing but the liberty of venting their complaints: Just so do the Church-men who are in authority in one Pope's life; for foreseeing that their power is like to expire with him, and be resign∣ed up to his Successor, they make Hay while the Sun shines, and use all manner of Extortions and Vio∣lences in their respective places for fear else of depart∣ing with their hands empty. And the people are so far from obtaining redress from those that succeed them, that they had rather be under the Government of their old Masters; for the new ones come with intention to do as much, if not worse, than the others.

In the time of Francesco Maria della Rovere, last Duke of Urbin, his Creatures seeing him past hopes of having any Heirs; and that after his death the Estate was like to fall to the Church, as being a Feife of it, they applyed themselves to make their advan∣tage by all means; that is, they plunder'd and ruin'd it, that they might leave it bare to the Church-men their Successors. Particularly, when they saw the Duke languishing in a decrepit Age, they then bestirr'd themselves, and flew about like so many Bees to suck the rest of the Honey: But he hapning to live lon∣ger than they expected they were at a loss, and had drained all the State so dry; that they themselves were fain to sit and look upon the desolate condition Page  18 of that Dukedom without being able to make it worse.

It came thus lean and impoverished into the Church-mens hands, who, for all they have such good Stomachs, were fain to forbear eating for the first seven years, till it had gathered a little flesh again; and then they fell to devouring of it afresh, and have since continued to do so: no sooner perceiving it to be a little recruited, but they extenuate it with Taxes, Impositions, and Extortions.

That which hapned once to the Dutchy of Urbin, happens often to the whole state of the Church; for as soon as the Governours, and other subordinate Officers, see the Pope drawing to his end, and by consequence that their time of getting is also ready to expire, every new Pope advancing new Creatures, there is no sort of Violence, Theft, Robbery, or Extortion, that they do not commit in their respective charges: which they no sooner resign to new Officers, but that they who come in poor, and must maintain the De∣corum of their places, invent some new way of vex∣ing the poor people, and enriching themselves; giving afterwards a little respite to the people to breath in, and by that time the Pope is a dying, and then they fall on a fresh.

So that it appears that the Popedom being Elective, and not Hereditary, causes all these misfortunes to the State and people; for this makes every body think of the present, and none of the future, there being no future amongst Church-men.

But if this inconveniency be great, it would with∣out doubt prove much more intolerable, if the Popes had no Kindred to help them in the Government of the State and Church; For though it seem that a Ni∣potismoPage  19 is directly bent upon its own profit and ad∣vantage: yet for divers reasons and respects they do preserve many places from ruine, and many Subjects from oppression. Whereas if the Pope were without them, he would be forced to trust to a great number of Governours, who would every one be as greedy, and as absolute as a Nephew; and Lord it as high with the title of Dominus Dominantium.

The Nephews, who are few in number, take upon them to be both Shepherds, and Shearers; Treasurers, and Extorters: so that they suffer no body to grow rich but for them, nor to rise but by their means and to their profit, nor to take from others except it be to present them. For woe be to those Ministers of State, or subordinate Officers, that dare contradict a Ne∣phew's Will; or do any thing without their Order.

Now this being so, it is evident that it is more easie to satisfie one mans avidity than a hundreds. If the Nephews were not, every Prelate, every Bishop, eve∣ry Abbot, every Cardinal, would treat the Church as the Jews did our Saviour's Garments; that is, divide it amongst them: and it may be, would leave nothing for their Successors; for their Maximes are indeed to live well themselves, but not to provide that others may do so too.

The Nipotismo looks upon the Popedom as their own, and so they have some consideration for a thing in which they pretend a propriety. When once their Purse is full they let it breath, and recover its forces. 'Tis true that that seldom falls out; for we have seen the Barbarins, enjoy the state of the Church for three and twenty years: and yet shew as much avidity when they were upon the point to leave it, as when they first entred upon it.

Page  20Besides this, if Rome were without a Nipotismo, the Government of the City would be every day in new hands; every Church-man's ambition being to climbe up to the top of the Wheel, and supplant him that stands next to the Soveraign Power. So that the Church would be in one Pontificate, tossed like a ball from one to the other; and that most commonly by very unskilful persons: the mystery of Church-Government being a thing not to be mastered but by those who stay long in it, and acquire great experi∣ence in the management of affairs.

Moreover, if the State were governed by different Persons under the Reign of one Pope, it would be a very hard matter to find out the Author of the Peo∣ples miseries, every one having his Predecessors acti∣ons for an excuse; so that men would also lose that poor consolation of being able to show their Tormen∣ters: But it is not so when a Nipotismo governs, for then as they have the Honour, and Riches; so must they endure the Reproaches, and Complaints made against their Government, which the Romans do with∣out mercy, making the air sound and repeat their murmurs with a thousand Echoes.

These reasons do sometimes prevail upon the Pope's Kindred to make them abstain from doing all the mischief they would do; or at least they suffer not others to commit crimes and faults which they know will be laid to their charge: and of the imputation of which they shall be sure to be heirs as well as of their Uncle's riches.

And indeed, how would it be possible for the State of the Church, which is a Monarchy, to be governed well if it were governed as a Republick; For in Commonwealths the Governours are the Ci∣tizens Page  21 and Natives themselves, who being sure that the State they govern, is their own, do administer with Justice and Equity; first, as reaping a benefit by their moderation; And secondly, as being sure to expect a punishment when they are out of their charges: But the Pope having the disposing of all places and charges, does often advance Strangers; who have no design but of making their own Fortune, and who, when once removed from their dignities, may either leave the State, or else procure impunity by a part of those riches which they have extorted from the poor people. It is much better therefore that there should be a Nipotismo, into whose hands the Popes may trust their Government and Person; and who by the pur∣chase which they make of great Estates do, as it were, settle themselves within the State: and may fear the being called to an account for their violences, if they exceed measure.

There are three other reasons which seem to con∣clude very strongly in favour of a Nipotismo, which are these:

That the Pope may more easily discover the inte∣rests of Foreign Princes; That he may be able to go∣vern with more care and affection; And that he may be able to carry on the Negotiations of his Court with more secrecy.

And indeed, it would not only be difficult, but al∣most impossible for the Pope to dive into the hidden interests and designs of Foreign Princes without a Nipotismo; For how could he trust Strangers with his secrets, if he could not be assured that they would reciprocally reveal to him all theirs. The Ministers of State would be easily corrupted to betray the Pope their Master, and incline much more to oblige Page  22 Princes, upon whom, because of their hereditary and settled condition, they might relie, than to be faith∣ful to one who might fail every moment; and with him all their hopes and expectations.

Besides, the Princes themselves would hardly con∣descend to reveal their secrets, and treat of important matters in the Court of Rome, when they should know and see that they must confide in strangers, whom another Prince might bribe and corrupt to their disadvantage; For just so far do Soveraigns trust the Pope as they see about him people, in whom he may trust himself.

Urban the eighth deserves no small praises for his Policy, all along his Reign: but particularly, for his method and way of treating with the Soveraigns of Europe; whose secrets were all revealed to him, where∣as none of his were revealed to them again. For the same means, which he used to discover others designs, help him to conceal his own.

For having created his two Nephews Cardinals, and gave them instructions worthy such a politick head as his was, he made one of them declare for Spain, and the other for France; each of them ma∣king demonstration of an extraordinary kindness for the Crown they protected. Which thing proved most fortunate to the Pope, and successful in the design he had, to be Master of the secrets of both Kings.

Now that this was a design of the Uncle, and no particular inclination of the Nephews, appears easily; because that Cardinal Antonio, who sided with the French, had never had any communication with this Nation before his being made Cardinal: neither had he received from them any kindness that could endear him to their Party: Nay, indeed he had Page  23 rather reason to encline to the Spaniards, from whom he had received many courtesies worth ac∣knowledging; but he followed in this his Uncle's suggestions.

The Cardinal Francesco on the other side who had never any great inclination for Spain, and who in the services he did do them, did not appear with that violence that Cardinal Antonio did; for the French would nevertheless in obedience to his Uncle often declare for them: and in some occasi∣ons show a great deal of affection and desire to oblige a Crown, which did seek after his prote∣ction.

Vrban having thus assigned the care of the in∣terest of these two Potent Princes to his Nephews, could not chuse but be perfectly informed of their designs, and secret intrigues of their Courts; whose Ministers and Ambassadours in order to a further discovery of the Pope's inclinations, were forced to communicate before hand a great part of their secrets to the Cardinal, Protector of their Kingdom, in hopes by his means of diving further into that which was yet hidden to them: but most commonly they got little light and intelligence by it, for the Nephews following exactly their Uncle's Instructions, did endeavour to pump every body else, and keep themselves close. Their Uncle in the mean time well informed on both hands, was sure to take just measures; and by an even carriage so to entertain the affections of both Kings, as to make them both his Friends: and re∣ally one who could govern a Popedom so well, and easily, betwixt so opposed and different Interests, did deserve to govern as long as Vrban did.

Page  24Innocentius might have been named for one of the greatest Politicians in the world, if his Sister-in-law had not lead him astray; or rather if he had been guilty of an unparalell'd inconstancy in chan∣ging so often his Nipotismo.

For they that were disgraced did immediately reveal to Princes all the secrets of his Court, and they who came in their room could never pene∣trate into the hidden designs of Forreign Courts; for the Princes of those Kingdoms and States durst not trust them with any thing, as being alwayes afraid, lest they should be turned off as the first.

And in effect, as soon as the news of the adopti∣on of Cardinal Astalli was spread abroad, there were many that laid great wagers, that he would not conserve himself in his post long; and the grounds they went upon, was the unconstant humour of the Pope, which no body could trust to.

Cardinal Mazarine himself being weary of so many extravagant changes in the Nipotismo of In∣nocentius, and seeing Astalli fallen out of his favour, and the Barberins in his place, said to one of his Confidents, in the presence of a French Prote∣stant, these words, I have never relyed much upon the Cardinal Astalli; and I shall now scarce rely upon the Pope himself. Many Princes both of Italy and Germany were of Cardinal Mazarine's minde in this, and became very cautious in all their negotiations; avoiding all occasions of treating with his Holi∣ness, as knowing that nothing could be well mana∣ged in such divisions, and changes.

Thus we see, that not only the Popes must have near them those that have the title of Nephews; but they must be really such, as by consanguinity Page  25 may be obliged to the same interest with the Pope, if he means that others should trust them. This is the only way to make the Popes appear Sove∣reigns, as really they desire to be; and any other way they will seem rather to be the Heads of a Commonwealth than absolute Princes.

It is fit therefore, that they should be allowed a Nipotismo for their own and others safety; but it is not just that they should so indulge this Nipotismo, as to set it above themselves, and become its slaves. Let them treat with Princes, but let them not be∣come so themselves, and usurp the Pope's Authori∣ty, so far as to use it without his knowledge, and often contrary to the Interests of the Church and State.

Let them not do as Gregory the 15th. who had given to the Cardinal Ludovisio his Nephew, so great an Authority of doing and saying what he pleased, without so much as consulting his Uncle, that he was really become Pope, and the Pope as if he had been the Nephew; and if ever he come and give him part of any secret negotiation, it was because the thing was so intricate, that he either could not, or durst not undertake to come to exe∣cution, without being first fortified with his Uncle's advice and approbation.

But the best was, that the Pope himself did not dare to ask him any questions about business, or in∣form himself otherwise; but sometimes would be whole weeks together without so much as seeing the face of an Ambassadour, or publick Minister: his Nephew in the mean time giving Audience, and concluding all business with them.

And the Pope was so customed to this usage, that Page  26 it never came into his minde to be offended at it; but would very contentedly make amends for those faults which his Nephew did often commit in his administration: and whensoever he did see his Ne∣phew come into his presence, he would say, Ne∣phew, I am sure 'tis some very hard and intricate business that brings you hither, for else we should scarce be repaired to for counsel. And he had a great deal of reason to say so, for his Nephew did never communicate to him any negotiation, except he had first spoiled it, and brought himself to a non-plus; and then the Pope would oblige the Con∣gregations of the Cardinals to take the business into their care, and set right again that which had been spoiled by his inability.

The second reason for the Nipotismo is, that the Popes may be able to govern with more care and af∣fection. There is nothing that forces more a Prince to answer the ends of Government, and to oblige his people, than when he considers that the Go∣vernment is to descend to his Heirs; for a Prince without a Successor does often dissipate and spoil that which he would preserve, if he had any body to leave it to.

The State of Venice which never established any Law without having first deliberated upon it, and sifted it in their Council of Pregadi, does think fit to oblige the kindred of the dead Duke to answer for their Kinsman's misdemeanours and miscarri∣ages; fining them in great summes of money for a reparation of his faults: so that often they are fain to endure for the dead Duke those punishments, which his Dignity when he was alive, and his death, have preserved him from.

Page  27The effect of this is, that the Dukes of Venice do comport themselves with all moderation and equity, following exactly those rules of Govern∣ment which they receive from the State; And the fear they are in of leaving their Relations engaged in a painful satisfaction for their faults, does oblige them to study night and day how they may serve the publick: in doing which, they do at the same time oblige their Countrey, themselves, and their Kindred; whereas else they might be subject to follow their own private interests, to the prejudice and detriment of all the Commonwealth.

The Popes have almost the same fear upon them, and by consequent the like obligation; for the on∣ly consideration of leaving their Relations engaged with too powerful enemies, has often made them desist from enterprizes, which would have proved fatal to their State, and all Christendom.

Vrban the 8th. did often protest, that if it had not been out of a kindeness to his Nephews, he would either have hazarded the Popedom, or have brought Princes to his will.

The Popes know very well by experience, that there is no way to preserve their Nipotismo from the persecution which ordinarily they are to ex∣pect from their Successours; whensoever their Successors are such as come with pre-occupation against them, and finde in the Government of the Church and State so many abuses, which do quicken their indignation against the precedent Nipotismo.

This is a very great tye upon them in their ad∣ministration, which appears if once they come to cast it off.

Paul the 4th. who had much of a barbarous and Page  28 inhumane humour in him, more becoming a Soul∣dier than a Pope; as soon as he had banished his Nephew from Rome, did do things with a great deal more resolution and insolence than before: inso∣much that it seemed, as if he had a minde to reduce all the world under his Laws, and force Christendom to follow the dictates of his Capriccio.

The Ministers of Princes who had to do with him, did extremely complain of this his proceeding; for he did no less than threaten them all upon eve∣ry occasion: and one day particularly as the Spa∣nish Ambassador was complaining to him of some occasion of disgust which his Holiness had given the Crown of Spain, he answered him in a fume, That he had now no Nephews to care for; and that suppos'd, That his actions did deserve to be blamed, he little cared: for with his death all resentments would vanish: meaning he was no longer concerned for his Relations, for whose sake he had all this while contained himself within the limits of the Papal Dignity.

Some say that Julius the second did bear a great affection to his Kindred, but did forbear any de∣monstrations of kindeness to them out of a more solid Principle of Love; which was, That they might not receive any reproaches or injuries after his death, for those faults which he might have committed in his life time: for having resolved to do nothing but make War, and lead a Souldiers life, as indeed he did, he would infallibly have drawn the revenge of all his Enemies upon his kindred, to whom therefore he shewed himself averse.

And indeed it was wisely done of him, and kinde∣ly; Page  29 for it was impossible but so warlike a humour as his was, must needs offend many Princes, who all would have been revenged upon his Nipotismo, as Authors, and Partakers of their Uncle's De∣signs.

If Vrban had done the same thing, the perse∣cution of the Barberins had not been at all, or at least had not been so violent; but the great Au∣thority with which they appeared under him, did make Princes believe that all the Pope's actions were of their plotting and managing.

So, when the Duke of Parma, and the Princes his allyes made War against the Church, they de∣clared to all the world that they had no design to offend the Pope; but only to be revenged of the Barberins, whose ambition they accused as the Mo∣tive of the War.

Quite contrary, All the errors and miscarriages of Innocent the 10th. were never imputed to his Nephew the Prince Pamphilio; for every body knew well, that he had no share in the administra∣tion of the Government, and yet he is in possessi∣on of all those riches and vast summes of money which Donna Olympia his Mother had got together: and no doubt if she were now alive, she would certainly be in very great danger, if it were only, because of that opinion which Princes had concei∣ved of the Authority with which shee rul'd, and was thought to have a hand in all the transactions of her Brother's Pontificate.

And on the other side, that tender affection which the Pope did bear to his Sister-in-law, was very useful towards the abating something of the violence of the Pope's temper, diverting him from Page  30 all thoughts of War, and keeping him from en∣tring into Leagues and Consederacies with Prin∣ces, with whom he desired to live in peace.

When the revolution of Naples happened, which was the greatest occasion that ever any Pope had to possess himself of that Kingdom, he was so far from attempting it, that he would never so much as say a word, or enter into deliberation about it; not that he wanted courage or desire: but only because he would not leave Donna Olympia, and his Kindred, involved in an irreconcilable War with Spain, and in danger of ruining themselves for ever.

Our Alexander has alwayes used the same pre∣cautions, for when Don Ag•stino in the heighth of his insolence and pride disobliged so openly the Family of Colonna, by making his Uncle the Ca∣valier De la Ciaia take up that place in the Theatre, which the High Constable Colonna had hired for himself.

The Pope was infinitely offended at so rash an action, not out of any consideration for the merit of the Family of the Colonna; but because he knew that such an accident could not choose but be fol∣lowed by an open enmity betwixt the two Families of Chiggi and Colonna: therefore without any delay the Pope gave order, that all the means of reconciliation should be sought out. And finding that Don Agostino stood too much upon his terms, and would not be brought to make any satisfaction to the Constable, the Pope grew passionate; and sending for him, forced him to a present comply∣ance, using some reproaches: and amongst others, these words, You commit extravagant follies, and I Page  31 must be put to the trouble of making amends for them, to free you from the danger of their consequences. And a little after, You do nothing but procure mischief to your self and me, while I make it my business to do you good.

I will not say any thing of the business of the Duke of Crequy, for it is most certain, that with∣out the consideration of his Kindred, the Pope had never condescended to an agreement so advantage∣ous for France.

Witness the Pope's own expressions to those Am∣bassadours and Cardinals, who for the quiet of Italy did endeavour to take up the business. The Ve∣netian Ambassadour aboue all did concern himself very much in the business, following the Orders of his Senate; which does wisely fore-see and endea∣vour to take away all causes of a War in Italy: and as he was pressing the Pope upon the business, his Holiness answered him, That it was a great affliction to him that he had introduced his Kindred into Rome; for else he would either have broke himself, or have made France bend.

But the Ambassadour who was very ready in all occasions, but particularly prepared upon this, answered him, If your Holiness had never brought your Kindred into Rome, this accident had not hap∣pened.

To which the Pope replyed suddenly, Well then, we must make all well again, to the Churches prejudice, and our Kindreds advantage.

The like discourse he had with Monsignor Rasponi (who now is Cardinal) and was then created Ple∣nipotentiary for the Treaty of Pisa, after he had in vain been sent to Lyons, to make an agreement; Page  32 for there the business was crossed with a thousand difficulties, amongst which the precedency was one.

The Pope was brought into such a Labyrinth, that he did almost lose his wits in seeking how to come out of it; for on one side the affection of his Fa∣mily did continually solicite him to yield to the great pretensions of the French King; on the other, the Decorum and honour of his Pontificate, which would be blurr'd with the infamy of having given away so much of the Dignity and Profits of the Church, did make him resolve to be constant, and bate nothing of that respect and Majesty which the Popes do use to expect from Princes: and the rather, because he had alwayes shewed himself a singular defender of the Pontifical Dignity, and could not endure to be forced to submit to a Crown, for which he had never had any great inclination.

For all this, at last, the interest of his Kindred carried it before those of the Church; and after he had worn out all the slights and arts that the Court of Rome could furnish him withal, he was forced at last to come to an agreement, as infamous for the See of Rome, as it was honourable for France.

Whereupon some of the most zealous Cardinals having vented their complaints in the Consistory it self, blaming Monsignor Rasponi for signing the Treaty, He was obliged to excuse himself to eve∣ry one of them in a particular Visit, by saying, That he had an express Order from his Holiness for what he had done; who had declared his resolution of yielding to any conditions, rather than of leaving his Family engaged against so powerful an Enemy as France. To which purpose he related to some of his par∣ticular Page  33 friends, the very words which the Pope spoke to him when he went to take his leave of him to go to Pisa, to treat with the Duke of Cre∣quy, which were these, Be discreet and yield up something of the Popedom, to save our Family; and not leave them and the Church in an obligation of main∣taining a dangerous War in Italy.

Thus it appears that it is not so much that uni∣versal care of a Father, that makes the Popes main∣tain a good correspondence with Christian Prin∣ces; as the fear of leaving Enemies to their Fami∣lies, and bringing ruine upon their Relations.

We all know that every Pope either out of envy or some other motive is well pleased to lessen, if not utterly to destroy the Family of his Predeces∣sor; and of this we have had many experiences since two ages. Therefore also the Popes, to prevent this misfortune, do ordinarily endeavour to get, while they are alive, the protection of some emi∣nent Christian Prince, for their Family; under whose wings they may shelter themselves in a time of calamity.

And if this be, we may conclude, that all the affection, the care, and the desire which the Popes have of advancing their Kindred, does at last turn to a general benefit and profit for Christendom; and if you except one inconvenience, which is, that they impoverish the Church, and carry away all its treasure, it were and is better for all other considerations, that the Popes do govern conjoyntly with their Nipotismo, than without it: which is pro∣ved by a third reason; which is, that without a Nipotismo the Negotiations and business of the Court could never be carried with secresie enough.

Page  34I am in doubt whether it be harder to keep a thing secret in the Court of a Prince, than in the Council of a Commonwealth; for in the Com∣monwealth the great number of Counsellors make the keeping of a Secret a very difficult thing: and in the Court of Princes, the envy of those Cour∣tiers, who are excluded from the management of Affairs, is so sharp-sighted, and does so pry and penetrate into the most hidden Mysteries of the Court, to the end they may either hurt the Prince through his Counsellors, or the Counsellors through the Prince, that it is almost impossible to keep any thing hidden from them.

I am of opinion, that for one reason the Secrets of a Commonwealth are better concealed, which is; because that those that are conscious to them, are themselves the Princes and Masters of the State: but in a Monarchy, the Prince being for∣ced to trust some of his Subjects, it is much more dangerous for him and for his business; for he be∣comes slave and dependent of those who should be his. Divers Histories will furnish us with exam∣ples to prove what we say; and if that be true, and that yet nevertheless it is very hard to keep coun∣sel in a Commonwealth, it is easily inferr'd, how difficult a thing it is to do it in a Monarchy.

But what shall we say then of the state of the Church, of which no body can tell whether it be Commonwealth, or Monarchy, the Popes appear∣ing sometimes absolute like Princes, and other while dependent like Dukes of Commonwealths; and without doubt the Popes could never be able to conceal so many private and publick interests with∣out that trust and relyance, which they have in Page  35 their Nipotismo: and this particularly for two reasons. The first is thus.

The Court of Rome taken in all its latitude, is without doubt the greatest of Europe, and the most magnificent of Christendom; for it yields to no other in the great number of Ambassadours, and publick Ministers which reside in it.

For the Popes, that they may the better conserve the title of Universal Father, which they affect, do by all means procure to have as many Ambassadors of Christian Princes near them as they can. But that very thing by which this Court seems to be most honoured, does also carry with it an evident danger; for these Ambassadours and Residents be∣ing unwilling to stay in Rome, without procuring some considerable advantage to the Princes that send them, are perpetually watching for occasions to discover the Popes most secret designs: so that they are in effect so many spyes, who the more they are in number, the more do they encrease the difficulty of preserving and concealing the Secrets of the Court.

Before I speak of the second Reason, which makes the Court of Rome so suspicious a place for Secrets, I must say something about the Cardinals, and their Office, and Employment.

The Cardinals are the Pope's Counsellors, who by the Dignity of their place, and the Majesty of their Habit, do much augment the pomp and splen∣dor of the Court. The Popes do every day give them new Priviledges and Prerogatives, by the means of which they are respected like so many Kings.

This makes Forreign Princes endeavour to get Page  36 their friendship by all means, giving them both se∣cret and publick allowances and Pensions, in conside∣ration of these Prerogatives, and of the power which they have to chuse the Pope; who must necessarily be one of their number.

But if Princes shew a promptitude and readiness to win the Cardinals affections, they are themselves reciprocally courted by the Cardinals for divers rea∣sons; As first, for the Emolument of their Pensions; Next, that they may not obstruct their way to the Popedom by an open Exclusion in the Conclave; And last of all, that they may live in greater reputa∣tion and esteem in Rome, Where those Cardinals are most valued that entertain an exact correspondence with Princes: particularly if it be with any of the two Crowns of Europe, that is, France, or Spain; upon whose Brigues and Interests does ordinarily de∣pend the election of the Pope.

Now it is to be believed, that these Princes do not prodigally spend their Treasure without receiving a continual Interest for it; which Interest is an exact information of all that is done, treated, and managed in the Court of Rome: And of this the Cardinals acquit themselves with great industry and diligence.

So we see, how intricate and troublesome the Go∣vernment of Rome would become to the Popes; if they had not Confidents, that is, Nephews, on whom they might relie; and to whom they might trust their se∣crets without fear.

For indeed, a Pope without Kindred must re∣nounce Monarchy, and resolve to be only as the Head of a Commonwealth; which would be just to give himself up into the hands of the Cardinals, and be at their discretion: Which if it were, every body may Page  37 easily infer how dangerous it would prove to the Pope's Authority, and how unbeseeming the great∣ness and decorum of his place and dignity. Besides that, probably things would fall into confusion and disorder, while every Cardinal would be more intent to satisfie his own ends; and, as they say, draw the water to his Mill, than to mind the necessities of the State and Church.

If the Pope could do nothing without the counsel and assent of the Cardinals, How would he be able to treat any Leagues, make Wars, or Peace? Which are things so incident to the nature of a great State, such as the Pope's is, that it can seldom be without them. There would be framed a thousand difficulties in the very beginnings of Negotiations; and the Enemy would know all before you had resolved any thing. Every Cardinal would support his Prince and Country, and at last they would all be so emba∣rassed and confounded, that they would either be in danger of losing themselves for the Church, or of exposing the Church to mischief to save them∣selves.

How would it be fit, that the Pope should advise with the Senate of Cardinals, if they themselves are his and the Churches greatest enemies, If they have not only promised, but sworn fidelity to the Party of those Princes that give them Pensions and Revenues? How then can they follow the Pope's directions, or consent to his designs? Certainly they must either cheat the Prince, that they may be true to the Church; or be false to the Church, that they may not be un∣grateful to those Princes, whose money they have taken.

There are some Cardinals that would not care, if all Page  38 were lost, so they did but save their Family, which is under the protection of some Prince; and avoid them∣selves the reproach of ingratitude from their Benefa∣ctors.

The greatest part of the Cardinals are either of the French or Spanish Faction, and each of them makes it his greatest glory to defend the Pretensions of the Crown he protects, whether just or unjust; so that often between them they neglect and ruine the Inte∣rests of the Church and Pope. How were it possible then for the Pope either to preserve himself or the Church in its Prerogatives, if he would take and fol∣low the counsel of those whose interest makes them the Enemies to both; though they pretend, that what they do is only out of a tender consideration of the publick good.

To this purpose I remember that a certain Italian Cardinal, being weary of holding for many years on the Spaniards side, gave himself to the French by the mediation of a better Pension which they promised him. And indeed the Cardinals, whatsoever they pretend, have no other inclination to either party than what their Interest leads them to; For he that gives highest Pensions, and the best Benefices, is sure to have them.

This Cardinal, having thus renounced the Spani∣ard, did go about to take away the imputation of in∣constancy and self-interest; and would say in all companies, That he had no other end in doing so, but a desire to be able to serve the Church and Pope the better.

But another Cardinal, of great experience and pru∣dence, hearing him one day discourse after this rate, could not forbear saying these words to him, I wish to Page  39 God that your Eminence, that have never been able to do the Church any service while you were a true Spaniard, may do her some now you are a counterfeit Frenchman. And this he said in the presence of divers Cardinals and Embassadours.

Let us then conclude, that the State and Church can never be well governed, as to the point in hand, if the Popes be without Nephews to relye on, and in whose secrecy they may confide.

Innocentius the tenth was so convinced of this truth, that finding himself deprived of those helps which he could not receive from his lawful Kindred by reason of their inabilities; and withal seeing that he was exposed to the unsatiable avarice of a woman, his Sister-in-Law, he was fain to take the young Astalli and declare him Cardinal Nephew, and Pa∣drone, giving him the name of Pamphilio; and in a word, made him in Rome, as Pharaoh was in Aegypt, the Governour of all things.

But what hapned? This young Cardinal not being able to comply with the Pope's humours, and having no tye of Consanguinity upon him, was rather a Traytor to him than a Nephew; for he did reveal to the Spaniards, from whom he did secretly receive good Pension, all that passed through his hands, or that could come to his knowledge: caring not how he hazarded and engaged the Pope's Honour and Re∣putation.

Particularly, at that time that the Pope and the Barberins together, did consult how they should fall upon the Kingdom of Naples and divide it among themselves, Astalli all day long did set spies, and endeavour himself to discover their Counsels; and then secretly in the night did give the Spaniards notice of Page  40 all; who, being thus well instructed, did easily pre∣vent their Enemies designs, by taking away all those means which the Pretendants relied upon for the exe∣cution of their Enterprize.

Upon this the Pope enraged against Astalli, bani∣shed him from Rome, took away from him all that he had so liberally given him, except the quality of Cardinal; of which he could not be deprived but for great crimes, and that by a fair trial too.

Now if the Pope Innocent could not trust one whom he had raised from nothing; and if the se∣crets of his Court were revealed and published by a Cardinal so much obliged to him, How can other Popes trust Cardinals that are as it were their enemies by being too much other Princes friends?

These are the reasons that force the Popes to call their Kindred about them, and shew them all de∣monstrations of kindness; and I think they are such as prove that the Pope cannot govern according to the rules of good Policy, if their Kindred be not with them, and have not a share in their fortune.

And if it be so, Why do we murmur so much against the Popes for spending the Treasure of the Church in maintaining the greatness of their Ne∣phews? since it is certain that their Pomp and State is the Churches. And to what shall its Treasure be useful, except it serve to make the Majesty of the Pope∣dom appear to the eyes of the world? For there is no doubt, that if the Pope's Spiritual Authority were not held up and maintained by his Temporal Power, it would soon be ruined and despised For now adaies the reputation of riches and strength is that, which breeds respect for the Popedom; as in the Page  41 Primitive Ages of the Church it was upheld by ho∣liness of life, and good example.

Poor Church-men are indeed respected still by some devout Women, and the Vulgar: But they are despised in the Courts of Princes; where the Rich are welcome, and honourably received. A poor Church-man must wear a Hair-cloth, Fast, do Peni∣tence, and work Miracles to be known and respe∣cted: But a rich one, without more ado, shall im∣mediately be saluted and welcomed even where he is unknown.

Why are the Jesuites so in vogue in the World, and desired in Courts, as if Princes could not be without them. The Vulgar adore them, Noblemen respect them, and Magistrates grant them protection and priviledges. Is it that they serve the Church better than other Church-men? No certainly: For the Or∣ders of Saint Francis and Saint Dominick have spent more bloud in the profession of the Christian Faith in a Day, than the Jesuites in an Age; neither do they live a more exemplary or a stricter life than others. How comes it to pass then, that they are so powerful? I will tell you; Money is the Key which opens all all doors to these good Fathers, by which they pur∣chase Credit, Power, and Authority, even amongst Church-men, and in the Court of Rome.

The Popes by this, seeing how important a thing Riches are in the hands of Church-men, do very wisely strive to furnish their Nipotismo with them; that as they are to treat and manage the greatest affairs of Christendom: so they may do it with the Pompe and State, that so Eminent an Employment does require.

Page  [unnumbered]Page  43

Il Nipotismo di Roma: OR, THE HISTORY OF The Pope's NEPHEWS. The Second Part.

The SECOND BOOK.

THat which we have said in the precedent Book, is rather a Panegyrick for the Popes and their Nephews, than a true dis-inte∣ressed Relation, becoming a History: Therefore lost our Nipotismo should lose its Soul, and that which will make it live, we must fall into our wonted in∣difference; and by saying all the ill, and all the good that can be said of the Nipotismo, perswade our Rea∣der, as it is true, That we have no other Design, than to relate freely and without interest its concerns.

Thus doing, the Popes will have no reason to com∣plain; since the ill that is said, will be recompensed by the good; and the Romans, or my other Readers, will not tax the Author of partiality or flattery, since he so freely writes all that comes to his knowledge for the instruction of the Publick.

Therefore we will treat in this Book, of all the good and all the mischief, that the Nephews of the Popes have done to the Church, ever since Sixtus the Fourth. Their good actions shall be set out, that the Memory of the dead may be revived, and due Honour given to the living that deserve it. And their ill deeds shall not be forgotten, that they may be hated by all Mankind; and that the Nephews of the Popes to come, hearing the blame they undergo, may learn to esteem good actions, and avoid ill ones.

But the greatest difficulty that I find in the execu∣tion of this my design, will be, how to separate the good Corn from the Tares: For all that the Ni∣potismoPage  47 does, is thought good and just by them, though never so wicked; and the Romans, on the contrary, will scarce allow of any of their actions, though never so virtuous.

Christ has often compared in his Gospel the Church to a Field; and indeed it was a very fit Me∣taphor: for, like a Field, it has always been either sowed, or mowed; and it is a hard matter to know, whether the number of the Sowers does exceed that of the Mowers, though their Employment be very different.

But certainly we may say, That the Popes Nephews have always been the Mowers, and the rest of Christian Princes the Sowers. And as Prin∣ces have made no difficulty of taxing themselves and their Subjects, and parting with the dearest fruits of their labours, to give to the Church; so the Pope's Nephews have made no scruple of dissipating and spending in their Pastimes and Pleasures, that which Princes had spared out of their own Treasure for them.

What would Constantine, Pepin, Charlemagne, the Countess Mathilda, and so many other Princes say, if they should come into the World again, to see those Lands and Revenues, which they so charitably gave to the Church, divided, and cast lots for, as his Vestments? Truly I think, that they would now think it as a pious Work, to take from the Church-men by force, that which they had before given so willingly: and this because they would deliver so many People from the intolerable oppression of these Nipotismo's. And indeed their insatiability is such, that the Church and the State, ruined and spoiled as it is by so many hungry Nipotismo's, would scarce Page  48 suffice for their maintenance, if Forreign Princes did not take a pride in enriching the Church by great Re∣venues, which are all devoured by the hungry Ni∣potismo's; who are very justly compared to the Hy∣dra's Heads, whereof one was no sooner cut off, but there sprung seven worse and more envenomed in the place.

It is a kind of a Miracle to me, to hear Princes murmur at the disorders the Nipotismo's commit, in robbing the Church, and perverting the use of its Riches; And yet to see those very same Princes con∣tribute out of their own Revenues, and their Peo∣ples Sweat and Labour, towards the enriching of those that they blame.

I think it would be as great a piece of Justice to punish those that are robb'd, as to chastise him that commits the Theft: For if so, the number of Thieves would diminish infinitely; since every body then would take as much care in preserving, as the Thief could use Art in stealing. Whereas now every one relying upon the surety of the Publick Laws, and the punishment that attends those that violate them, does as it were give an occasion of offending against them; and as the Proverb says, The Occasion makes the Thief; which is as much as to say, That they that are negligent in preserving their own, are the cause that others have a mind to it.

If Princes following this Truth, did shut up their Treasures, and stop that Stream of Wealth which flows from their States to Rome, while they see that it is all ill us'd, and employed to the ruine of the Church and True Religion; certainly the Pope's Ne∣phews would not commit so many Scandals: neither would the World have so much reason to murmur against them.

Page  49But our Complaints are not like to cease, while Princes shall think it honourable and pious to oppress their Subjects, that they may supply the Court of Rome: And, on the other side, the Nipotismo shall make no scruple of taking any thing from the Church and State, and alledge for their excuse, That they take nothing but what is the superfluous part of the Churches Revenue.

What do so many Abbies, Pensions, and other Revenues, which Princes bestow upon Church-men, serve for; but to weaken so much their own States, and strengthen another Princes? to make that which is Sacred, Profane? turn Crosses into Swords, and Humility into Pride and Majesty? And when they have bestowed thus their Gifts and Presents upon those that do not need them, they are not only forsa∣ken in their greatest distress by Church-men; but are set upon by them, and brought to their ruin, that the Church may have the Soveraignty over their People, in the Place of the lawful Princes.

All the disorders and scandals of the Church, State, and Church-men, take their rise from their Riches. When the Church was poor, Church-men were holy, having nothing to employ their minds about, but the Rules of a Good Life: but since once Riches came amongst them, farewell Holiness of Life; they have not the leisure; they are too much taken up with telling their Money, buying and selling Estates and Princedoms; they forget those spiritual Riches of the Soul, and mind only those that relate to the Pleasures of the Body.

Riches came in by little and little upon the Church, and by the same degrees Sanctity and Holi∣ness of Life went out. They that read the History Page  50 of the Church, cannot chuse but have discerned all along the truth of what I say.

And yet every one knowing this, and being so for∣ward to complain and murmur against the Popes ava∣rice, and their Nephews prodigality; no body thinks of blaming those that by continual Gifts do every day supply and furnish them with these Instru∣ments of Wickedness.

Christ has declared definitively, and pronounced with his own mouth, in the sixth Chapter of Saint Matthew, That it is impossible to serve God and Mam∣mon. Now Mammon being interpreted Riches by most, nay by all, the conclusion is, That it is impos∣sible to serve God and Riches.

The Popes, on the other side, do by their continual practice prove to the World, in enriching their Fami∣lies, that they are firmly perswaded, that one may at the same time serve God, and the Mammon or Riches of this World; or else certainly they would give over tormenting themselves, to make their Kindred great.

Riches are that Primum Movens which set the Sphere of the Nipotismo a going; and we may say, That in this Heaven of theirs, they are no less devout than poor simple Women are, to purchase that which is promised them by the Church of Rome: For as the one falls down before a Crucifix, and adores the Altar, to gain Indulgences; so do the Pope's Ne∣phews prostrate themselves before their Treasures, and believe that they obtain the pardon of all their faults, in worshipping the Coffers in which they have buri∣ed the Churches Riches.

Now if Christ has said, That there is no serving God and Riches, How can the Popes give their Ne∣phews Page  51 leave to serve Riches and God? Have the Popes the Power of giving our Saviour the Lie? For what is it else? For either they believe not Christ's Words to be true, or else they are resolved to contradict them in their Practice; both which are abominable to any rational or serious Christian: though I believe that in Italy there are thousands who, frighted by the Inquisition, would rather answer, That Christ was mistaken in his Doctrine, than say, That the Pope does amiss in his Practice.

About four years ago I was in Bagni del Vallé, a Town so called; where, amongst others, was a Father of the Order of Saint Augustine, by name Father Paolo Segani, who called himself a Preacher; though for my part I believe he was so far from being a good Divine, that he was scarce Master of the Rules of Grammar in the Latin Tongue.

This good Father was one day engaged in a Di∣spute with a Protestant Gentleman, about the Infal∣libility of the Pope; and there were many of both Religions present, amongst whom I was one. The Protestant was a Frenchman, called Jean Antony Guerin, a Doctor of Physick, and a very ingenious Gentleman; but one who excelled in the knowledge of the Holy Scripture, and did so well understand all the hard Passages of it, that the Ministers of his Religion did often take great pleasure to hear him discourse with so much ability about it.

The Dispute on the Catholick's side was most spent in Words, he being able to answer to all the Protestant's Reasons with nothing but a Negative, and say, It is not true, That is false.

But at last, as they grew warm, the Protestant pressing closer upon him, put this Question to him, Page  52 on purpose because he saw him so ignorant. Whether or no it were easier for Christ to have err'd in deliver∣ing his Gospel, than for the Pope to erre in his De∣crees?

At this the Monk smiled, and thinking to hit the nail on the head, answer'd him boldly, That he be∣lieved that Christ, as Man, might have erred; but that the Pope, as God, could not erre.

At this Answer the Protestant burst out a laugh∣ing, and so did some Swisser Ladies, who without doubt had more wit and discernment in matters of Religion, than this impertinent Monk. And thus the Dispute ceased; the Protestant contenting him∣self to have shewed the others Ignorance, and the Monk thinking he had answer'd most invincibly.

And indeed, in what Soul or Mind can this Opi∣nion be receiv'd, That the Pope is more infallible than Christ; That God should fail in his Words, and a Pope be infallible in his Decrees? O Blasphemy, and horrible Error in the poor abus'd People! who give more credit to the Pope's words, than to Christ's own Gospel.

It has been observed, that in the Popes Families there has been Saints, even amongst their inferiour rank o• their Servants; and yet there never was any of their Nephews Saints. I have turned over great Volum•• of the Church-History, a purpose to see if amongs• that great number of men, who are said to have performed Miracles, there were any one of a Nipo∣tismo to be found amongst them: But truly I le•• my pains; for the Popes, who have filled up the Ro∣man Kalendar with thousands of Saints, have no• yet been able to place one of their Nephews there▪ And indeed, how is it possible that they, that live i•Page  53 delight and greatness, should have room amongst those that have purchased their place in heaven by sufferings and poverty?

And me-thinks, it is a sad thing to observe for the Nephews, that all the harm the Church has received was from those amongst them that shewed the stron∣gest Propension to Riches and Power: whereas all the good that has been done by them comes from those amongst them that have been moderate, and conten∣ted with ordinary riches. And now if we measure the good by these moderate men, and the ill by the insatiable, the number of the last being much greater than that of the first, will demonstrate to us that the damage the Church receives from the Nipotismo is much greater then the good they ever did or will do to it.

In the time that Urban the eighth Excommunicated the Lucheses for going about to repress the Insolence of Church-men in their State; all the Italian Prin∣ces sided with them, not out of any particular affe∣ction to them, but out of a politick reason, they being all concern'd in the loss of Lucca, for thereby the Ecclesiastick State and the pride of the Nipotismo would have been encreased. And yet no body for all this durst say any thing against the Pope's Person or Authority, but lay all the fault upon the Nipotismo; As one day I heard a Senator of Venice discoursing in these words:

Italy has little reason to complain of the Popes, but it has a great deal to murmur against their Ne∣phews. Urban would be good and holy of Francesco An∣tonio and and Tadeo Barberini were not devils; but as his affection blinds him to them, so does their pride blind them in their conduct towards Princes. Because they Page  54 have a Vail drawn over their eyes, they think that all the world must be one colour. And they are so busied from morning to night in disposing of that vast Trea∣sure which they have already gathered, and in invent∣ing new waies to purchase more, that they think not of getting the favour of those Princes who will remain such when the Barberins shall cease to be Lords and Ma∣sters. If their Interest had not so great an Empire over them they would govern the Church better; and in a word, the Church would be in them, and not they in the Church.

But what a strange Sacrilegious opinion is that which is maintained by the Divines of the Church of Rome? viz. That one who has got his riches by Extor∣tions, and oppr•ssing of the poor, and any wicked way, is not ob•ig•d to a restitution to the poor: But it is enough if when he dies he leaves his Estate to some Church, founds a Mon•stery, or an Hospital; as if it were lawful to transgress the Law of God, and bring ones self into a state of damnation to satisfie that covetous and insatiable humour of the Church-men.

If the Walls of Rome could speak, and the Fa∣bricks of so many stately Cloysters had mouths to make themselves heard; if those vast Palaces of the Nipotismos were animated; Oh! How many tender∣hearted Christians would be fain to forsake the City, and retire into desarts, that they might not hear the stones complain for the poor, and lament their mis∣fortune?

Ferdinand, Second Duke of Toscany, having a great deal of reason to complain of the Barberins proceed∣ings towards him, said one day to one who was about to go in Pilgrimage to Rome: That the holiest Tem∣ple Page  55 that he should see there would be the Barberins Pa∣lace, for that it was cem•nted and built with the bloud of many Martyrs.

If any body in Rome should steal but the value of six pence in his greatest necessity from a Priest, with∣out doubt the Nipotismo, who has the Government of the City in their hands, would cause him to be hang'd immediately: and yet they that rob and spoyl the Church go off free, and without any pu∣nishment.

Every day there comes out some new Order from the Datary-Office for the reformation of the abuses committed by Church-men in their employments; and the Popes do give often particular Commissions to This and That Cardinal to enquire into the lives of the Monks, and take away those Scandals which do every day encrease: And yet for all this the Romans observe, that the more the Decrees of Reformation are, the more are the Vices multiplied; the disease being so st•bborn and inveterate, that it grows worse when the Physician goes about to apply remedies to it.

The Pope's subjects curse the Nipotismo for their Tyranny and Extortions. Christendom is scandali∣zed to see that they little believe that Religion of which they make so great Profession. The Church weeps and sheds tears to see its bowels gnawn and torn by the Nipotismo. The State, weakned by so ma∣ny Taxes and Oppressions, sends its cries to Heaven against them. The Monks exclaim, seeing that the Nipotismo's Avarice deprives them of their Profit, and makes them contribute towards the maintenance of their Grandeur. Princes and Embassadours retire dis∣contented from Rome, not being able to endure the Page  56Nipotismo's insolence. The Altars themselves are often forsaken and stand empty, the Nephews refusing to grant Indulgences without money.

Certainly these abuses, these disorders, these scan∣dals should drive the Popes out of Rome. That Gar∣dener that does only cut the top of the Weeds, and not root them out, is but an ill Gardener. But how can the Popes reform the abuses of the Church, if they do not begin with their Nephews? For it would also else be a very preposterous Reformation that should begin with the Effect, and leave the Cause untouched. Some say, that the Popes are holy in the Reformations of the Breviary, and the chastizing of the Romans for their faults: But they are devils in leaving the crimes of their Nephews unpunished; for they trusting to their Uncles Indulgence, do slack the Reins, which should curb the natural inclination which we all have to do ill.

But it is now time to enter into a particular Narra∣tion of the good and hurt the Church has received from the Nipotismo; and as we begun their History at Sixtus the fourth, and continued it down to Alexander the seventh now reigning: So we will now begin at Alexander, and trace it backwards up to Sixtus the fourth.

The first mischief, and indeed the most considera∣ble one, caused by the Nipotismo of Alexander, was the change made by them in the Pope; whom from godly, pious, and inclin'd to mortification, they have made sensual and ambitious.

Alexander in the first months of his elevation to the Popedom had so taken upon him the profession of an Evangelical life, that he was wont to season his his meat with ashes, to sleep upon a hard Couch, to Page  57 hate Riches, Glory, and Pomp; taking a great plea∣sure to give audience to Embassadours in a Chamber full of dead mens skuls, and in the sight of his Coffin, which stood there to put him in mind of his death.

The Cardinals, the Princes, the Prelates, the Ro∣mans were all touched with so pious an Example, and did begin to think of reforming their lives. The He∣reticks themselves did bear that respect to his Holiness, as to prostrate themselves in the streets, when he went through Rome, not so much in fear of his Majesty, as in honour of his Vertue. Divers French Protestants came on purpose to Rome to know whether his words did answer his reputation, and if he did really lead the life he was said to lead. The noyse of his Sancti∣ty being so great in France, that it was almost impossi∣ble to believe all that was said of it.

Thus lived Alexander, while he lived without a Nipotismo: But no sooner had they set their feet in Rome but the Pope changed his nature, or rather came to himself; for instead of Humiiity, succeeded Va∣nity; his Mortification vanished, and his hard Couch, was changed into a soft Feather-bed; his dead-mens skuls, into so many Jewels; and his thoughts of death, into eternal designs of Ambition and Grandeur: Filling up his empty Coffin with Money, as if he had a design to corrupt death, and purchase life with Riches.

Hereupon a publick Minister, returning from his Audience the very same day that the Nipotismo came to Rome; and having felicitated his Holiness upon their arrival, said, as soon as he came home, to one of his friends these very words: He is not of the same humour he was went to be; he was us'd to stand with Page  58 his eyes fixed upon the ground, and now he does nothing but fix them upon Don Agostino; Heretofore we did hear him sigh often, and now he is as inclined to laugh. I am afraid the Nipotismo has already spoyled him.

This is the first harm that they have done the Church. I do not know what good they may do hereafter, but hitherto they have done so little that it is invisible; whereas the mischief they are Authors of, is obvious to all eyes. Don Mario, who is the Pope's Brother, and the Head of the Nipotismo, does exer∣cise his place of Governour of Rome with so much Tyranny, that the City it self is become odious to many Families of quality, who have left and remo∣ved to other Towns, that they might not be any lon∣ger subject to one who gives occasion of complaint to the People, the Gentry, and Strangers; For he is not only averse from doing curtesies, and inexorable in punishments; but he is inclin'd to disgust all those who, having to do with him, do not appease his angry genius with money.

Besides, assuming to himself, in the Government of the Borgo, a greater Authority than does belong to him of right, he does, as it were eclipse and stifle the jurisdiction of the Governour of Rome; who often is forced to own those faults of which he is innocent, Don Mario laying upon him all the miscarriages, and taking to himself all the profit of both places. For proof of this I will bring an example which will ne∣ver be forgot by Posterity.

In the time that the Duke of Crequy received that affront to see his Coach assaulted and fired upon by the Pope's Guards; the Cardinal Imperiale, who was then Governour of Rome, was so innocent of this accident, that he did not so much as know of it till Page  59 it was past, and then he found that Don Mario had so engag'd him in it, that there was no retiring; and indeed though he have since made a Journey into France to justifie himself: nevertheless the French Court, who cannot forget the affront done the King and Nation, can less avoid remembring of Cardinal Imperiale, who was charged as the Author of it.

And yet they are very well informed that the design was laid by Don Mario, and the execution only charged upon Cardinal Imperiale, who has been fain to endure that humiliation and pu∣nishment which did belong to the other.

Indeed if the Pope had not in good time made sa∣tisfaction for the Injury, the French King was re∣solved to seek his reparation by his Sword; not against the Pope, who knew nothing of the business till after it was brought about; but against his Bro∣ther, who had set Imperiale upon the execution of it.

But in the reparation, the Church was the most endammaged; for besides the loss of its honour, and that respect which was wont to be borne to it, it received a very great blow in its strength and riches: for not only the Pope's Nuncio was imme∣diately sent away from the French Court, but also his Vice-Legat was driven from Avignon, and the Court of Rome was forced to entertain an Army all the time of the Treaty, and before, for fear of being surpriz'd by the Kings Forces; and when it did come to an agreement, it was conclu∣ded in a dishonourable and shameful way for Rome, and for the Church. This is the good and profit that the Signor Don Mario has brought to the Page  60 Church; and yet in the Articles of Peace there was little or no mention made of his person.

The Pope, for all this, is so pre-possessed with a good opinion of him, that he does give him there∣by an occasion, and almost an invitation of com∣mitting more mischief, than he would do other∣wise.

But if Don Mario has been useless, or rather prejudicial to the Church, certainly Don Agostino, his Nephew, has been little better: He is one that would seem to be born to an Empire; and were it Alexander's or Caesar's he did enjoy, he would not show a more lofty carriage, nor affect a greater insolence.

When he goes through the City, he does so lit∣tle regard any body, that he is scarce induced to salute those Gentlemen that civilly do prevent him by pulling off their hats first: but he never be∣gins to any body, no not to a Prince; which is so odious, that for that only pleasure of seeing his pride abated, the Romans do wish the Pope's death.

He did, what lay in his power, to make an eternal Enemy of the Family of the Colonna's; which is the noblest and best beloved of Rome, and counte∣nanced by the greatest Monarchs of Christendom; and if the Pope had not wisely caused satisfaction to be made for the affront done to the Colonnas at the Theatre, the Family of the Chigi would have in∣curred the enmity of a House, which in time might have been revenged, or at least in the quarrel the City of Rome would have been divided, and in a kinde of War within its self.

The Cardinal Padrone too on his side giving him∣self Page  61 too much up to sensual pleasures, is the cause of great disorders in the Court and Church; for all the Congregations of Cardinals, of which he is the head, are much puzled how to deal with, and humour a man, who cares for nothing less than that which is committed to his care. Some of the Car∣dinals and Prelates take example by him, and do commit great scandals; for which they excuse themselves by saying, That the Cardinal Padrone does commit greater. And thus betwixt them the poor Church is ill serv'd in both its Temporal and Spiritual.

I have nothing to say of the other Nephews and Kindred of the Pope; for supposed they had good inclinations, they have little or no occasion to bring them to effect for the publick good, they being not admitted to any publick employment. And indeed it would be but loss of time for any bo∣dy to summe up the good this Nipotismo has done the Church; for it is so little, and their ill actions are so many, that it would be stifled by them, like good Corn by Tares.

The people is more oppressed than ever, the Ci∣ty is ill provided, and all things are dear and scarce; the Prelates are discontented, and the mo∣ney it self is condemned to a perpetual confine∣ment in Don Mario's, and the Nipotismo's Coffers.

It is a strange thing to see, that the Popes should have the power to perswade others to renounce their fortunes, to run into Monasteries, to embrace Pilgrimages, and Mortifications; and yet not be able to perswade a little moderation to their Ne∣phews, and make them content themselves with that lawful encrease of their Fortunes, which eve∣ry Page  62 body is well pleased to allow them: but they must still be laying taxes upon the people, and dis∣content upon Princes and States.

I have a friend that is of opinion, that by the means of Indulgences, the peoples vices do daily diminish. I know not whether it be true or no, but I am sure that the Nipotismos do daily increase, they little caring for Indulgences, and being of opinion, that the Pope is obliged to open them the door of Paradise by force. And though this may be taken as a facetious conceit, yet I am certain that the Nipotismos in good earnest do little frequent Churches, but are more employed in getting of money, and taking their pleasure.

But now it is time to speak of Innocentius the 10th. his Nipotismo, of which it may be said, that it did a little good, and no hurt; because it was alwayes under the Popes disgrace, and Donna Olym∣pia's oppression; so that none of it were able to show either their malice or their bounty, if they had any: for that good which they did do, may be as well interpreted to proceed from a design of winning the peoples favour, to whom only they could have recourse in their disgrace, as from any good Principles of their own.

But however it were, the poor Church was ne∣ver the better; for what between Innocentio's Ca∣priccios, and Donna Olympia's tyranny, it was most miserably governed; and the Court brought into such a disorder, that the like was never seen be∣fore, nor I hope will not be hereafter: since the impression and mark of those blows which it recei∣ved then are still to be seen in the face of the Church, and will appear to fright all those that Page  63 should go about to bring a like scandal upon it.

And first the renunciation of the Cardinals Cap made by Prince Pamphilio, though it were in it self a very necessary action, for the preservation of the Pamphilian Family, was nevertheless scandalous and injurious to the Churches reputation; the more because being made without his Uncle's con∣sent, it so looked as if this eminent Dignity of Cardinal were a thing to make sport with, and a profession as easily cast off without shame, as it is ordinarily conferred without merit.

But this had been but an inconsiderable fault, which would have been forgiven without pain in this disorderly age, if all Christendom had not been offended by the tyrannical government of the proud Donna Olympia; who having usurped that power which the Popes do ordinarily confer on the Nipotismo, had brought them to such a desperate case, that they did almost revolt against their Uncle; whose humorsome fancy did make such work by displacing one, and putting in another, sometimes a true, sometimes a false Nephew, and sometimes governing without any at all, that the most patient and unconcern'd spectator could not behold so capricious a Prince without indigna∣tion.

The Nipotismo being by Donna Olympia's means depriv'd of the power of doing good, had never∣theless the faculty of doing mischief left them; and the Lady would have been well pleased with it, for she did seek after all occasions of making them odious to the Pope, and to every body else: but they perceiving her design, became good, or at least innocent, out of spight, that the imputation Page  64 of all the miscarriages might fall upon her alone, they being not disposed to bear a part of the pain, who had none in the pleasure.

For this reason the Prince Pamphilio was alwayes most obliging and ready to serve the Church, and those that requir'd his assistance; giving therein demonstrations of his good nature, and hopes that he might one day rule better with his natural simplicity and equity, then Donna Olympia with her refin'd, but wicked policies.

So the two Princes Ludovisio, and Giustiniani did behave themselves with all care and circumspecti∣on, out of a design of pleasing the vulgar; since they could not be admitted to please their Uncle, whose affections they had lost, without having any thing laid to their charge that might deserve so se∣vere a punishment. Let us therefore conclude the innocence of this Nipotismo, who never had the power of doing any good, nor the convenience of doing any harm to the Church; which never∣theless was severely handled by that impudent and covetous Donna Olympia.

Now let us go a step higher, and come to the Nipotismo, of Vrban, or the reign of the Barberins; who seemed to be born for the Empire of the world: and of them indeed there is much to be said. For in the space of three and twenty years, there was occasion for every one of them to show his parts and inclinations, and make the world ac∣quainted with their temper.

They that have writ the life of Urban, having proposed to themselves no other design than that of pleasing the Barberins, do make perpetual En∣comiums of his good actions, but pass silently all Page  65 his ill ones, that they might not lose that favour which to purchase they had undertaken to trans∣mit such gross flatteries to posterity.

There is no doubt but Vrban did very much ad∣vantage the Church and State, enriching them with a great number of Hospitals, Churches, Col∣ledges, Libraries, Castles, Forts, Altars, Temples, Canonizations, and Beatifications: but if we con∣sider the greatness of his visible Revenue, for the space of three and twenty year, we shall finde that his expences are inconsiderable compared to it.

I am acquainted with a Roman, who had the cu∣riosity for two years together to inform himself of all the expences of the Barberins in the Pontificate of their Uncle, that is, of all the money they had laid out both for the Church and their own Family, and found by computation, that the publick expense consisted in nine millions and a half of Crowns; and their visible private one in twelve.

Let it not seem strange to any one, if I say visi∣ble, for every body knows, that the great policy of the Niptoismo consists in hiding their own ex∣penses, and publishing those that they are 〈◊〉 for the Church; whose rotten Walls they ordinarily plaister over with a little Lime and Water, while they build new ones for themselves, covering them with some sad colour that they may hide the ex∣pense.

They that will please themselves, let them read the Life of Vrban, which has been inserted among the rest of the Lives of the Popes, composed by Platina, and there they will meet with such a quan∣tity of his good works, that they cannot chuse but esteem him as one of the holiest Popes that ever Page  66 was; but they that are otherwise inform'd, are mov'd to laugh both at the Pope and the Author.

There you shall meet with nothing but, that the Pope visited such a Church, confirmed such a De∣cree of his Predecessor, gave the people his Be∣nediction from the Church of St. Jean of Lateran, visited the Hospital of the Trinity, made a great exhortation to the Bishops, excited the Monks to reform, beautified St. Andrè Avellino, received Ambassadors with great state, opened the Holy Year with Magnificence, consecrated the Church of the Vatican, gave the title of Cardinalate to the Church of St. Charles, re-built the Colledge of the Grecians, &c.

But all this while not a word of the Progress of Gustave Adolfe in Germany, of the Turk in the other parts of Christendom (while the Pope lets them both alone) of the excommunication of the Duke of Parma, of that of the State of Lucca, of the affront done to the State of Venice, of the disrespect show'd to the Crown of France in di∣vers occasions, of the War begun in Italy, of the Catholick Keligion declining in Poland, of the Artifices used in the War of the Valtolina, and in a word, of so many miscarriages, and offences given to Rome, the State, and all Christendom, by the extravagant passions of the Barberins: Of all this I say there is not a syllable, nor the least men∣tion.

Every one knows that Germany, the Empire, and the Catholick Religion were upon the brim of their ruine, for want of succour; and yet at that very time the Barberins▪ did make War upon the Princes of Italy, with the treasure of the Church; Page  67 their minde being more bent upon the raising of their Family, than upon the conservation of Chri∣stendom,

And the mischief was, that they did so besiege the Pope, that there was no means of informing him of the deplorable state of the Affairs of Christendom; for neither the Emperour, nor the King of Poland could ever obtain any answer to their demands, which I believe never came to the knowledge of the Pope, no more than their dan∣gers. The Nipotismo answering their Ambassadors conformably to their own interest, without any re∣gard to the Fatherly and Pastoral care, to which their Uncle was bound by the duty of his place.

But that which was worst of all, was, that they did not openly refuse their help, but by delayes and promises keeping still the Emperour and King of Poland in hopes, they made them neglect to make peace with their Enemies, and refuse those conditions, which else they would have accepted, had not the Barberins entertain'd them with the hopes now of an Army, then of a great summe of Money; and at last disappointed them of all.

However the people of the State belonging to the Church were the worse for it; for the Barbe∣rins taking occasion from the obligation the Pope was in, to assist these Princes, did thereupon lay most heavy Taxes and Impositions upon both Church-men and Layes: The simple people stirred up by the exhortations of some Preachers who made it their business to declare in their Sermons, That God could not be better pleased then by that assistance given to the distressed Catholicks, did sell all their Jewels and preciousest Houshold-stuff Page  68 to give away to those that had the Commission of gathering their Benevolence.

Out of these summes which were thus raised, the Barberins did send it may be one or two in the hundred, and this after so long waiting, and by such chargeable wayes, that half of the money was absorbed in the exchange: which the Empe∣rour and King of Poland having perceived, they were fain to give over their soliciting the Barbe∣rins, and defend themselves as well as they could.

The Protestants themselves, though much re∣joycing at the decaying state of the Catholick Re∣ligion in Germany, were nevertheless infinitely scandalized at the Pope's proceedings, saying, as it was true, That the Barberins did the Catholicks more mischief by denying them succour with such dilatory wayes, than the Protestants by the force of Arms.

In a word, I think it is not a hard thing to per∣swade that the Barberins in the time of their reign did the Church a great deal of mischief; it would be much a harder to convince any body of the good they have done: and it is so difficult a busi∣ness, thar for my part I shall not undertake it; only I will give the Barberins this good counsel, which is, that if they desire to make posterity lose the memory of their ill conduct under their Uncle, they endeavour to get Cardinal Francesco Barberino made Pope after the death of Alexander; for so it may be, that as in their Uncle's time they did much more hurt then good, they will under Cardinal Francesco, who is pious and vertuous do more good than hurt.

There is an example of this already in the two Popes of the Family of la Rovere; Sixtus the Page  69 4th. and Julius the second; for in the time of Six∣tus, the Nipotismo was most highly guilty towards the Church, and did much harm, and little good; but under Julius it did much good, and little harm: so the same thing may happen for the Barberins, if Francesco be made Pope.

Gregory the 15th. who was Vrban's Predecessor, lived to do mischief enough, but it seems had no time to do good: of the four parts of the Pope∣dom his Nephew had three, and he one.

All this Popes thoughts were bent upon the Pro∣testants ruine, particularly, he had a spight to Ge∣neva, calling it the nest of the Devil; and there∣fore he pressed the Duke of Savoy to besiege it, promising him great succors of men and money. He likewise assisted with all might and main the Emperour in his War against the Protestants of Germany. He failed not to solicit the King of France to torment and molest the Huguenots of his King∣dom, and prevailed with him to do it: which cost him dear, and had like to have proved fatal to his Monarchy, though at last he remained victorious.

The Cardinal Ludovisio his Nephew, quite con∣trary, did what lay in his power, to quell in his Uncle, this unmeasurable desire of ruining the Protestants, and engaging all Christendom into bloody Wars; but the Pope would never hearken to any thing that he could say about that particu∣lar, answering him alwayes in these words, 'Tis enough that I let you do what you will with the Catho∣licks; pray let me have the liberty of doing what I please against the Hereticks our enemies.

His Remonstrances to Ambassadors upon this Subject, were so frequent at every audience that Page  70 they were tired with them; and when sometimes the Cardinal Ludovisio would interpose, and say some∣thing to qualifie the heat of the Pope's exaggerations, he would command him to hold his tongue; and sometimes say to him, you have a touch of an Heri∣tick in you.

He did all his endeavours by a thousand plots and Artifices, to reduce England again under the obedience of the Church of Rome, but all to no purpose: at last, seeing himself disappointed in this his main design after such pains and expense, he resolved to get back to Rome. Marc Antony de Dominis, who in the time of P•al the fifth Gregories Predecessor, had left Italy, and was fled into England; where, having declared himself Protestant, he did write many shrewd books against the Pope, and the Court of Rome, as one who was well informed of all its dis∣orders.

The Pope, the better to compass his intention, sent to London certain Prelates disguised, who had been heretofore intimate with Marc Antony. These, com∣ing to him secretly, promised him not only the Pope's and the Churches pardon; but also assured him, that he should be made Cardinal at the next promotion. The Archbishop, trusting to the Oaths and Engage∣ment of these Prelates, left England, and return'd once more to Rome, where he made a recantation of all his Errours, as they call'd them; But a little after, being carefully watched by the Pope's Spies, they took hold of some words that he said; and having clapt him up in the Inquisition Prison, began to question him for Heresie; and without doubt he had un∣dergone the dreadful fire of the Roman Purgatory, if timely death had not prevented the Pope's revenge.

Page  71In a word, this Pope had undertaken the ruine of all Protestant Princes; wherefore he sent great Suc∣cours to the Emperour in his war against the Prince Palatine of Rhine, who after some resistance was dri∣ven out of his Country, and proclaimed Traytor to the Empire: whereupon his dignity of Prince Elector was conferred upon Maximilian, Duke of Baviere, a Catholick Prince, much protected by the Pope.

And the Emperour, in acknowledgment of the Pope's zeal and affection, presented him with the Prince Palatines Library, esteemed, for the great number of Manuscripts in all Tongues, one of the most famous of all Europe: The Pope, having thanked his Imperial Majesty, caused the Library to be trans∣ported to Rome with great charge and expence; and as soon as it came, he solemnly sanctified it with his blessing, and so laid it up.

Paul the fifth was almost of the same humour, though he did not undertake things so rashly, but would wisely consider the good and evil that might come of them. It is believed, that in his time an in∣finite number of Hereticks return'd to the Church of Rome; but I am sure, that above a hundred Italian Families forsook their Country, and withdrew into Protestant Princes Territories, where they might free∣ly follow the Rites of their Religion. Particularly, they went to Geneva, where great numbers resorted every day, and above all many Lucheses, of which some are now aggregated amongst the principal Fami∣lies of that City.

This Pope, though so zealous for the Church, was nevertheless very Indulgent to his Family, who did usurp a power and authority, as prejudicial to the Church as it was offensive to Princes; with whom the Page  72Borgheses, as well as the Barberins, would often enter into contest.

In the time of this Pope, Italy had like to have seen sixteen Cities of it become Protestants, as Monsieur De Lion, the French King's Embassadour told the Pope; and thus the occasion was:

Paul and his Kindred, for I know not what reasons, did bear a secret grudge to the State of Venice, and did wait for nothing more than for some occasion of shew∣ing their spleen; and it falling out that the State of Venice, according to their ancient Form of Govern∣ment, did put some Church-men in Prison; the Pope upon the notice of it excommunicated not only the Se∣nate, but the whole Nation of the Venetians, as if they had been guilty of their Magistrates fault. But these wise Senators were not so easily daunted, but resolving either to preserve their power and authority within their Government, or to hazard the ruine of it, set some of their Divines on work to write against the Pope's autho∣rity, and his Excommunication; which writings did then, and have since produced so great an effect in the minds of most men, that now there is not any little Prince of Italy that cares for the Popes Excommuni∣cation, as it has been clearly seen by the examples of the Duke of Parma, the Commonwealth of Lucca, the Duke Charles of Lorain, and many others.

The constancy of the Venetians was invincible in this occasion, and so great, that they sent the Pope word, That if he did not recall his Excommunication they would provide for their own preservation by such remedies as should become the dignity of their State, and its ancient Majesty.

And that they might the sooner bring the Pope to their desires, they politickly sent to Geneva to require Page  73 that City to send them some of their most able Mini∣sters to instruct them in the Protestant Religion. This Artifice having frighted the Pope into a conde∣scendency, he was fain to come to an agreement very disadvantageous for the honour of the Sea of Rome.

If this Pope had not been so unjustly severe to∣wards the State of Venice, he would have left a much better name behind him. For to say truth, he did the Church much more good than evil: but it was, and will be, a great spot to his reputation to have gone about to undo the Bulwark of Chri∣stendom: for such has the State of Venice alwaies been reputed.

We must be forced to skip Leo the eleventh (for his short life gave him no time to do good, and hin∣dred him from doing any harm to the Church) and come to Clement the eighth, who was a Pope that li∣ved both with his Kindred, and for them a good while.

Christendom was involved in great troubles when he came to the Pontificate, there being nothing but Wars and Divisions. The Turks did assault Germa∣ny, and the Protestants did torment the rest of the Catholick Princes; besides that, the banish'd Crimi∣nals of the Kingdom of Naples had made themselves Masters of a great part of it, and spread themselves over all the Country. The Pope's main end, amongst all these disorders, was first to provide for his Kin∣dred; and that care took up so much of his time and treasure, that he was not in a condition to succour those Princes that were fighting for the defence of that Religion of which he was the Head.

In the mean time the Spaniards, who had a mind Page  74 to hinder Henry King of Navar from possessing the Crown of France, which he was lawful Heir of; foreseeing that of themselves they would not be able to resist Henry's Right, nor hold out against so gene∣rous and warlike a Prince, they did their utmost En∣deavours to get the Pope on their side, and declare against the King of Navar, as against an Heretick, and by consequent incapable of receiving the Crown.

At first, the Pope refused to engage openly in a bu∣siness which would be necessarily expensive and trou∣blesom; and therefore for a while he let the Spaniards alone, hoping that of themselves they would be strong enough to effect the Work without him: But they having perceived his intention, soon made a breach in it by the means of the Nipotismo, which they gained; and at whose perswasion the Pope sent an Army under the Conduct of Appio Conti, who was kill'd in an Encounter by some of Henry's Forces.

The Catholick Princes of the Realm of France, who were on Henry's side, together with the greatest part of the Nation, sent upon this the Marquis of Pisani to Rome, to desire the Pope to recall his Army, and not to oppose a Prince who had promised to be instructed in the Catholick Religion: But the Pope not only refused their Request, but would not so much as endure that the Marquis should set his foot in any part of the State of the Church.

Things being in this posture, Henry at last resol∣ved to dash all his Adversaries Machines to pieces at one blow; and therefore he solemnly renounced his Heresie, and was reconciled to the Church: So in spite of the Pope and the Spaniards, he obtained a Crown, which could never have encompassed a more worthy Head than his. After this, the Pope's Army Page  75 was fain to retire, having done little or nothing.

The same hapned in Flanders, whither he sent ano∣ther Army to help the Spaniards against the Vnited Provinces, who, since the death of the Duke of Par∣ma, had obtained many Victories; but it was with as little success as the first: So that the Pope, weary of spending the Treasure of the Church to no purpose, commanded his Forces home, leaving the Spaniards to look after their own Affairs.

The Expences of this Pope were exorbitant; for he did undertake every thing rashly, and more out of Capriccio, than ripe judgment and deliberation: So that he undoubtedly did the Church more hurt than good.

There is little to be said of Innocent the Ninth, Gregory the Fourteenth, and Urban the Seventh; for the greatest mischief they did the Church, was, that they liv'd so little. We will therefore come to Sixtus the Fifth.

The Nipotismo of this Pope was one of the most in∣nocent ones that ever was seen; for he hindred them from taking any part in the Government: So that they were in the Court, like Beggars at a Church door, of whom few People take notice.

Not that he was so severe, as to hinder them from a share in his Fortune; for he did bestow large Reve∣nues upon them all: observing nevertheless, to refuse always every thing that they begg'd, and to give them when they least thought of it. He did much affect this sort of Generosity, or rather Soverainty; for he never suffered any of his Relations to put their hands into his Coffers; nay, he was so absolute, that once he banished a Kinsman of his, because he found his House better furnished, than it could be by those Page  76 Gratifications which he had received from the Pope, who used no more words with him but these, We have given you so much, and you have so much; How came you by the rest? And so without delay he ba∣nish'd him, and divided his Fortune amongst his other Relations.

If the Nephews of other Popes become rich, it is by the abuse they make of that Authority which they usurp in the Pope's Name. But it was not so with the Nipotismo of Sixtus; for he never gave blindly, but with his eyes open, and discreetly: And if there were any Error committed in their growing rich, it was the Pope that was the Author of it, and not they, who were meerly passive, and did but receive their Uncles Liberalities.

There is no doubt, but that under this Pope the Church received much more benefit than damage; for the Nipotismo having no Power, could not be otherwise than good and innocent; and the Pope himself was so wise and vertuous a Prince, that there were few Miscarriages in his time; if we except that only occasion, in which Sixtus, by his too hasty Ex∣communication of King Henry the Third of France, brought the Church in danger of losing for ever so noble and flourishing a part of Christendom; as it had hapned already, by the rashness of one Pope, that the Kingdom of England was entirely lost, only because Clement the Seventh would not yield a little of his Authority. And indeed, I think, the greatest blemish upon the Reputation of Sixtus is, that he suffer'd himself to be so far transported with anger, as to Excommunicate Henry the Third of France, for having caused the Cardinal of Guise to be killed, and the Cardinal of Bourbon to be shut up in a close Pri∣son, Page  77 with the Archbishop of Lyons, who were in∣deed all three Traytors to the Kingdom, and Con∣spirators against the Royal Person of Henry.

The Consistory of Cardinals did oppose this vio∣lent Resolution of Sixtus, by remonstrating to him the terrible consequence of it, and the danger that all the Church would incur by the loss of so noble a Christian Kingdom.

But the Pope laughing at all this, answered the Cardinals in this manner; If therefore you will have it so, we will bring it to pass, that from henceforward you shall be neither honour'd nor reverenc'd by Princes nor Kings; but despis'd, vilified, and exposed to the hands both of the Oppressor, and the Executioner. Certainly, if the killing of Cardinals be conniv'd at, and pass'd over without resentment and chastisement, it may very easily become the Case of every one of you. However, we will rather do that which Justice requires, though you little care that Reason be done for the Vio∣lence committed, not so much against you, as the Sa∣cred Purple.

Nevertheless, the Pope was wary, not to precipi∣tate things so suddenly; but suffered five Months to pass, after the death of the Cardinal of Guise: during which interval, he made by Letters several Admonitions to the King; all which proved to no purpose, the King being resolute not to free the Car∣dinal out of Prison, which the Pope so vehemently urged. Whereupon, seeing he could not prevail, he thundered out the greater Excommunication, with all the accustomed Forms, against the King, and against all those who in the said matter should afford Counsel to, or in any manner whatsoever as∣sist him. Besides which, he also cited the said King Page  78 to make his personal Appearance at Rome, within the term of seventy days, there to give account of the Death of the Cardinal of Guise, and the Imprison∣ment of the Cardinal of Bourbon.

The King conceived great indignation upon this proceeding of the Pope, and began to advise with the Prelates, Bishops, and Counsellors of greatest trust with him, how to ward off such a Storm; and things were carried so far, that the Council-Royal seem'd resolv'd to create a Patriarch in France, particularly for the Gallicane Church, who should not in any wise be subject to, or have so much as the least Communication with the Church of Rome: And 'tis likely the French, who affect Novelties, would not have been backward to close with this Resolution.

But whilst Matters went on in this manner, it so came to pass, that the King, as he lay with a great Army at S. Cloud, two Leagues from Paris, was on the first day of August, in the year 1569. wound∣ed in the belly with a two-edged Knife, by a Do∣minican Fryar named Jaques Clement Native of the City of Lans, and of the age of twenty three years, as he was receiving Letters from the hand of the said Friar, who was upon his knees; of which Wound he died within fourteen hours, in regard his Entrals were pierc'd, having imploy'd this short in ordering such things as concerned his Soul.

This Murder hapned seventy eight days after the Summons by the Pope for his Appearance at Rome, within seventy days; and his Holiness rejoyced not a little at it, since hereby the displeasure, which the Con∣sistory of Cardinals, the People, and Nobility had conceiv'd against him, as one that car'd not much Page  79 to see the destruction of a Kingdom, which would breed disturbance to the common quiet of Italy, from Age to Age, both by Sea and Land.

Great were the Stirs which succeeded in France af∣ter the King's death; inasmuch as Henry King of Navar, next Heir to the Crown, began to ende•∣vour the possession thereof, by warring against the Lords of the Ligue, who were back'd and upheld by the Spaniards, by whom the Succession of Henry was infinitely opposed.

In these Commotions and Broils of France, the Pope gave not those Assistances to the Ligue, which they expected and required; and this upon several accounts, but especially because he would not con∣descend to the Instances of the Cardinals and the Spaniards, who much solicited him; giving them this Answer, When we were against the dead Henry, all you were our Opponents; Now that you would per∣secute the living Henry, we will not side with you, for the sake of our own Interest.

It was not a little displeasing to the King of Spain, that the Pope did not succour the Ligue, nor declare Excommunicate those Princes and Prelates that fol∣lowed the side of Navar; so that the King resolv'd to make some Protestations to the Pope concerning this Tergiversation. But his Holiness wanted not Pretexts to fence with, and in a manner made sport with those Spanish Cardinals, who importun'd him either to unite with the Ligue, or send considerable Assistance to it.

Gregory the Thirteenth had Nephews, who did not degenerate from the Name of Buoncompagno; that is to say, they little car'd to do good, and less to do evil. Nevertheless, according to the Instinct Page  80 which seems natural to Pope's Nephews, this Family of Buoncompagno could not restrain it self from dis∣gusting some of the principal Persons of the City, by the death of two Gentlemen, pretended to be slain by accident, through the indiscretion of the Sbirri or Serjeants. A Policy observed by all Nephews, to colour their vindicative Outrages upon all occasions.

From hence it may be gathered, That the intention of the Buoncompagni propended more to Evil than to Good; and accordingly they fail'd not to give Instances of the former, though 'tis hard to find any of the latter.

But if Nephewship ever did good in Rome, 'twas in the time of Pius the Fifth, when all the Proceed∣ings of the Nephews were directed to Good, in re∣gard they wanted Spirit to gainsay the good intenti∣on of this Pope; who could not endure to see them in Rome, out of a jealousie, that being fatned with the Treasure of the Church, they might fall into the same wicked Road, which had been trodden out by so many others.

Paul the Fourth (for there is not much to be said of Pius the Fourth) took not the same course; for he advanc'd a Nephew, who for the space of neer five years, knew not how to do any thing but evil, and evil so enormous, that his Unle was forced to drive him out of Rome, and his Successor to put him to death in Rome.

In the beginning of this Pope's Reign, the Mur∣thers, Rapes, Violences, Robberies, Cheats, Inju∣stices, and a thousand other Enormities and Vices, which surrounded the Ecclesiastical State, to the damage of all Christendom, were attributed to the Pope, who had set up his Kindred in Rome; whom Page  81 after the Pope had banished the City, his Holiness's Reputation seem'd to revive in the hearts of the Ca∣tholicks, who had been scandalized at him, and now saw, that all the Mischiefs were to be attributed to the Pope's wicked Relations.

'Tis a strange thing, That amongst so many Ne∣phews great and small of the House of Caraffa, into whose hand the Pope had put the Government of the Church, there should not be one into whose head ever came so much as a single thought to do any man∣ner of good to the Church, to Christendom, or to the afflicted State Ecclesiastical.

The mischief which the Nephews of Pope Caraffa brought to the Church, or rather to the whole World, was so great, that to this present day the People of Rome retain a certain impression of hatred against all that bear the Name of Caraffa, however Noble Gen∣tlemen; it not being possible for any so much as to behold one of them, without regret and aversion.

Cardinal Caraffa was twice in danger (I say, in danger; for in him the Papacy would have been en∣danger'd) to be Pope; Once at the time of the Ele∣ction of Innocent, and before at that of Vrban: But at both times he was excluded, for the sole conside∣ration of his being of the Family of Caraffa; the very Name whereof, in remembrance of the Ne∣phews of Paul the Fourth, remains extremely odious both to small and great.

Otherwise, the Cardinal in himself was a Person of merit, and vertue sufficient, to enable to ascend to such a Dignity, as well as those others that have as∣cended in his place. Some excluded him, because they doubted lest the Caraffi would turn once again to the Sicut erat, that is, to aggrandize themselves Page  82 at the cost of the Church, and the damage of all Christendom; and so much the more, in regard the number of the said Cardinal's Nephews was so great, that even himself could hardly count them; not∣withstanding that he did what he could to make it believed, that he was wholly free from personal in∣terest, as well as that of blood.

Long would the discourse be, and infinite the words, if I were obliged to give account of the Nephews of all the Popes, one after another (according to the order begun) down to Sixtus the fourth: to whom, as being the Introducer, not of the Nipotis∣mo it self into Rome, but of the Pride and boundless Authority thereof, may be justly attributed all the Evil, which, for the two last Ages, the Nephews of Popes have caused to the Church.

Wherefore, I will for the present omit to make a distinct survey of the mischiefs of the other; partly, because I know not readily how to discover the good of any; and partly, because my heart will not suffer me to view, without tears, the Evil of all; which is the more grievous, because irremediable.

What might I say of Marcellus the second, who lived but a short time, and gave no authority to his Nephews? Or what of Julius the third, who min∣ded nothing else but Feasting, sometimes with one, sometimes with another; and kept his Kindred at Rome, rather to accompany him to Entertainments, than to assist him in the Government of the Church, which he little heeded?

What Discourse shall I make of Paul the Third, who would have had the Farnesian Lillies turned the State of the Church into one sole Garden for their own use? Or of Clement the Seventh, who out of a Ca∣priccioPage  83 lost the Kingdom, by refusing to grant Henry the Eighth of England a Divorce from Catherine, and a Licence to marry Anne Bouillon, with whom he was in love? What praise shall I attribute to Adrian the Sixth, a great Enemy to his own Relations, and perpetually averse from the introducing of a Nipo∣tismo?

What shall I say of Leo the Tenth, of the most Noble Family of the Medici? Where shall I find the good which he did to the Church, spoiling other Princes of their States, to transfer them to his own House? What Title shall we give to Julius the Se∣cond, of whom it was not known whether he were inclin'd to the hatred or love of his Relations? What shall I say of Pius the Third, who liv'd not long enough to receive the Visits of his Kindred?

But if there be not much to be said of the foremen∣tioned Popes, there is a super-abundance of matter to be said of Alexander the Sixth, whose very memory raises horror in the breasts of the Romans, even to this day. It seems God Almighty thought fit to chastise Christendom with the barbarity of this Pope, who, not contented with his own cruel, covetous, and insatia∣ble nature, introduc'd a Nipotismo not degenerating from the manners of their Uncle.

Amongst the other Popes and their Nephews, was seen, though in the midst of much ill, some spark and glimmering of good; whereas in the Person of Alexander and his Nephews, was never perceptible the least ray of good, amidst a vast Ocean of evil; deplorable even by future Ages, not only to those which were so unhappy as to see him living.

Some strongly believed, That this Barbarian Pope had sworn himself, and caus'd his Kindred likewise to Page  84 swear, Never to do good to the Church. And they had reason to think so, whilst no sort of Reason prevailed with him, or any of them, who acted all things with an Authority not otherwise limited than by their own unbridled Passion.

He would not allow that the City of Rome should enjoy certain holy priviledges peculiar to it alone; and therefore in the year 1500, having publish'd an Universal Jubile, he granted more Indulgences to those that staid at home than to those who, as the custom is, came to visit the Churches of Rome, ordain'd for that purpose.

Nevertheless, some were willing to think that he did this out of good policy, as doubting lest, all the people of Christendom being already offended with the wicked carriage of his Sons, there might happen at Rome, amidst the variety and confusion of sundry Nations, some resolution to the prejudice of all his House. But such reasons had no place in his mind; for those that came to Rom•, were led thither by devotion; and the diversity of Nations hinders the Union of a People that would take Arms against their Lord.

The principal cause lay in his own humour, which was cruel and totally averse from doing good to any others besides his own Relations: And whereas by so great a concourse the Romans were likely to gain some∣thing by the traffick of holy Merchandise, to wit, Medals, Crowns, and other consecrated works, be∣sides the Rent of Lodgings, and sale of Provisions; He would not that they should enjoy this benefit, al∣though the hindrance of it was accompanied with loss both to himself, the Church of St. Peter, and the Office of the Datary.

Page  85All the good he did to the Church, was, that he shew'd himself very liberal to Writers and Learned men of all sorts; not out of any natural inclination towards them, but only to oblige them to write well of himself and his Kindred. And accordingly there were some infamous Writers (as I may deservedly call them) who made comparison between his Raign and that of Alexander, with a parallel of the quali∣ties of these two persons. Amongst the rest one made a Book, intituled, The glories of the Papacy of Alex∣ander the Sixth and the Borgian Family. God give a thousand ill years to such Writers, who flatter falsly, and at their pleasure make Angels of Devils, and Saints of Tyrants.

An other good thing which this Pope seem'd to do to the City of Rome, was, that there being a great dearth in the State, he caused great plenty of corn to be brought from Sicily, and by this means ren∣der'd the City very plentifully stored. But 'twas not any affection for the people that induc'd him to it, but he did it out of consideration of great profit to himself; for he sold corn at Rome for double the price it cost in Sicily, trading with the Churches mo∣ney, and putting the gain into the purse of his Ba∣stards. Whence it may be concluded, that he never had any intention to do good to the publick.

Innocent the eighth, of the house of Cibo, was as benign and inclin'd to do good, as Alexander was cruel and addicted to do evil. The truth is, Innocent, who gave neither Offices nor Riches to his Relations, but with moderation (as I have said in due place) was a Pope worthy of that time, when Christendom seem'd to be threatned with most heavy calami∣ties.

Page  86This man studied from morning to night how to procure benefit to the Church, ease to the People, and comfort to the Catholicks; so that no sooner was any thing mention'd to him, but he presently answer'd, So be that it bring good to the Publick. From whence it may easily be gather'd, that all his motions ten∣ded to do good, and were far from the design of do∣ing evil.

He rewarded all those Cardinals who had nomina∣ted and promoted him to the Papal Chair. To the Monastick Orders he granted particular favours and priviledges, especially to that of St. Dominique and St. Francis. He lightned the Church, and likewise the Palace and Court of all superfluous expenses. He us'd great charity towards the Poor. He lov'd his Country, and caus'd most ample satisfaction to be given to the Genoeses who had been ill treated during the vacancy of the See. He honour'd, and requir'd others to honour all extraneous Nations of the World; insomuch that the Turk himself sent an Embassadour to him with some Presents, meerly because he had understood this generous demeanour of the Pope; amongst which Presents was the Title of the Holy Cross, and the Spear which pierc'd the side of our Saviour. Thus the Romans report and believe; and accordingly I write it.

He readily pardon'd injuries receiv'd, provided his Pardon were desir'd with humility; and he receiv'd Embassadours with so great curtesies, that in those days, the Princes of Christendom knew not how to do a greater favour to a deserving Officer of State than to send him Embassadour to Rome, to negotiate with so worthy and good a Pope.

He re-bless'd the Venetians, who had been interdi∣cted Page  87 by his Predecessor; and although a Genoese, yet he omitted not to bestow divers favours on the Senate; being wont to say, That Popes may receive great honour by keeping good correspondence with the Republick, and great shame by breaking with it. Whence during his Government he entred into League with the Veneti∣ans, not in order to raise war against any, but only for procuring an Universal peace, and the tranquillity of all Christendom.

He suppress'd all those Tyrants who in several places tyrannis'ed over the State Ecclesiastical. He re∣duc'd unto friendship the disunited hearts of the Romans, particularly, the Families of Colonna, Or∣sini, Margoni, and Santa Croce, which were all embroil'd together in civil feuds; and he command∣ed all Governours of the State to use their utmost en∣deavour for extinguishing all other intestine combu∣stions.

He reduc'd all the Kings and Princes of Europe to an Universal Peace (and believe me, 'tis little less than a miracle to unite together so many disunited minds.) And indeed since the daies of Augustus Caesar, never was there seen in Europe so great a peace and concord between all Princes: who attributed this blessed tran∣quillity to the pious intention and good conduct of the Pope.

He brought to pass, that three the most powerful Armies that ever appeared in the world were rais'd for the destruction of the Turk; two by Land, whereof one was commanded by the Emperour, the other by the King of Hungary; and the third was a very mighty Fleet commanded by the Pope in Person, accompanied with the Kings of France, Spain, and England, besides part of the Colledge of Page  88 Cardinals, and a great number of Princes.

But whilst all things were putting in order, and eight months of the year allotted for preparation al∣ready elapsed, this great Pope fell sick; and his death shortly ensuing hindered Christendom from the most glorious expedition that ever was (or perhaps will be) undertaken against Asia; and so much the more in that Alexander the Sixth was his Successor.

These examples are alledged by me, to shame those Popes who are so infinitely strangers to the spirit and qualities of Innocent. The Church indeed much needs in these daies such a Pope as he to remedy the innumerable disorders and scandals which are so day∣ly multiply'd in Rome and the whole State by this pra∣ctice of advancing Nephews. But since the death of that Pope so well dispos'd to do good, there have suc∣ceeded in the Papacy a multitude of Wretches, in∣clin'd to nothing but to do mischief, and to avert whatever good might accidentally come to pass.

The chief mischief I find in the Papacy, is, that the unworthy examples of so many Popes addicted to do hurt to the Church, far exceeds the good example of Innocent, who hath had few (or none) like him∣self, in constant seeking good, and averting evil, not only from Rome, but also from all Christendom.

In this present Age, Popes strike in with the most, and relinquish the fewest; that is, they follow evil because many have follow'd it, and they despise good because they see it embrac'd by few; accounting it better to hazard their lives amongst a herd of Wolves than to be secure in the company of Sheep.

Greater mischief could not befall the Church, than that which hath befaln it through the strange changes either of the Nature or Disposition of the Successors Page  89 of Innocent the eighth, to the admiration of all but the Popes themselves; who never wonder at any thing, conceiving that they have authority sufficient to san∣ctifie wicked actions.

Now to make a little comparison between the acti∣ons of Innocent the eighth with those of Urban the eighth, Innocent the tenth and Alexander the seventh, the three last Popes; it appears that these latter were wholly bent upon sumptuous Buildings, beautifying of Altars, repairing of Walls, and other external Or∣naments; whereas Innocent on the contrary slighted all Pomps and Magnificences, seeking only the sub∣stantial and internal good of the Church. The for∣mer plotted from morning to night how to sow divi∣sion amongst Princes: but Innocent spent all his nights in considering how to unite all States and Kingdoms, for the common benefit of Christendom.

Nor is there much need to believe that the Popes, who shall succeed Alexander, will be apt to imitate Innocent the eighth. For in the whole Colledge of Cardinals 'tis not possible to find even but one of the like disposition; and I am confident there may be found above fifty of the humour of Urban, and above as many more of that of Innocent the tenth, as also no less number of that of Alexander the seventh; although there be not in all much above threescore Cardinals.

They would think it a sin to imitate good Exam∣ples for this reason, if for no other, that they have seen the same imitated by few. And the truth is, good examples are so scarce, that the Popes have not had, these forty years, time to seek them; the same being in a manner hid from their eyes, and strangers to the City of Rome, from whence goodness seems ut∣terly Page  90 banish'd, and wickedness recall'd thither with promise of great rewards.

Great Volumes might be filled with the History of Sixtus the fourth, who was the man, that first made his Nephews absolute Lords of the Church: If I should set down all the good and evil committed by the said Pope during his Reign. But it would be su∣perfluous, since all the Church receiv'd by that Pope's actions, is summarily contain'd in the Introduction and Advancement of his Nephews. A thing extreme∣ly scandalous to all Ages, and withal so mischievous that 'tis impossible ever to be laid aside; in regard the Romans themselves are so accustom'd to it, being like Lepers, that feel neither the Iron nor the fire which corrodes their bowels.

It comes here into my mind, that travelling once from Rome to Loretto, in the same Litter with a very aged Roman Gentleman, I fell to discourse with him about sundry things pertaining to the Papal Govern∣ment; and particularly I had the curiosity to ask him, How it could be consistent with the spirit of true Romans to suffer so patiently the Dominion of the Pope's Nephews, who were so addicted to scrape up wealth, affront most Princes, overturn all things, and tyrannise both in Temporals and Spirituals, with an authority so absolute, uncontroulable, and even contrary to reason, that their Government seems ra∣ther Turkish than Christian?

He answer'd me with a smile, That the Romans were become callous, that is insensible; alluding to their spirits, which alike endure all things from the hands of Nephews, who by several waies tend to the de∣struction of whatever they meddle with.

God forgive that scandalous resolution of SixtusPage  91 the fourth to introduce (I will not say the Nipotis∣mo, but) the Insolence, Vanity, Ambition, Avarice, and the too great Liberty of the Nipotismo: For the Church had formerly seen Pope's Nephews in the Vatican, but not till then the Vices in their Nephews, which peradventure (if not without all peradven∣ture) were brought in by the aforesaid Pope by means of the conniv'd-at Liberty which he suffered his Re∣lations to take, and for that having no regard to the future, but minding wholly the present, he went in the direct road to the destruction both of Church and State.

This was that Pope, who made war against the Colonneses, quarrell'd the Venetians, and committed several other exorbitances, for no other reason but the sake of his Kindred; who, during his thirteen long years Popedom, were never any one of them the Au∣thors of least advantage to the Church, but altoge∣ther addicted to spend and spoil, to waste and poure out their Prodigalities at her cost.

More might be said, but to what purpose is it to rub old sores whilst every day produces new and fresh occasions of grief and trouble?

Where are those Primitive times, when the lives of the Ecclesiasticks were solely dedicated to the publick good, and they possess'd nothing as their own; but whatever was surplus to what was necessary to sustain Nature, was all disposed of to the poor, with so holy and overflowing Zeal from the true fountain of per∣fect Charity that it refresh'd even the very sight of the beholders?

One of the greatest evils which the Nipotismo hath constantly caus'd hath been their little regard to do good to the poor. The Romans do and ever have Page  92 observ'd (and would to God they had not observ'd throughout all ages) that the least charity is that which comes from the houses of the Pope's Nephews, who themselves have nothing but what they receive as it were by a general Alms; which is no sooner got in∣to their clutches but it becomes transformed into here∣ditary Principalities, and into a Revenue not tempo∣ral, but perpetual and eternal.

But methinks they ought at least to cover these substantial wickednesses with an appearance of good, by giving the poor the remains of their superfluities; and not suffer them to clamour at their Palace doors, from whence they are so often driven by the violence of their servants.

But the truth is, the Romans give so little credit to the good they should do, having been witnesses them∣selves to so much of their ill; that it is not possible for them to believe that what they give in Alms proceeds from a good and charitable heart, but from hypocrisie and design.

If there was ever a charitable Cardinal in Rome, certainly 'tis Cardinal Francisco, who is indeed the most Eleemosynary person in the world: which I know, as not only having seen his publick, but his private Alms. And yet notwithstanding, there is not a Roman but believes this to be a meer design, to gain the hearts of those who may be able to advance him to the Papacy. And to say the truth, The principal vertue that shined in Alexander, when he was Cardi∣nal, was the great charity he shewed to the poor, gi∣ving them almost his whole Revenue; which was mention'd in design of his advantage in the Con∣clave. But he was no sooner chosen Pope but that hu∣mour left him, and ever after he held for the height of Page  93 Charity, what he did to enrich his Kindred, who were indifferently poor, and stood in need enough of the Alms of the Vatican.

I conclude this Book with affirming, that the mis∣chiefs which the Nipotismo have occasion'd, and still do continue to the Church, are more easie to be seen with the Eye, than writ with the Pen; and therefore those who have been at Rome will have more satisfacti∣on in the reading it, than those to whom it will be very difficult to be believ'd, nay, even to be conceiv'd in their imagination.

Page  [unnumbered]Page  95

Il Nipotismo di Roma: OR, THE HISTORY OF The Pope's NEPHEWS. The Second Part.

The THIRD BOOK.

THe difficulties, which the Ministers of Princes meet with in their treaties with the Pope's Nephews, are so great, that the most refined Wits and po∣litick Heads of the Universe cannot easily fathom them; every one lo∣sing himself in an Abyss of wonder to see the Court of Rome, in all her own concerns, and with all per∣sons, so selfish and singular, whilst she alone glories in the Title of Universal.

It would be no great matter, if the Nephews would rest satisfied with embroyling and discomposing the minds only of the principal Ministers of State; and Page  100 did not likewise make themselves the unhappy in∣struments of bringing Treaties and Negotiations of the greatest weight to irreparable confusion: the ruine whereof must necessarily draw the consequence of damage to the Pontifical State, disorder to Christi∣anity, and perpetual distaste to those Princes, who know themselves obliged to send their Agents to a Court, where they shall rather receive occasion of dis∣gust than profit. For the Church-men cannot treat with any Prince, without wounding his reputation with secret reproaches and back-biting language.

There are two things, Ignorance and malice (the usual Patrimony of Popes Nephews) which are pre∣dominant in the Nipotismo, which subvert and drown even those appearances of good, that might otherwise be found in the Court of Rome: And the mischief of it is, that these two are inseparable, and go alwaies hand in hand together in the Nipotismo; their ignorance is not accompanied with that honest simplici∣ty which often is seen in some of weak understanding; but quite contrary, an ignorant Nephew no sooner marches into the Vatican (which thing God knows too often happens) but Artificial Malice displaies her Banners; and if by chance within the Camp there happens to be found out any one that's good and ver∣tuous, she doth her utmost to make him pass for an ignorant lack wit. Whence the Church, Christen∣dom, and the Court do all suffer by the malice and ignorance of those Lordly Nephews, who matter not by which of these two abject qualities they go∣vern.

There have been several Princes in our Age, who finding themselves deluded in some of their affairs, have blam'd their own Officers, judging the errors Page  101 which occasioned their damage, and were indeed committed by the Nipotismo, to be caused by the in∣ability of their Ministers; as if it had been in their power to overwhelm the Course of nature, and thwart a malicious Ignorance.

Odoardo Farnese, Duke of Parma, a Prince truly worthy of a Crown, seeing the business of Castro, and his other Affairs with the Church, not to succeed according to his desire, rebuked his Minister who was at Rome, believing him a person of very slender ex∣perience in the management of the matters committed to his charge.

But when it hapned that his occasions drew him∣self thither, and consequently oblig'd him to treate personally with the Nephews of Pope Urban, he spee∣dily reform'd the ill impression made in his mind agaainst his Ministers, knowing then very well, by his own experience, that all the damages, he sustain'd in that affair, were derived from the ill-will was borne him by the Barberini: Whereupon as he went from Rome he let these words fall, That the Church indeed is a holy body, of which the Princes are the Members, and the Pope the Head; but the Nephews by their ill management do daily discompose the Members, not at all regarding how thereby they prejudiced the Head.

And to say the truth, the Pope's Nephews cannot oftentimes distinguish, what difference there is betwixt a Prince and his Minister; nor what respect the Court ought to shew to them which come to honour it.

The Church-mens understanding, to accommodate the Church so well to the benefit of their proper inte∣rest, makes many believe the subtilty of them in po∣litick affairs to be very great. And truly, the conceipt Page  102 is not ordinary, which most men have of the politick understanding of the Ecclesiasticks; every one know∣ing that the City of Rome, in the Art of Governing and making others reasons conform to its will, hath ever been in all times and ages the truest School of Po∣licy, and almost, if not altogether, the Mistris of all Nations: as she who, at her birth from the belly of the rest by a special gift of nature, brought with her into the world the most polite Endowments and refined Customs she could bestow upon her.

Such were alwaies the Customs of Rome, who for the space of more than twelve Ages past, knew very well to frame conformable maximes to their own de∣signs. But after that the Nipotismo began to take pos∣session of an Authority, not limited otherwise than by their own passions, every thing began to put on a new countenance. And having renounced the true and ancient Rules of Government, and found new methods of deport to those who make addresses to them, the Agents and Ministers of Foraign Princes, who come thither to negotiate their Masters affairs, mistake the way that others use to walk in with so much reputation.

From whence it happens, that there are very few return from their Negotiations there without just oc∣casion of complaint; not only that they have not met with due civilities, but that they have likewise been deluded in all their transactions.

The Court of Rome indeed, whilst the Popes liv'd without the Nipotismo, were instrumental in the world to resolve the greatest intricacies of Christen∣dom: but after they were introduced, they served only to confound and entangle the easiest matters; who interposing in things not at all concerning them, Page  103 they ruin'd others business and affairs, besides their own. For they will do nothing now in Rome without pretence of perfect Zeal unto Religion; and yet that Zeal hath certainly the least shew in any of their concerns. Good serves them only for the shadow, but Evil for the substance. Kindnesses from them, as honey from Bees, being seldom got without the sting of prejudice.

There are some that have fansied the Courting and flattering the Nipotismo to be the only way to arrive at the end of their unbridled designs, but these found themselves deceived; for all the merit or other insinuation in the world is not able to move the ob∣stinacy of those who (except it proceed from some capricious fancie or other inclination of their own) have no regard to remunerate or gratifie either Sub∣ject, Prince, or Prelate.

Yet it is more easie to obtain, than keep their fa∣vours: But he that doth, had better be without them: since 'tis so hard to judge whether the Tap they draw their favours from be sweet or sower.

'Tis hard to express the difficulties the Ministers of Princes meet with in their treating with the Nephews; which are so great, that some of them have caused an infinitie of Masses to be celebrated to the Holy Ghost, before they began their Negotiations with them. I my self knew one, who vowed to make himself a Ca∣puchin Frier, if he could effect a certain business with them; but I believe he had no great intention to put on that habit, because his demand was for his own advantage, and the Nephews are never wont to grant any thing to any one, but what is to their preju∣dice.

'Tis my opinion, that to be well prepa•ed to treate Page  104 in Rome, one ought to be well provided of that dou∣ble spirit, which Elisha so earnestly desired of Elijah, whilst double dealing and hypocrisie are the chiefest rudiments of their Policy, I will not say that now do, but, for the space of two Ages past, have reigned in Rome.

Let the Agents and Ministers of Princes therefore lay their heads together in Rome, and say Masses to obtain new waies of managing Political Affairs, let them arm themselves with a double spirit; for the Pontificial Negotiations will try the skill of the most experienced Statesmen.

Venice, that with so great prudence in State-affairs foresees the future, never sends any Embassadour to Rome, that hath not first been tried, and rendered an incomparable Politician by the experience he hath gotten in the Courts of the chiefest Monarchies of the Universe: yet notwithstanding I my self have heard these words said by an Embassadour sent to Rome from thence: Sin hora sono stato nell Ambasciate scabrose, hora entro nelle pericolose, dio me la mandi buona conquel Nipotismo: Till now I have been in rugged Treaties, now I enter into a dangerous one: God send me good luck with the Nipotismo,

He, who can live five years in the Court of Rome without a stumble, will not find it hard to pass an Age or two (if nature would give him leave) in any other place with reputation and credit.

Yet we know very well by every daies experience, that many Politicians and expert Statesmen, who, for many years together in the management of several Treaties, had rendered themselves as it were immor∣tal by the no small reputation obtained in the several Courts they had been formerly employed in, no Page  105 sooner came to Rome, but speedily they lost it. And indeed they all come thither swell'd with the Titles of most eminent and able Statesmen, but depart from thence with very little credit.

And the reason of this is, because as the Sea Coast, which encompasses the Ecclesiastick State, is subject to the usual Tempests of the Ocean; so the Roman Havens are very subject to their sudden variations and changes: From whence it happens, that both with∣out and within Rome is so subject to perils and ship∣wracks. They therefore who go for succour to that Climate, that is not understood by those themselves that are born under it, cannot but meet with storms and tempests. Where affairs put on every day a several face and shape, the difficulty must needs be very great; And many Ministers lose themselves in the Court of Rome by this means. For when they believe they Negotiate with a Monarchy, they find they have to do with a Republick; and when they think they treat with a Commonwealth, they find they are in∣gaged with a Monarchy full of Monarchs, whilst there is not one of the Papal Nephews that doth not expect to be treated, with as a Soveraign.

Yet because the Pope is chosen by the Cardinals, many would believe that these have the same Autho∣rity with the Pope, not only to treat, but conclude; as the Electors have with the Emperour in Affairs of great importance. And indeed, to hear his Holiness call them Fellows, Companions, and Brethren, makes a strange impression in the Citizens, Strangers, Sub∣jects, and Princes, of I know not what greatness in favour of the Cardinals, every one imagining that they cannot chuse but have a share in the privatest concerns of the Government of the Church.

Page  106But for all that things appear quite otherwise, and the Pope's become absolute Soveraign over those who chuse him; who never know any thing in any affairs untill they are concluded on: He sends Embassadours at his will, treats both of Peace and War at his own pleasure, and in fine, doth whatsoever he hath a mind to, without participating it to any, but those to whom he is guided to by his particular inclina∣tions.

But that, which makes the treating with the Court of Rome more difficult, is, That for the most part the Pope himself neither understands the Negotiations, nor Negotiators of them. And the Ministers of Prin∣ces sometimes as little know which is the Pope, for frequently he treats as Nephew, and the Nephews treat as Pope. A thing indeed enough to confound any ones understanding, to have the Pontificacy so promiscuously made up of Pope and Nephews; He for the Exteriour, and they for the Interiour part of it.

For the Nipotismo, which manageth publick af∣fairs, at whose Girdle the Keys of business are tied, Resolves, Negotiates, and concludes any thing with∣out acquainting either the Pope or Consistory.

Let any one judge, how it was possible for any Embassadour to make any honourable result in the management of the interests of his Prince at Rome in the time of Gregory the fifteenth; since he himself was so fearful to displease Cardinal Ludovisi, his Nephew, that he suffered him to do whatever he had a mind to: who, finding the power he had over him, did every thing without his knowledge.

There were some Embassadours who in their ordi∣nary Visits would in general terms touch upon Page  107 business, only to feel his Holiness his Pulse, which way he was enclined▪ But so soon as ever he perceived them to begin to ask Questions, he would immediate∣ly make this Answer; You speak with us, and our Nephew doth all things without either us or you; speak with him, and what he doth, that we do. And with such like answers he usually entertained those Embassadors that came to him.

From hence it came to pass, that most of the Trea∣ties did not only confound those who managed them; but also the Ministers found themselves obli∣ged to put all their affairs upon Chance, Fineness and Policy standing them in little stead, who were necessi∣tated, as a Ship in an unruly storm, to give themselves up altogether to Fortune.

It was a thing worth the observing, to see how the Embassadours laboured both with bodies and mind, sometimes on this, sometimes on that side; now with the Nephews, then with the Pope; from one draw∣ing this Answer, Speak to our Uncle: From the other, Go to our Nephew. So that very often when they con∣cluded any thing with the Nephew, they were in doubt whether or no the Uncle would be contented: And so it hapned on the other side, if they treated any thing with the Uncle, they were ever fearful least the other, being displeased at it, should cross the whole design; so that though matters were conclu∣ded by either of these, they were still uncertain whether the result would be for good or evil.

This Nephew, who did every thing without the knowledge of his Uncle, gave out, he could do no∣thing without participating to others; and particu∣larly in the beginning the Papacy he alwaies answe∣red, in affairs of greatest concernment, We will see, Page  108 We will do, We will speak, We wid procure, We will con∣sent, and such like dilatory expressions.

And the Embassadours were most mortified with this manner of proceedings of the Pope and his Ne∣phews, who knew very well how to agree amongst themselves to the prejudice of those who treated with them. And when things did not go on according to their pleasures, or they found themselves unable to resist the perswasions and arguments of the Embassa∣dours, they would both sing in the same tune: The holy Colledge of Cardinals must be acquainted with the affair, without whom there was never any thing concluded.

And yet those Ministers themselves knew very well, that was but a false pretext; for although the Cardi∣nals were in Rome, yet they were not in the Court, and never knew of the designs of the Pope, nor the Treaties of his Nephew.

In Urban's time there were other Labyrinths in the Court, although this Pope was a far greater Politician than Gregory, and the Barbarins much more expert in Government than the abovesaid Cardinal Ludo∣visio.

At that time, before any thing could be done, all the Nephews favours must be purchased; for he was resolved not to treat with any that was not dependent on his Family. And not only Francesco, the Cardi∣nal Patrone, was to be courted, but Cardinal Antonio, and Don Tadeo, and his Wife likewise, who so aspired at the Visits of the Ministers of Princes, that the Pope would not give Audience to any that had not first paid his devoir to that Lady: which was the Reason, why the Duke of Parma had such ill success in all his business.

Page  109In the beginning of his Reign the Pope, in a man∣ner alone, manag'd all the most important affairs of Christendom, with no small ardency and zeal. But wot you what? The things which he did in the day he undid in the night; for coming to consult with his Nephews, who alwaies found their Uncle's Opini∣on contrary to their own, they oftentimes brought him to contradict himself, and reverse what he had formerly granted and concluded.

'Tis true, he did this with great subtlety, not fai∣ling to find out some fair and specious excuses where∣with to colour their pretexts, and clear the Pope of le∣vity; by which means Embassadours were perpetual∣ly deluded, even when they thought they had the Fish in their hands, which on a sudden slipt away from between their fingers, beyond possibility of recovery.

Hence affairs were protracted in infinitum; So that though in Urban's time many Princes treated of a League with the Church and the Pope himself, never∣theless there was not any considerable one concluded in a Reign of twenty three years; during which time divers Princes concluded a League offensive and de∣fensive against the Barbarini.

The reason of this was, for that the Pope was too hard towards others, and too soft towards his own Relations; Cardinal Francesco too soft towards others, (but dissemblingly) and hard towards his Uncle; Cardinal Antonio hard towards Francesco, and soft towards the Pope; and Don Thadeo, who knew not how to do better, was hard towards the soft, and soft towards the hard.

Cardinal Francesco fear'd to disgust Antonio, and delighted to displease the Pope; Cardinal Antonio fear'd the Pope, but caus'd Francesco fear himself; Page  110Don Thadeo sided with him that was most obstinate in his opinion; And the Pope deny'd to one what he could not grant to the other, granted to this what the other desired, becoming obstinate where there was need of pliableness, and pliable where it behoved him to be obstinate.

Now a Court of this humour afforded work enough to the Ministers of Princes, who were alwaies receiv'd by the Pope with ambiguous expressions, by Cardinal Francesco with abundance of faire promi∣ses, and by Cardinal Antonio with a long train of ex∣quisite complements. But when the Ministers press'd to come to a conclusion of any important business, Cardinal Antonio sent them to his brother Francesco, who at the appointed hour of Audience us'd to go his visits to the seven Churches, and the Pope himself pretended indisposition of body. And thus the effe∣cting of all urgent business was rendred impos∣sible.

In Vrban's time 'twas hard for Princes Ministers to find the streight gate to enter into publick Negotia∣tions, and when they were in, they found themselves in a Labyrinth, out of which they could scarce extricate themselves after a thousand turnings and windings.

Monsieur de Lionne, a person of great Abilities, being employ'd Embassadour to Rome by the most Christian Crown, one day ask'd a familiar friend of his (pleasantly) What kind of person himself had? To which his Friend answered▪ That he had the person of a man worthy of this Age. Monsieur de Lionne reply'd to him, That he took himself to be like a Tennis-ball, bandi'd to and fro by foul-players; alluding hereby to the Artifices and tricks put upon him by the BarbariniPage  111 in his negotiating with them concerning the affair of Castro.

The truth is, any other Minister but Monsieur de Lionne would have shewed much anger in Rome, in the time of the War of the Duke of Parma with the confederate Princes. This great Man, who was dis∣patch'd on purpose to procure the appeasing of the rising tumults, knew not which way to turn his wits to invent projects and artifices enough to oppose those of the Barbarini, who continually promis'd what they never intended to perform.

He was sent from Herod to Pilate, and from Pilate to Caiphas: The one answer'd, Yea: The other, No. But what was most important, the Pope had granted him leave to treat with the two Cardinals his Ne∣phews, with a promise to confirm what should be by them concluded. Hereupon having one day by the power of perswasions reduc'd the said two Lords to reason, he repair'd to the Pope to beseech him to confirm the Treaties agreed upon with his Nephews; but he receiv'd for answer, That 'twas expedient to consider upon the matter; which consideration never had an end.

All the Policy of the Barbarini lay in drawing out affairs in length, and concluding nothing; so that when ever these Nephews concluded any thing with the Ministers of Princes, they presently sent word to the Pope, that he should deny to confirm what they had done, and at the same time gave out that such denial was contrary to their wills.

The Republick of Venice, when they saw that an∣cient Monument remov'd out of the Vatican, which represented the Benefits done by St. Mark to the Church, sent an Express to carry their just complaints Page  112 to the Pope, but he could never obtain any kind of satisfaction, not so much as in words, the Pope turn∣ing the matter from himself to his Nephews, and the Nephews from themselves to the Pope.

In the mean time great affront was done to the ho∣nour of a Republick so well deserving of the Church, without which one may say perhaps there would not be now a Pope in Rome, if any where else.

In like manner the Commonwealth of Lucca sent an Embassadour to Rome to complain of the injury done to them by the Pope's sending to them the Lord Recagna with the title of Commissary, (which was a thing not a little derogatory from the Soveraignty of that State) and the more, in that this good Prelate, sent from the Barbarini, had something of the Bar∣barian.

But this Embassage had no effect, besides a re∣turn of Plenary Indulgency, which the Embassadour carried home, who seeing himself so often baffled at the Vatican, fell into the humour of negotiating with the Saints, and made his business to receive the Sta∣tions sometimes of one Church, and sometimes of another.

The Crown of Poland for six years together soli∣cited by its Embassadour to have a Cardinal's Hat for the Lord Visconti, according to his just Priviledges; but in all that time he not only could not obtain his intent; but moreover the Popish Embassadour at his return knew not what cause to tell his Master of the denial; for they all gave him good words, and bad deeds. Cardinal Antonio excus'd himself by saying, That he had no authority to effect it; Cardinal Fran∣cesco, That his desire was to serve his Majesty, but his Holiness did not think the Person worthy; And the Page  113Pope pretended, That he could not make a man Cardi∣nal who was an enemy to his Nephews.

The same was the case of the Citizens of Bononia, who dispatch'd an Agent to Rome, to supplicate his Holiness, that he would please to remove the Com∣missary Della Grascia, whose being there mightily intrench'd upon their Priviledges, but they receiv'd the same Answer with those of Lucca; their Envoy returning laden with fair words, but not with In∣dulgences, as he of Lucca; for out of displeasure to have miss'd his intent he would not visit the holy places, but said to a Friend that moved him to go and receive the Stations of St. Mary Maggiore, (ra∣ther like a Protestant than a Catholick) My Friend, If there be no treating with the Barbarini who can speak, there is less with the Saints who cannot. To what purpose is it to solicite the dead, if it be so hard to ad∣dress to the living?

The two Crowns of France and Spain are manifest∣ly imposed upon every day, the Spanish Policy little availing with the Barbarini, whilst they stir not a hairs breadth from their ordinary Maxime, which is to perplex the understanding of Embassadours, one of them denying as much as the other promis'd. Which gave occasion to a certain Florentine of the great Duke's Court to say, That the greatest miracle •f Rome was to see all the Ministers of Princes tan∣taliz'd with the ambiguous and confus'd treating of the Barbarini, to so great prejudice of all Christendom.

But if ever any Prince was tantalized by them, 'twas the K•ng of Portugal, who by the advice of France, and upon hopes given by the fair words of the Barbarini, sent the Bishop of L•mego with the title of Embassadour Royal to Rome, where he was receiv'd Page  114 with great honour and respect. But in substance 'twas all but smoke, the Embassadour being unable to obtain either a favourable Yea, or a flat No; that I say not that he obtain'd sometimes the one, and some∣times the other.

This intricate procedure in so important a matter was the cause of great disorders, the Spaniards di∣strusting the words of the Barb•rini, and the French giving little or no credit to the offers made by them. For Cardinal Antonio never ceas'd to assure France, That Lamego should not fail to be receiv'd as a publick Embassadour; and Cardinal Francesco continually promis'd Spain, That his Holiness would never admit a Portugal Embassadour.

And accordingly by this course the Barbarini wholly disgusted the Portugal, little satisfied the Spa∣niard, and nothing at all the French, and brought the City it self into danger by that fray which hap∣pen'd between the two Embassadours, with the death of some Courtiers on both sides, and the declaring Lamego irregular and depriv'd of all Ecclesiastical Benefices, according to the usual penalty of Homi∣cide.

A thousand other Examples might be brought of like nature, but I must omit them to pass on to the actions of Innocent the tenth, who had reduc'd the Court to such a confus'd state, that no body knew where, nor how, to begin any Negotiation; where∣upon a Minister of the Duke of Parma said one day, That 'twas easier to make a bed for a dog, than to understand the humour of Innocent.

The Government of Urban was the best in the World in comparison of that of Innocent; for Urban delighted to negotiate with Embassadours, but the Page  115 other avoided their presence as much as possible he could; and when he receiv'd them, 'twas after so disobliging careless manner, that few car'd to confer with him.

No hours were so tedious to him, as those wherein he was to give Audience to a publick Embassadour; for he little car'd to be troubled with the important affairs of Christendom, or those of the Papacy it self.

His particular Maximes were to deny all favours, to answer all sutes with a Negative, and never to re∣solve upon any thing that might advantage the Church, or weaken its Enemies.

What others avoided, was in him predominant; that is to say, He lov'd that which was worst. If he possess'd any vertue, he employ'd it not to the bene∣fit of Christendom, but of his own Family; as on the contrary he did his ill qualities to the mischief of the Church and the City.

At first indeed he seem'd so desirous of knowing all affairs both publick and private, that 'twas hoped, his Government would prove the happiest that ever was to the Church. But this vigilance caused no small hurt in general; for when the Subjects of the Ecclesiastical State, Prelates, and forreign Ministers, conceiving the same to proceed from zeal to Justice, had brought and delivered their Memorials, in hopes of a speedy Answer, it prov'd all but loss of time; for they never were call'd, nor admitted to any an∣swer at all. Whence, the Pope's way, of denying all and resolving nothing, being understood, it became an ungrateful employment to have any thing to do at Rome.

And to make the way of arriving at their ends Page  116 more difficult to Princes Ministers, for a long time together there was no Officer at Court to present the Petitions of Suiters, as formerly, but he declared one of his Nephews to be Cardinal Patron; who was the Cardinal Astalli, but with an authority so streight and limited, that he was almost asham'd of it.

By this means the Court became so much the more at a loss; for such as address'd to this Nephew, re∣ceiv'd no other comfort, but to behold him shrink up his shoulders, (as young maids do when ask'd by their Fathers whether they will marry) and hear him tell them, That all should be represented to his Holiness. And the truth is, as to this point he was very punctu∣al: But he did it after so timerous and indifferent a manner, out of fear to cross the Pope, whose answer he knew was alwaies the same, That the matter shall be taken into consideration; The plain meaning where∣of was, That nothing at all shall be done in it.

In this confusion some thought it best to address immediately to the Pope; but, besides the difficulty of Access, the Event prov'd alwaies alike; whatever care they took to make their Proposals clear and in∣telligible, they alwaies hung in the hedge. Yet there were some too that fansied Innocent one of the greatest Politicians of the World, till perceiving by effects the clean contrary, they remain'd as mute as Statues for shame of their mistake.

His suffering Donna Olympia to rule all, his exalt∣ing, and abasing his adopted Nephew Astalli; his ba∣nishing, and recalling Don Camillo his own Nephew; his persecuting, and reingraciating with the Barbarini; and in a word, his changing his will and judgment every moment; and his inconstancy in every thing, Page  117 save granting Sutes, would have imbroiled any Go∣vernment whatsoever, and much more the Papal, which is naturally full of confusion.

When there happens a Pope like Innocent, bent wholly to reject all the instances of Princes; the only remedy is to sow disturbances in the Church, and broyls between the Protestants and Catholicks, there∣by to puzzle the Pope's brain, and frighten him, so that he shall rather seek the friendship of Princes, than they his. Of the success of which course I shall give some Examples.

When the Duke of Parma's Army took the Field, to get redress concerning the detension of Castro, under the Command of Don Gauffrido; the Pope ex∣tremely affrighted, as one not much accustomed to the Trade of War, caused the Holy Sacrament to be expos'd forty hours, and Processions to be celebrated to all the Churches in Rome.

And not knowing what might he the issue of the War undertaken by the said Prince, who breathed nothing but the extremities thereof against his Person, he thought it his best course to gain the Princes of Christendom to his side, and to oblige them to relin∣quish the Protection of the Duke, by rendring him∣self extraordinary easie to all Addresses, granting Favours to all Demanders, and receiving Publick Ministers with so much obligingness, that they need∣ed no more but to open their mouths for any Suit or Request, that of the Pope standing always open to accord it.

A certain Embassador, who for three years toge∣ther could never obtain any other Favour but that of Common Indulgences, finding his desires now sa∣tisfied in what ever he demanded, writ to the Prince Page  118 his Master, That the Pope, like a Hackney-horse, tra∣velled very well with a Spur in his Flank; and that he had lately obtained, in eight days, more than he could do before in three years: So that it were to be wish'd that the Duke of Parma would give him a touch or two more of the Spur.

In the very same manner, at the time that the French had made themselves Masters of Portolongone, all sort of Favours ran out with a full torrent, ma∣ny times preventing Requests: Nor did the Pope suf∣fer any man to depart from his Presence, who was not satisfied to the height of his wishes.

But no sooner was this State of Affairs changed, that is to say, Portolongone recovered by the Spani∣ards, and the Duke disappointed in the War, but Negatives appear'd afresh in the Field with greater peremptoriness than before; and the Pope became as deaf as a Stone to all manner of Supplications or Petitions.

Hence it may be clearly seen, or at least argu'd, That most Popes (if not all) neither grant Favours, nor bear any regard to Princes, save at such time as they stand in need of them.

Urban the Eighth was of this very same humour, denying without exception all sort of Favours, which had not their original from his own or his Nephews inclination, however just Reasons might be alledged for them; and this as well to the French, whom he made semblance to love, but really lov'd not; as to the Spaniards, whom indeed he affected, though without giving them the satisfaction of seeing any tokens of that affection.

Nevertheless, when he saw Odoardo Farnese Duke of Parma enter victorious with 3000 Horse, for the Page  119 regaining of Castro, most injuriously detained from him, then indeed he began both to humble himself to Spain, which he had kept under before, and to gratifie France, to which he had on divers occasions shewn himself ungrateful; and also to solicite the Friendship of all sort of Princes, as well small as great; and that not by promising, but by real con∣cession of Favours with a plentiful hand in Germany and Italy.

Wherefore seeing the Popes have a particular Me∣thod of bearing themselves ruggedly and contemptu∣ously to Princes, when they need them not; 'twere good Policy in Princes to bring it so to pass, that they might always be in a state of Fear, sometimes by threatning neer hand, and at other times by vexing them at distance.

The Indignities which Princes receive often from the Court of Rome, proceed not immediately from an evil intention in the Popes towards them, but from the too good inclination of Princes towards the Popes; there being some so tender-conscienc'd, that they fear the loss of their Souls in disgusting a rascallion Court-fly that bears the Cassock of a Priest, and serves to sweep the Antichamber of his Holiness or the Car∣dinal-Nephew.

The Ecclesiasticks have Swords in their Mouths, but no Courage in their Breasts; I mean, they threaten all People, without considering what issue such Menaces may have: But when they see them∣selves reprov'd or threatned, then their hearts fail them, they fall a trembling, and humble themselves to every body, especially Grandees; although with∣all, they have the cunning to colour their Fear with the pretext of a religious, pious, and devout Meek∣ness.

Page  120The nature of the Ecclesiasticks is to disgust such as comply with them, and fawn on those that dis∣gust them; So that if Princes would advance their Affairs, and bring down the haughtiness of Rome, they must endeavour to mortifie the Pope.

The Catholick Crown, in testimony of its affe∣ction to the Popes, admits into its Jurisdiction only the Roman Religion; besides that the Spaniards also shew themselves most concerned in keeping up the Pope the Head of the Church, and enriching the Ecclesiasticks.

However, they have fared little or not at all the better for it, as to their Negotiations at Rome, in re∣gard that the Ecclesiasticks (that is, the Popes) esteem them not more than others for it; but through fear commonly afford as much or more countenance to the French: from whom on the other side they re∣ceive greater disgusts, under pretence of the Galli∣can Priviledges.

'Tis true, the Roman Court very well perceives, that the Spaniards reverence it as the Sanctuary of their Glory, and the Absolute Mistress of the pre∣servation of their States; and accordingly it treats them familiarly, that is to say, with good words and ill deeds, with fair shews and bad substance.

The Spaniards suffering themselves to be too much domineer'd over in the Court of Rome, is not only hurtful to the Government of the Spaniards them∣selves, but also thereby prejudices the Interests of all those Princes that have concerns either at Rome, or with Rome; For when any inferiour Prince would with specious Reasons defend his Right over Ecclesi∣astical Persons, these men presently alledge for their justification the Example of the Spaniards, and there∣by Page  121 enforce him not to refuse, what so great and power∣ful a Monarchy as Spain refuseth not to do. And of these Examples the Popes have the Vatican full, and make use of the same in all Occurrences, to the perpe∣tual nauseating of Princes therewith.

This manner of proceeding between the Ecclesia∣sticks and the Spaniards cannot last long, because the long languishings of Princes, ensuing thereupon, will enforce them either to yield to some violent Remedy, or to open the gate to death.

Every day, yea, every moment, displeasures arise between the Crown of Spain and Rome; which, how-much soever debated, turn always to the satisfaction of the Pope, and the disadvantage of the Interests of the Catholick King.

In brief, The Dominion which the Court of Rome hath gotten over the Spaniards is so great, that how many and considerable soever the disgusts be which this Court puts upon them from day to day, never∣theless the Spaniards dare not come to a Rupture with it, being better contented to suffer themselves, than to make others suffer.

The Policy of the North, yea and that of Italy too, laughs at this Spanish Zeal, which stoops in so hum∣ble sort to the arrogance and insolent Proceedings of the Ecclesiasticks. And indeed What reason is there that such a Monarchy should submit its Empire to a simple Bishoprick? Nevertheless, this is seen done every day in the Ecclesiastick State.

Were it not for the Spaniards, I verily believe Af∣fairs at Rome would not be so imbroil'd and perplex'd as they are; for the Popes become so extremely proud towards other Princes, and render all Negotiations so extremely difficult, through the little account they Page  122 make of Publick Ministers, in regard they see them∣selves back'd and supported by so potent a Crown in Italy.

Nevertheless, I cannot but imagine, That other Princes are for this reason extremely incensed with anger against the Spaniards, who to satisfie an appa∣rent out-side Zeal, ruine the Common Cause of the Sovereignty of all other Princes.

If the Spaniards would comply with other Sove∣reigns, to give the Popes now and then a touch of the Spur, thereby to oblige them to go on in the right way, the management of Affairs at Rome would be very ex∣pedite, and the Ministers of Princes would not meet with so many difficulties: Which I leave, with the rest, to the consideration of the Spaniards and other Princes.

Some Ministers there are, who flatter themselves in∣to a belief that they may be able to bring their Nego∣tiations to a prosperous end, by means of the friend∣ship they have with Cardinals, and the great Interest these Cardinals have to defend those Princes of whom they are intitl'd Protectors.

But this Opinion of theirs hath no other effect but to confound their Negotiations so much the more, whilst the Protection of Princes by those Car∣dinals is only external and nominal: for other∣wise Policy obliges them to seek in the first place the advantage of the Pope, before the profit of the Prin∣ces, whom they serve, or at least seem to serve.

Every blow of mortification which the Pope re∣ceives from any Prince, recoils to the damage of the Cardinal Dignity; and therefore the Cardinals la∣bour to bring it about, that the Advantages may be always on the Popes side. Nor is it necessary to be∣lieve Page  123 the Cardinal, who professeth, That the Interests of his Prince are dearer to him, than those of the Scar∣let Gown it self.

But this would be a great failure in Policy and Interest: Whence it was, that when Innocent beheld his Cousin Olympia anxious and troubled lest the Ec∣clesiastical State should become involv'd in a War, and lest many Cardinals should engage in it on be∣half of the Duke of Parma, out of spight to the Pamphilian Family, the Pope comforted her with these words; Cousin, fear nothing, the Cardinals will be for us in spight of their own teeth, and will defend the Ecclesiastical State in consideration of their own Inte∣rest, though we should go about to ruine it for ours.

The Grandeur of the Scarlet Gown depends upon the Majesty of the Triple Crown, and the Cardinals are proportionably Great as the Pope is so; whence it is that they strive with all possible ardour to promote the Advantage of the Church, and the Honour of the Pope; which failing, their own Reputation and Glory must partake in the Eclipse.

Great undoubtedly is the Magnificence of the Col∣ledge of Cardinals; and greater it would be, if it had not been perverted both from the first Institution thereof, and retrench'd of the Prerogatives where∣with it hath been augmented by divers Popes, for the maintenance of its Grandeur and Honour.

But the Popes have corrupted and spoil'd all; in∣asmuch as into that Colledge, into which the greatest Princes of the World think it a glory to enter, they have introduc'd some, who have received their Origi∣nal from the vilest Dunghil of the World; and 'tis not many years ago, that one was created Cardinal, who was the Son of a base Catchpole.

Page  124Hence it comes to pass, that the Popes seeing the Scarlet Robe upon the Shoulders of so vile and un∣worthy Persons, they despise it likewise when it is worn on the backs of Great Princes. And 'tis more than true, That good Popes honour the Cardinals, when such Honour brings profit to themselves; other∣wise they make a mock both of their Persons, and their Order.

And hence it is, that Princes Ministers find them∣selves in a wrong Box, when they put any trust even in those Cardinals who seem the greatest Zealots for their Interests.

Thus I have made a Relation of the manner how things are wont to be negotiated at Rome, and shew'd how the great Polititians of Europe may salve their Reputations; as also the Grounds and Causes of those Mischiefs, which break the sleep and make the heads ake of as many Publick Ministers as reside in Rome.

When the Pope perceives that Negotiations tend to his own Advantage, he doth things like an absolute Monarch: but when he knows that they are likely to cause any prejudice to him, he lays the cause of not succeeding upon the Congregations of the Cardinals, of which there are infinite ar Rome.

In this manner he shews himself rather as Head of a Commonwealth, than an absolute Prince: and indeed those Congregations serve more for a pretext and help to the Pope and the Nephews, than for any benefit to the State,

From such a Government little Fruit, and no Sa∣tisfaction can be drawn by the Ministers that nego∣tiate at Rome; but rather, as accordingly it falls out, disgusts, affronts, and dissatisfactions.

Page  125In the Roman Court there passes not a day without reproaches against the Pope and Nephews, as those who study nothing else but to accommodate them∣selves, and incommodate all others that endeavour the good of the State and the Church.

Greater attendance and application cannot be, than that of Alexander the Seventh both to Civil and Ec∣clesiastical Affairs; and which is most considerable, he doth all things with such an eagerness, that he ap∣pears to take no small glory therein.

He lets not one day pass without giving publick Audience, at least very seldom, unless those Infir∣mities which are his constant Companions indispose him to follow his good intentions; as it hapned for these days lately passed, wherein for a good while together he was not able to give Audience to the Em∣bassador of France.

Innocent undertook things slowly, and this slow∣ness spoil'd all; but Alexander, being most contrary to such a nature, enterpriseth every thing with great ardour: and this spoils all too, the Ship being lost oftentimes as well through too little Wind, by fall∣ing into the hands of Enemies, as likewise through too great a Wind striking upon Rocks.

The Ministers of Princes even still find very great difficulties in negotiating at Rome, and perhaps great∣er too than those which they found in the time of Innocent; who indeed intangled things, because he would not extricate them: but Alexander confounds matters by too great eagerness to rectifie them. Inno∣cent lov'd not to meddle, but with those things where∣unto he was enforced; but Alexander thrusts him∣self upon such as might better be let alone.

Hence 'tis that Ministers seeing the Pope employ his Page  126 mind on a thousand businesses of Christendom, and but of a weak and infirm constitution, they forbear to trouble him; as Cardinal Mazarine and Don Lewis d' Haro did, who would not let the Pope have any hand in the Treaty of the last Peace, to the no small displeasure of the poor Pope, who was ambi∣tious to receive his part of the glory in a business so important to the Universe.

That which makes publick Agents at Rome thus backward, is the knowledge they have of the Pope's mind; who is inquisitive and curious to know every thing, to have a hand in every action, to pry into all the affairs of Christendom, and briefly, to lade him∣self with so many businesses, that he must needs pre∣cipitate them all through want of strength to carry them on: whence 'tis that oftentimes he answers one Minister concerning certain matters of which he had conferr'd with another, and so confounds both him∣self and them that negotiate with him, who for fear of further embarassing the Pope's understanding are fain to break off their most important Audiences.

In the beginning of his Papacy, being ambitious of glory, he would needs sustain alone the weight of all the world, not only of the State Ecclesiastical, in the middle whereof he lean'd upon others, but did not cast the burden wholly off from himself; and at present now he approaches towards his end, his infir∣mities enforce him to leave others to do, that which it grieves him that he cannot do for others.

Matters were well believ'd, but ill understood at the first entrance of the Cardinal Patron and Don Mario into Rome: and now they are well understood, but ill believ'd. These Lords began to Reign with their Eyes shut, and their Ears open; and at pre∣sent, Page  127 the Style being changed, they rule with their Ears shut, and their Eyes open. whence proceeds the multitude of inconveniences to publick Agents.

The Cardinal Patron exercises the Office of his Patronage, in giving himself Patronage for enjoying his pleasures, and avoiding, as much as possible, all hard and knotty affairs; which are wont to perplex the mind, and confound the brain of a Gallant.

Hence it is, that Embassadors, who treat with him, reap no other good but a fardle of Complements, and pleasing Expressions, with no small hope that he will act abundantly; but in reality he doth nothing: so that they depart from his Presence outwardly sa∣tisfi'd, with their hands empty of any thing of sub∣stance.

I have known some Ministers, who have believ'd they might speed in their publick affairs by the easi∣ness of knowing the secrets of the Court; which is of great use to a publick Agent, namely, to know the actions, treaties, and conveniences of others, and to keep his own, and those of his Prince, secret.

Indeed, the secresie of the Court of Rome seems not to be so great as the subtilty, although Excom∣munications and Censures make a great noise: For those who are introduc'd into this Court are so only for two ends, either to exalt their Family, and sup∣port it from falling, (for the Ecclesiasticks, having no Wives, naturally encline to enrich their own Ne∣phews) or else to aggrandise themselves, out of that ambition which alwaies lies under the Robes of Pre∣lacy.

The Cardinals, however sometimes vertuous and experienced persons, are not exempt from certain im∣perfections which commonly reign in Rome; for they Page  128 are either oblig'd to Princes by a thousand benefices and gifts, or else are their natural Subjects: and for this reason the Princes who have great concerns with Rome, the more they see Authority and Offices of any Cardinal increas'd, the more they study how to ob∣lige him to be at their devotion, and to withdraw him from that of the Pope.

Now almost all the Cardinals reveal the things which they pretend to discover, either through the importunity of inquisitive Agents, and not to disob∣lige those to whom they are oblig'd, or else to put greater obligations upon the Princes to whom they are Pensioners, to the end they may re∣ceive gratuity after gratuity both to themselves and their Kindred, and especially that they may be assi∣sted in their Pretensions to the Papacy, when the See Apostolical shall become vacant; which is the greatest spur of all.

To this Embassadours trust, and alwaies treat with the Cardinals who are adherents to their Masters, to discover the Counsels by their means. But indeed, they deceive themselves; for the Cardinals being as much concern'd as the Pope in the defense of the Church, the State, and the publick good, in re∣gard all are in capacity to be Popes, they will never reveal any thing which may prejudice that Papacy which makes them great, and which they aim one day to govern.

The Cardinals are not so indiscreet as to reveal any thing that may in any wise prejudice the Interests of the Papacy and Ecclesiastick State; they reveal such things as may be of prejudice to the single person of the Pope, or rather of his Nephews, whom commonly they hate through envy.

Page  129The effect hereof is, that most Popes put little trust in the Cardinals when any matter relating to their own House is in agitation, but they do all motu pro∣prio: for themselves having, whilst they were Cardi∣nals, revealed what they ought to have kept secret, they doubt, being afterwards Popes, that others do the like by them; and for this cause they secure them∣selves, as much as possible, from such dangers.

The Papal Excommunications, which are great against those that reveal the secrets of the Roman Court, as well Temporal persons as Spiritual, have no other effect but to put all into confusion, and to cause ambiguities on all sides. Hence such things as are re∣vealed, seem not really to be so, but only intimated; and consequently no small prudence is requisite to understand what is spoken, because the revealers fear∣ing the sting of the Excommunication within their breasts, utter only doubtful, perplex'd, and ambigu∣ous words; by which means such Agents, as think themselves illuminated by such revelations, soon after find themselves puzzled and confounded.

The cause hereof is the fear, which Excommunica∣tion begets in the breasts of the scrupulous. But it is true in general, that to mingle things certain with doubtful, is proper to the Roman Court; and things true with false, to the Ecclesiasticks.

But the Ecclesiasticks being less guilty of valour then fear, (for oftentimes they fear even their own shadows) the more important things are, the more they consult about them; which the Popes do, not because the good of the State requires it, or the care of their Pastoral charge urges their consciences there∣unto; but only to take from their successors the occa∣sion to charge the blame of mischief upon their Ne∣phews. Page  130 And this is the cause that Negotiations are prolonged, publick Ministers confounded, and poor Christendom so embroiled, as it is at this day.

Ambassadors at Rome, espcially in the beginning of a Pontificate, think they treat with the new Pope as a person disinteressed, and the Universal Father, not only in reference to things pertaining to the Church, but also to the civil Interests of Princes, and affairs most important to the Universe.

But they deceive themselves, and this Error con∣founds their Treaties; whilst the Popes have nothing but the bare Title and outward shew of Universal Father, acting all things according to the dictates of their own will and interest.

Were the Popes really Universal Fathers, they would love all alike, and deal with all without affe∣ction or hatred: But truly, I know not how they dare assume that Title, especially those Popes, who, without any need of the Church, have made it law∣ful to themselves to begin Wars, hinder Peaces, perse∣cute Nations, and make Leagues against Crowns, Commonwealths, and Princes, perhaps (nay without perhaps) better deserving of the Church, and affe∣cted to the publick and universal tranquillity.

I know that if the Popes would deserve the Title of Universal Father, they out to be Universal towards all; and if at any time to be particular, it should be either out of absolute necessity of Reason of State, or some great importance to the honour of the Church. Thus did the Primitive Popes, but within these last hundred years things are altogether trans∣form'd; for the waies of the Popes are directed to the advancement of their Families; whence every Pope has often chang'd his thoughts and purposes, and Page  131 made shew of one thing outwardly, and meant ano∣ther inwardly; not for that reasons of State (but the reasons of their own Families) so requir'd: which latter are commonly more dear to the Popes than the former. The Ministers of Princes understand what I mean.

'Tis not possible for the most expert Minister at Rome to succeed well, and with his Master's satisfacti∣on, in the things which he negotiates there. Before I give a reason whereof, I will relate what I read three daies ago in a little book, whether Historical or Fa∣bulous I know not, but much to the purpose.

They say, Pope Paschal the second took a conceit to have an Astrologer divine his thoughts. To which end he sent for an Abbot very intelligent in the Art of Astrology, and demanded of him, What him∣self thought?

The Abbot surpris'd at this odd-proposal, desir'd time to answer, and returning home fell to study an Answer; but, not being able to find one fit and pro∣per to the Question, he remain'd much troubled and melancholy.

His Cook observing it, and understanding the cause, bid his Master take courage, and leave the business to him; for he would effect it with reputati∣on to them both. The Abbot was well pleas'd with this discourse, and being desir'd by the Cook to let him have his Gown and other Habit, gave him it: wherewith the Cook being cloath'd, repair'd to the Pope's presence, and that with the more confidence, for that he was in person and voyce very like the Abbot.

The Pope no sooner beheld him, but taking him for the Abbot, Well, (said he) What do I think? The Page  132 bold Cook answer'd without delay, Your Holiness thinks you speak with the Abbot, but 'tis with the Ab∣bots Cook.

Not much different is that which befals Embassa∣dours of Princes who negotiate at Rome; where the Popes are wont to do like the Jackpuddings of a Play, who change themselves in a moment from Man to Woman, and from a Physician to a Muleter.

When an Embassadour thinks he treats with a Temporal Prince, and about Civil matters, 'tis with a Spiritual Bishop, and about matters Ecclesiastical. Religion serves the Pope to disguise Temporal Domi∣nion, and Temporal Dominion to disguise Religion. Religion precedes Policy, if the Affairs of Embassa∣dours be contrary to the Policy, which the Popes have in their heads: Policy precedes Religion, if the Em∣bassadours strengthen and confirm the particular Po∣licy of the Popes.

If perchance a publick Agent treats a League offen∣sive or defensive with the Pope, he finds greater diffi∣culties therein than he imagin'd; for if the Pope see that the League brings much more profit to himself than to the Prince that desires it, he concludes as a Temporal Prince, without derogating from the Au∣thority Spiritual: That is, he reserves a secret clause in his mind to break, the League when he will, under colour of Religion: But if he know that the League is likely to bring much more advantage to the interest of the Prince than to his own Family, and to Religi∣on than to his own Purse; excuses are immediately in the field, and the Pope, of a Sacred High Priest, be∣comes a secular Prince, denying to do any thing, for fear of hazarding the State.

The Ministers of the Emperour and the King of Page  133Poland can witness what I say, for one of them hath often sworn to me, That the Popes do in businesses so confound the Sacred with the Profane, and Religion with Policy, that it is not possible to know whether it be better, to treat with them as Temporal Princes, or as Secular Lords.

Amongst all the difficulties which Embassadours meet with at Rome, this is the greatest and most deser∣ving to be mentioned.

They that enter upon the Government at Rome, are ordinarily at their entrance destitute of all vertue, much more of Political skill; and no sooner begin to be a little acquainted therewith, but they must go off, and give place to others, that enter with like qua∣lifications.

The Burgheses had never manag'd any kind of publike affair: nevertheless as soon as Paul was made Pope, they became Masters without having ever been at School, and undertook to weild a Scepter, before they had passed the Ferula.

Cardinal Ludovisio had never gone out of his little Podere, where he entertain'd himself from morning to night amongst those Peasants, sometimes in play∣ing at Hazard, and sometimes in dancing Country Jigs, till, his Uncle being become Pope, (Gregory) he left Podere for the Vatican, the Dance for the Court, hazard for fortune, and the Peasants for Princes; passing in a moment from the command of a Cottage to the Empire of the Church, and from small affairs to the great interests of the World.

Of the Barbarini, one was fetcht from the bottom of a Cloister, where he had scarce learnt to command a Butler to lay the cloath; another was taken from the Colledge of the Jesuites, where he had practised Page  134 only to run up and down the stairs of the Oratory; a third was taken from the cure of a small Benefice; and the forth from a state of Domestick peace to command Armies. A fair turn indeed, no less won∣derful than unexcted: yet these Lords have had this particularity, that though they entred upon the go∣vernment of the Church extremely ignorant, never∣theless in a few daies they became Masters of Masters, and seem'd old, although but boys, in the subtleties of this Court.

Of the two Nephews of Innocent the tenth, the one legitimate, the other adopted, we have spoken sufficiently, and need not rub the sore again; in regard they manifested themselves altogether unexpert, the one by renouncing the Hat, as unable to bear the weight of command; and the other by being expell'd the City, for venturing to command beyond his under∣standing. For all this Innocent introduced them to a vast Government, and laid upon their backs that world which the most expert are hardly able to su∣stain.

What shall we say of Don Mario, Don Augustino, and Cardinal Flavio? What Governments, Employ∣ments, and Charges had they ever possess'd in their lives? Was it not a fine sight to see Don Mario, who had never worn a Sword in his life, declared Genera∣lissimo of the Holy Church, receiving at the same time, with the General's Truncheon, a Licence to keep the Sword alwaies in the Scabbard? For when he offered to draw it, and swore to defend the Church with it, the Pope dispens'd with him; saying, Brother, put thy Sword up into thy Scabbard, if thou wilt have part in my Kingdom. To which Command Don Ma∣rio hath been alwaies obedient.

Page  135When the Cardinal was called to the Government, he was reading the Fables of Aesop, and Don Augu∣stino was making love to a little Courtisan of Siena: and yet on a sudden the latter was called from the arms of a base Strumpet, and made worthy of the Marriage of a great Princess; and the other from his Pastime of Aesop, was admitted to the manage∣ment of the greatest Affairs, not of Rome only, but of the whole World.

Now what prosperous issue can Negotiations have with such a Race of Politicians? Where shall Em∣bassadors begin, at the Head or the Tail? What de∣vices shall they have to unfold their meaning to such as want sense? Unless all Popes should imitate Grego∣ry the Fifteenth, who in the beginning of his Papacy would not treat of any important matter with any Minister, but excused it by saying, That he would stay till his Nephews were a little instructed in Political Negotiations: And he had reason to stay, for in a short time one of them had an ambitious Whimsey came into his Crown, that he understood more than all the Cardinals, and his Uncle to boot; and accordingly he acted and commanded, without com∣municating with either.

'Tis a tedious thing to Princes Ministers, who are old Stagers in Councils and Affairs, to have to do with raw, unexperienced Persons, and such as are much different from the Primitive Governours of the Church; who, though introduc'd barefoot, and ill clad, and void of all experience, yet their native sim∣plicity serv'd them very well for the preserving a vir∣tuous Life, far from Political cunning▪ whereas the Nephews of the present Pope enter simple, not to edi∣fie the People, and adorn the Church with good Page  136 Lives; but to Lord it over Princes by Policy not com∣prehensible.

Most Agents lose their time in learning the nature of those that bear sway at Rome, who are indeed un∣known to all. They study in what manner to treat with such Persons. They strive to gain the affection of those Governours, who are without any, unless we will say, That they have given up all their affe∣ction to heap up Money. They labour to ingratiate with those Nephews who possess all the Grace of the Pope: And in a word, Night and day they contrive to know and be known to the Nephews at Rome, in order to their better success there.

But what? in the fairest of these Intrigues, after so many watchings and toils, after having understood those whom they understood not before, in the great∣est heat of their Negotiations, in the beginning of their joy for having found out the right way of ma∣naging Affairs, and whilst they are beginning to lay open their Interests to Persons by this time arriv'd to some capacity, behold the death of the Pope falling out on a sudden, drives from the Vatican and from the Government those Nephews who are now under∣stood and experienc'd, to introduce others ignorant, unexperienc'd, and so void of all Political Know∣ledge, as never to have seen the Court but on the out∣side, Consultations but in Sport, nor Publick Mini∣sters save in their Coaches.

In this manner poor Embassadors are forced to turn over a new leaf, and like young Scholars put to a new School, they must learn over again what they had learn'd before, to their no small dissatisfaction, as well as injury to their Affairs.

These so sudden shiftings of the Scene, puts the Page  137 Ministers all in disorder; and the only satisfaction they find, is to laugh at the new Princes of the Church, who have so suddenly leap'd from the Dunghil to the Throne.

Cardinal Onofrio Brother to Urban the Eighth, who was taken from a Cloister of Capucines, and intro∣duc'd into the Affairs of the Court, could never ac∣custom himself to live in any other manner, but in that slovenly way of the Capucines; so that when he was to receive any Embassadors, he committed the most ridiculous pieces of clownishness imaginable.

One day speaking about some War of the Turk in Germany, with the Imperial Embassador, who de∣sir'd him to prevail with the Pope to succour Chri∣stendom, which was endanger'd in that Country; the good Cardinal fetching a great sigh, began to say, Ah, my Lord Embassador, those Coleworts, those Cole∣worts in the Capucines Garden, make me always remem∣ber my former condition; and so continuing a Di∣scourse of a quarter of an hour, concerning the good∣ness of Coleworts, the excellence of Turneps, and the manner how the Capucines boil them in good fat broth; seeming to lick his fingers almost at every syllable, and to swallow a Turnep at every word.

Another time going to visit the Spanish Embassa∣dor, and forgetting himself to be a Cardinal, and not a Capucine, he ask'd on a sudden, Of what Covent is your Reverend Fathership a Son?

The Embassador, perceiving the simplicity of the Person, answer'd him laughing, Father, I am no Son of a Covent; but indeed I send Sons to the Covent, of whom perhaps your Fathership is one. The Cardinal finding his error, thought to mend it by replying to the Embassador, Your Excellence may please to excuse Page  138 me; for the remembrance of the Capucines is so fresh in my mind, that I take all for Capucines that speak with me: The Embassadour laught; and rising up, said, 'Tis well, my Lord, I will be gone then, that I may not be accounted a Capucine by your Eminence.

Moreover, whilst Ministers of Princes talk'd with him of matters of State, the answers he return'd were about watering of Gardens, sweeping of Churches, ordering of Vestries, rising in the morn∣ing, entring into the Choire, begging Alms, and so of all such other things, wherein he was a Master. Nor did he make any difference of persons in his Conferences, but us'd the same Style to every body, Your Fathership will pardon me. And in his Comple∣ments with Embassadours Royal, he would often say, I shall accompany you to the door of the Cloister.

I might relate a thousand such stories, but I will not lengthen the work more than I ought; although there is scarce any Nephew of Popes whose mean and carriage, after their sudden advancement to the degree of Princes, affords me not matter for a long di∣scourse.

'Tis enough that publick Ministers cannot forbear laughter and scorn in their negotiating with them, which serve to inform them of their infirmities. Whence the Embassadour Justiniani, being ask'd one day, Whether he was goeing to negotiate with Astal∣li? Answer'd, Not to negotiate with him, but to in∣struct him. And indeed, such instruction is extreme necessary to the best of them.

But that which displeases them most, is, that after so much pains taken to instruct them, they must lose the fruits thereof, and begin all the same course over again with their Successors.

Page  139The last difficulty in managing affairs with the Nephews, ariseth from their incomparable Avarice, which is so predominant in them, that they appear meer insensible Statues in every thing else, but in studying the means how to make themselves great.

Boniface the ninth was the most dextrous, subtle, and ingenious Pope for accumulating wealth, that ever sate in the Vatican; whence he was wont to say, That he had rather have a little Fish in hand, than a great Dolphin in the main Sea; And at other times, That an Egg in the morning is better than a Hen at night. And accordingly, he was contented to lose the inte∣rest of a whole year to anticipate the payment of a day, and he alwaies made his Receivers bring him every night the money they had collected; and some∣times he would sit up till midnight expecting them, in regard he could not sleep otherwise through fear of being undone.

This exorbitant Covetousness wholly withdrew his mind from the care of the Papacy, both in Civil and Ecclesiastical matters; Embassadours could not please him better, than to discourse to him of the means to get money; and when they mentioned other mat∣ters pertaining to the publick good, they receiv'd no answer sutable to the question; because his thoughts were not imploy'd about what the Embassadours spoke, but about what the Receivers of Gabels and Taxes had said to him; with whom he entertain'd long conferences, little caring to give audience to Em∣bassadours.

Clement the seventh, who never shew'd himself so extraordinarily covetous, though covetous too, had his mind distracted in the like manner, from what was at any time spoken to him, if it were not about Page  140 money: Whence being one day requested by the Im∣perial Embassadour to joyn with the Emperour, and other Princes, in a League against the Turk; the Em∣bassadour perceiving that the Pope gave him no an∣swer, said, Your Holiness saies nothing to my Proposal; Whereunto the Pope return'd, No, for you counsel us to spend money, and we are thinking on the means to get it.

Paul the fourth, standing one day in a great musing in the presence of Cardinal Campeggio, was ask'd by him, Why he stood so pensive? The Pope answer'd, I am thinking whether you (who perhaps may be my Successour) are likely to be richer than my self.

Sixtus Quintus, who was one of the greatest Popes that the Vatican ever saw, had no other fault, but that he spent most hours of the day in devising what might be done to bring money into his Chests. And he seems to have died with the same thoughts in his head; for being ask'd by the Venetian Embassadour, two daies before his death, How he did? He an∣swered, I should be much better, if I had more money to spend.

Urban the eighth, in the war he had with the Duke of Parma, and other confederate Princes, lost no little reputation, in attempting the destruction of a Prince so well deserving of the Church, and ha∣zarding the safety of all Italy; yet he car'd not so much for the dishonour which the Church receiv'd in his person, nor for the great murmur of the peo∣ple, as for the money disburs'd in it; lamenting the same often with his Nephews, and reproving them for having engaged him in a War of so great expence: as if the loss of money made deeper impression in the Pope's heart, than the detriment of the Church and of Christendom.

Page  141Most of the Pope's Nephews call the hours where∣in they give Audience to Embassadours, hours of po∣verty, and of misery; because they cannot at those times think how to advance their Houses: and there∣fore they strive to shift them off as much as possible, and many times they promise all before 'tis ask'd, only to be at their liberty.

Some will not allow it to be meerly charity in Alexander, to assume to himself the load of all Civil Affairs of importance; but only a design to lighten his Nephews of it, and leave them more time to bestow on contrivance to fill their Cof∣fers.

Better perhaps 'twould be for the Church, and the State too, if all Popes would do the like; for to lay the weight of great affairs upon such weak shoulders, is to confound their understandings, and put them in danger of shaming themselves by discovering their addle brains in business: As a good Nephew did in discourse with the French Embassadour about the number of Protestants in France; for meaning to say, How many Hereticks are there in France? He mistook, and said, How many Pistols are there in France? Which errour the Embassadour well observing, and knowing the Cardinal Nephew more intent on the money of his Coffers than the benefit of the Church, he answer'd, The King my Master hath not so many Hereticks in his Kingdom, as he hath Pistols in his Exchequer.

'Tis not 2000 Ages, since a certain Pope's Ne∣phew said to a familiar friend of his, who brought him notice, that the Spanish Embassadour was coming to negotiate with him: These Embassadours bring us business, and not money, talking all day long with us so Page  142 tediously, as if we were slaves, and not (Padroni) Ma∣sters of the Church and State.

The same Cardinal, as often as he return'd to his Chamber from accompanying the publick Ministers (who had visited him) to the door, as the custom is, would fall into a passion, and scornfully say to his Servants: I have lost two hours time with this pitiful Embassadour, and he has gain'd some with me; if any other come, say I am not at home.

But worse was that other, (not long since dead) who, as much as he could, avoyded the audience of such Ministers, sometimes pretending indisposition, and sometimes that he was not at home; which the Pope his Uncle understanding ask'd him the reason, Why he did so? The Cardinal answer'd plainly, Whilst I am with Embassadours, my Coffers fill with no∣thing but wind; but when I am alone, they fill with money.

The same good Nephew had another custome, that when notice was given of the arrival of an Em∣bassadour at the Gate, he would in displeasure cry, I would his neck were broke. But when 'twas told him that an Officer of the Datary (that is, the Exche∣quer) was at the door, he would cry with joy, He is welcome.

A certain Embassadour, knowing this Nephew's humour, contriv'd how to make his Visits not grie∣vous; and to that purpose, before he desired Audi∣ence, or at least at the same time, he thought fit to give him notice; that he desir'd to speak with him for nothing else but the resignation of a certain Benefice, which the Prince his Master intended to make into the hands of his Holiness's Nephews.

The device took well, for the greedy Nephew be∣lieving Page  143 it true, receiv'd him with a very good counte∣nance: and the Embassadour fail'd not to usher in his publick business with a Preface about resigning the foresaid Benefice or Abbey, although the Prince his Master knew no more of any such thing than I; and so got a fair reception.

'Twere good, that all publick Agents would put the same tricks upon those avaricious Nephews, and not be so scrupulous as they are; since the Nephews make no scruple to slight their addresses, to breake off all Negotiations, and to confound whatsoever is offer'd to them.

Without such such inventions they are like to get little good from the visits to the Nephews, who con∣sider nothing but their own Interests, and are indif∣ferent to those of Princes; whence 'tis easie to judge they will do little good in those matters, in which they are engag'd with an ill will.

This may serve concerning the difficulties which Princes Ministers meet with in their affairs with the Popes and their Nephews, and how to avoid the same. Let us now proceed to the Enquiry, Why the Fa∣milies of Popes continue not long in Grandeur.

Some compare the Nipotismo to a Tree which is guarded by all, whilst laden with fruit; but as soon as it happens to be deprived thereof, either by the hands of men, or progress of time, every body for∣sakes it, and nature her self leaves it barren, dry, and hateful, even to the eye of the beholders.

I do not altogether like this comparison, because Trees bear fruit for others; whereas the good Nephews of Popes take all to themselves: and I should rather compare them to Pismires, which all day long go from place to place, seeking provisions wherewith to Page  144 fill their Nests, and stop not a moment till they see them full.

There is no body but wonders to behold how the Families of Popes daily decline, there being scarce two found that have continued one intire Age, or which remain in the same splendour wherein they were seen to shine, not only during the Reign of the Popes their Kinsmen, but for some lustres after; and although some may seem at present to be found great, yet my Observation cannot therefore be decry'd as false, in regard of other reasons to be alledged con∣cerning this matter.

There is no doubt, but many Families are found at this day in Rome of good quality and esteem, who have had Popes descended from them before Sixtus the fourth; as the Family of Conti hath had two Popes in the Vatican, Innocent the third, and Gregory the ninth; The Family of Fiesco, reputed at present the chief Family of Genoa, hath likewise afforded two Popes, Innocent the fouth, and Adrian the fifth; And so that of Orsini, hath had Nicholas the third; That of Savelli, Honorius the fourth; La Gaettana, hath had Boniface the eighth; Picolomini, Pius the second; Colonna, Martin the fifth; not to mention others, that have had their Popes too.

But this is the difference: 'tis one thing for Popes to issue from a Noble Family, and another for Fa∣milies to rise from the Popes. The foresaid Houses re∣ceived not their Splendour, Nobility, and Wealth from the Papal Grandeur, but it may rather be said, that the Papal Grandeur received splendour from those Families.

Besides, in those daies the Nephews of Popes re∣main'd at home, and did not come to Rome; if they Page  145 did, they brought not with them that insatiable ava∣rice which Nephews bring (or have brought hitherto) when they enter into possession of the Vatican.

I mean not therefore to speak of those Families▪ which have been in great esteem as well since they have had Popes of them, as before. None of these is advanc'd by the Papacy, but remains in the same manner without growth in Ambition, Riches, or Glory.

Particularly, the House of Colonna (which is at pre∣sent one of the most considerable, not of Rome only, but of all Italy) hath so little valu'd the Papal Gran∣deur in its lot, that they have often persecuted it, only to let the World see that the Colonneses pretended not to glory in the Treasures of the Church, but in the merit of the persons, exemplified in the valour of so many illustrious men, who have spent much of their bloud for the service of the Popes them∣selves.

'Tis certain, that by two Popes issu'd out of the House of Colonna, the Colonneses have had so little advantage, either in dignity or wealth, that they may say that the Popes were taken out of their Family, and that they have the honour to be Colonneses of the House of Colonna, but not Colonneses of the House of Popes. But there are many other Families, whose glory it is to have had their rise from the fortune gi∣ven them by Popes, without which they would never have been any thing considerable; and these are the Families of which I am to speak.

The Family of Rovere, from which Sixtus the fourth was descended, of it self was very noble, and had liv'd so for above two Ages in Lombardy, but by various changes and accidents it was declin'd to such Page  146 a degree that the chief branch was remov'd to Savona, and there remain'd many years in a mediocrity of fortune amongst the principal Citizens; till Sixtus, being made Pope, determin'd to revive it to a greater fortune at the cost of the Vatican, and the publick Treasury.

All the glories of this House, though dispersed here and there by Pope Sixtus, yet in a little time be∣came confined to the sole possession of the Dutchy of Urbin, which indeed the House of Rovere possessed, but not without great persecutions for the space of 150 years and more, beginning from 1475 till 1631. When the said House was extinguished by the death of Francesco Maria, the last Duke, or of Guido Ubaldo, if I remember right; there remaining no other Heirs save Donna Vittoria della Rovere, married to Ferdinand the second great Duke of Tuscany.

It may be said, as I shall afterwards prove, that this was the only Family (rais'd by Popes) that con∣tinued so long together in greatness: and I believe the goodness of the Dukes, who succeeded one after another, contributed not a little to this continuance, which seems to surpass the ordinary measures.

But if we will measure things with the right rule, we shall find that the Family of Rovere liv'd in Gran∣deur but one Age; for there is no necessity to begin to reckon from the time of Sixtus, but from Julius the second, who was of the same House; who seeing it much declin'd by reason of the great persecutions of Alexander the Sixth, determined to succour it, though not by burdening the Church, which was in the year 1510. Neither is it needful to extend the reckoning till 1631. because for above twenty years before the death of the last Duke, the Ecclesiasticks Page  147 foreseeing the fall of the Dutchy into their own hands, in regard of the great age of the Duke and his want of male Children, they resolv'd to take possession of it by degrees; and accordingly insul∣ted over the poor old Duke, keeping him as if he had been their Subject: wherefore it may reason∣ably be said, that the House of Rovere, rais'd by Sixtus continu'd not in grandeur so much as one full Age.

The Family of Cibo hath alwayes produc'd men eminent both for Learning and Valour; amongst whom there were two Popes, Boniface the ninth, and Innocent the eighth; the former in these dayes, when Nephews were not wont to enter into Rome with the Popes, and the latter immediately after the death of the abovementioned Sixtus. But this In∣nocent the eighth would not oppress the Church to enrich his Kindred, whom he saw wealthy enough, and of good account amongst the chief Citizens of the Commonwealth of Genoa his Coun∣trey.

He gave them indeed some Offices, but of so small value, that this Popes Kindred did not think it worth while to leave Genoa for Rome, and so, af∣ter the death of Innocent, they despis'd their Citi∣zenships of Rome, and return'd to Genoa; where within a short time by the fault of Cardinal Cibo, they left the Offices given them by the Pope their Kinsman, and were forc'd to betake themselves to other courses for a livelihood; well knowing that the Riches receiv'd from the Church stay not long in the hands of the receivers. And they did wisely, for had they remain'd at Rome, perhaps they would not be at this day in that grandeur, esteem, and Page  148 wealth as they are in the City of Genoa.

Of the Family of Alexander the Sixth, that barbarous Pope, there would be much to say, did not the consideration of bravity oblige me to pass over many reasons of the destruction thereof. This Alexander was descended from the noble Family of Lenzoli in Spain, being Son of Goffredo Lenzoli; but containing both the name and surname of his family, he took that of Boria, which was afterwards turn'd to Borgia.

From this Pope sprung the house of Borgia, and was by him encreas'd and advanc'd to that gran∣deur, whereof we have spoken in other places. It was divided into two branches, one whereof re∣main'd in Spain in possession of its ancient honours, and the other came into Italy; where it became so great by the many Principalities conferr'd on it by the Pope, that it seem'd likely to flourish to eter∣nity. But on the contrary, in less than half an Age▪ it decayed so fast, that 'tis above fifty years since the Family of Borgia became extinct in Italy.

'Tis true, the Branch in Spain continues in some splendour, and possesses at psesent the Principality of Squillace, which was given by Pope Alexan∣der to his Family▪ But this Principality is no great matter, Don Ferdinando Borgia, the present Posses∣sor little caring for it, for the same reason, as some think, of being purchas'd with the money of the Church; and glorying only in his possessing what his Ancestors had got by their valour, and himself gets by the good service he performs to the Crown▪ which reckons him one of the chiefest men of Spain.

After the Introduction of Nipotismo, the Family Page  149 of Picolomini had another Pope, to wit, Pius the third, who lived so short a time, that he was fain to leave his Kindred Picoli huomini (small men) indeed; although they have kept themselves in the rank of Nobility, by having receiv'd considerably from the Church, but only for eminent services per∣form'd to the same.

We have spoken sufficiently of the House of Rovere, and though Julius the second, who was of it, might induce us to speak of it here again: yet for brevities sake, we will pass to the Family of the Medici, which was indeed amplifi'd by, but not first rais'd by Popes, but rather the Popes rais'd by it.

Leo the tenth did his utmost to render his House potent, not in Rome only, but also in Florence; where it was one of the chiefest of that Common∣wealth. But what this Leo could not, Clement the seventh (of the same Family) effected, having with the Emperours assistance enthralled his own Coun∣trey to make his Nephews Princes.

This House hath maintain'd it self for above 300 years together in greatness, and I believe will so continue, because it stands not on the same founda∣tion with other Families of Popes. First, because (as I said before) it has rather given Popes to the Church, than receiv'd Being from the Popes, with∣out need of whom it kept it self long in grandeur. And though at first view the great height of this House may seem to be of right attributed to the force, which Clement the seventh us'd to enslave his Countrey, and render his Kindred Princes: Yet this is not pertinent to the question; for Clement took not from the Church to give to them, but only destroy'd a Republick, which was an obstacle to Page  150 the eyes of all Popes, and where his Family was al∣ready in chief command. Besides, the Medici were therein as much oblig'd to the House of Austria, by whose Force and Power they undoubtedly re∣ceiv'd the Principality which they possess with so much glory. And accordingly Ferdinand the se∣cond and his Ancestors have alwayes shewed them∣selves most grateful for the benefit.

The Family of Farnese, which is that of Paul the third, Successor to Clement, came out of Germany into Italy, in company of the Emperours, who often made this Voyage attended by a great number of Dutch Gentlemen; here the chief of this Family gave in divers cases great proofs of their valour, and were therefore preferr'd by the chief and most Potent Princes of Italy to greater Dignities and Of∣fices than those which they had possess'd at home, as well Civil as Military, whereof they acquitted themselves well.

The Popes especially were ambitious to have them at their service, and by their means obtain'd sun∣dry Victories; without which 'tis likely the Church would have been in great distress. In the Papacy of Paschal the second, in the year 1100. Pietro Farnese, Captain of the Cavalry of the Church, did wonders in its service, having obtain'd a most glorious Victory against the Pope's Enemies on the Coasts of Tuscany, restoring to Costano the name of Orbitello, a very ancient Colony, and re∣plenishing the same with much people.

Prudentio Son of this Pietro under the Papacy of Lucius the second, and Pepone and Panuccio Sons of Prudentio, under the Papacy of Innocent the third, effected great things in defence of the Church, Page  151 which was greatly afflicted with the Schism of the Emperors.

The Grandfather of Paul the third was Ramecio Farnese, who overcame, subdu'd and destroy'd all the Rebels of the Holy Church, which in great numbers molested the State Ecclesiastical, and al∣most all Christendom, he being Captain of the Pa∣pal Army in the time of Eugenio the fourth, who indeed was a very worthy Pope, if for nothing else, yet for the good intention he had to reward the valour of this great Captain; and I think he rewar∣ded him abundantly by this testimony which he gave him, The Church is ours, because Farnese hath given it us.

In short, in the Civil Broils, which continu'd for aboue four Ages between the Popes and the Empe∣rors▪ the Family of Farnese with incredible valour and felicity reliev'd the drooping state of the Holy Church.

Nevertheless the last Popes Vrban and Innocent, ingrateful for these benefits, went about to ruine this well deserving Family. Now if they persecute those who with their own Blood and Fortunes have serv'd the Church, what man will ever serve it for the future?

These two Cities were indeed separated from the Church, and given to the Farnesi, who at first found great opposition, and became Masters of it with great difficulty, and that not before the time of Pope Julius the third, in the year 1550. which Pope gave them investiture in despite of Charles the fifth, (who could never be perswaded to consent) and assigned them a considerable summe of money for the keeping them.

Page  152Within this last forty years the Popes have per∣secuted these innocent Princes in that manner, that without the assistance of Forreign Crowns, and some of the Princes of Italy they had been exter∣minate before this, and received so notable a loss, that had it been compared with what they had re∣ceived from Paulus the third, it would doubtless have been found they had received less than they had lost: from whence it may be justly said, they have not enjoyed that Principality which they pos∣sest, as a feud of the Church, in that peace and repose, for this last half age, as they ought in rea∣son to have done. For those Popes that gave it them first, gave them also priviledges to enjoy it with∣out molestation: and therefore those Popes that have of late troubled the Farnesi with so much ex∣pense, ought in reason (if there be any such thing in Rome) to have forfeited their feudale Rights.

Julius the third, he also failed not to do his part towards the raising of his Family, which was of the De Montes, by giving them several offices, and sums of money, by which means in a short time they became very great; but half an age was not past, but it began by degrees to decay and shrink into that mediocrity it is in at this day: which is but small in respect of the condition it was in after the death of Julius, who saw them advanc'd, but did not live to see their declension; it being a general Maxime amongst all the Popes Nephews, that they see them advanc'd but to the highest pitch of ho∣nour, but live not to see them fall to the lowest point of disgrace.

But the greatest Family of all was the Caraffi,Page  153 rais'd to that height by Paul the fourth, though of it self for several Ages before, very illustrious: The authority they had in Rome, with the com∣mand of several Lands and Castles belonging to the Church, made this name like to be eternal, and being fortified with such strong banks, not at all subject to the injury of time.

But if ever any Family of the Popes were in a short time precipitated from the greatest height to the lowest of meanness, it was this of the Caraffi from Paul the fourth, which continued not four year in that Splendour and Eminence the Pope had plac'd it, he himself having laid the foundati∣on of their greatness and ruine.

Notwithstanding Paul the fourth left his Ne∣phews no small store of Riches, although they were banisht from Rome: which they enjoyed till Pius the fourth was preferr'd to the Chair; who being Pope, and not able to endure their insolen∣cies, he got them into his hands; and forming a Process against them, he hang'd some of them, be∣headed others, and sequestred their Estates, de∣stroying in that manner the House of the Caraffi, with no small gust to the Romans, who frequently declared their dissatisfaction with the behaviour of the Caraffi.

But some will object, that the House of Caraffi, do at this present flourish in Naples in great honour and wealth, and may be reckoned amongst the Principal there as well for Splendour and Magnifi∣cence, as Wealth, of which they enjoy not a little.

To this may be answered with the same reason I have alledged before, where I spake of the house of Borgia, divided into two Branches, one Page  154 in Spain, the other in Naples; for the House of the Caraffi, when Paul the fourth was made Pope, was divided also into two Branches, one of them remaining in Rome by the acquisition of a new Estate, the other in Naples in possession of what they had got before.

The Lords of the Caraffi enjoy at present in Naples many Signiories, as particularly the Dutchy of Matalone, which they had enjoyed a hundred years before Paul the fourth, without interrupti∣on, being anciently Dukes from the time of Fer∣dinando first King of Naples, and reckon'd amongst his principal Favourites; and are still esteem'd of very well by the Crown of Spain, though in the revolutions of Naples, upon I know not what con∣siderations, the affection Philip the fourth had for a long time for the Duke of Matalone, was observed to grow cold.

This Branch that remained in Naples received no benefit or advantage by that which was establish'd in Rome, which last being extinguish'd by the two Popes aforesaid by the death and seque∣stration of so many Caraffi; the other remained in Naples daily augmenting by the favours and pri∣ledges they receive from the Crown of Spain.

Neither are the Neopolitan Caraffi of the same condition with the Roman, they having nothing, as many believe, or at least, very little of the Church Lands in their possession, which continued not long to the other House, not so much as to the second Generation; and therefore these Lords are still so considerable in Naples, because their Estates sprang rather from the reward of their valour, than the oppression of the poor.

Page  155All this notwithwanding, the People of Naples were always disaffected to the House of Matalone; for which reason in the Revolution of Masanello, Don Joseph Caraffa was slain by the fury of the Peo∣ple, his heart pull'd out of his breast, and his body drawn all about the City, with this Exclamation, This is he that betray'd the most faithful People of Naples. Besides, there were several Palaces of the Dukes, full of inestimable Furniture, burnt, without being able to preserve one; and I being then in Naples, heard several cry, We must burn all, to purge the House of Ca∣raffa from the Leprosie of the rest of the Caraffi; al∣luding to them who in the time of Paul the Fourth had made themselves odious to all the World, as well as to Rome.

The Family of the Buoncompagni was considerable above thirty years after the death of Gregory the Thir∣teenth, which was the Person rais'd them to that height; for though before they were in some degree of Nobility, yet their Estate was but narrow and small; however in the twelve years of his Papacy he let them get so much, that without any great difficul∣ty, they liv'd like Princes after the death of that Pope, who died in March 1585.

Giacomo Buoncompagno, General for the Holy Church, left many Sons all rich, and allied to good Houses; notwithstanding in a short time all was con∣sumed: and though there was not one lavish or pro∣fuse person in the Family, though they had several Cardinalships and other Charges in Rome, yet could not all prevent their growing worse every day: And had not two Marriages sustained them, and put them into the condition they are in, which yet is but mean in respect of the g•andeur they were in before, they Page  156 had certainly before this been destroy'd.

But the greatest wonder, in the particular of the sudden destruction of the Popes Families, was in the House of Peretti▪ rais'd by Sixtus the Fifth. That Pope, to immortalize his Name, and the Grandeur of his House, which was but of very low extraction, married two of his Nephews, or Nephews Sons, I know not which, into the principallest Families in Rome; giving each of them considerable Estates in Land, and an infinite quantity of Money: and that it might not meet with any untoward accident to subvert it, he settled their Estates in the surest and best places he could, thinking thereby to secure and esta∣blish his Family.

Ten years after the death of Sixtus, there were seven Males of the House of Peretti alive, that is, in the year 1600. all of them very rich; but particular∣ly they which had the Inheritance of Cardinal Mon∣talto, who left his Nephews an Estate of a hundred thousand Crowns in yearly Rent, besides what they had afore.

Many People conceiv'd this Family was establish'd for ever; and who would not have thought so, con∣sidering the number and fertility of the Males, their Alliance with the greatest Families, their Riches, and in short, their enjoyment of all things necessary to the immortalizing a Family? Yet the Name, the Wealth, the Granduer of this House, did all va∣nish like smoak at the death of Cardinal Froncesco Peretti, who died in the beginning of Innocent the Tenth's Papacy, with no small trouble to the Romans, who loved his person exceedingly, having found him full of actions of generosity and nobleness to all that had to do with him.

Page  157And so was the House of Peretti extinct, not be∣ing able to continue half an Age. Yet notwith∣standing, the death of the Cardinal was the rise of another Family from the Pope, which is called the Savelli, into which one of his Sisters was married, who remained Heir to a vast and inestimable Patri∣mony. Some People are confident, That if the House of Peretti had continued, the Savelli would have been in an ill condition; so as there was no great hurt done, to lose one Family, and have another rais'd.

The House of che Sfondrati yielded to the Papacy Gregory the Fourteenth, who though sprung from Milan himself, yet nevertheless as to his Original, he may not improperly be styl'd both the Son and the Father of Cremona, a Town (considering its Anti∣quity) amongst the principal of Italy, besides that, it has in all times produc'd men very eminent both in Learning and Wars. In this City, amongst the most considerable Citizens, was this House of Sfondrati, always enjoying the greatest Office in the Council, which procur'd no small envy in the hearts of many; insomuch as some people excited the Cambiaghi (which was then a Family of great credit and esteem in the City) to oppose themselves against the Ambition of the Sfondrati, who at that time appear'd to carry all before them.

The Cambiaghi, back'd and supported by other of the Citizens, endeavour'd what they could the di∣minution of the Sfondrati; and from hence arose (not to say Civil Wars) great feuds and animosities between them, which continued till such time as Gi∣rolamo Sfondrati was called to Milan, where meeting with greater Advancements, he resolved to leave Cre∣monaPage  158 for ever: And from this Family, now become Milanese, Gregory the Fourteenth descended, who would always acknowledge Cremona to be his Coun∣try; yet would declare often, whilst he was a young Student there, He would never return to Cremona, till he was made Bishop of that place: Afterwards arri∣ving at a competency of years, and other qualificati∣ons, he begg'd and obtain'd very readily the Bishop∣rick of Pius Quartus, being a person of great worth: He was also made Cardinal whilst he was in Cremona, with no small joy to the whole City, who made great Expressions of their Satisfactions, by Bonfires and other Ceremonies, at the news of his Promotion.

How careful this Pope was of his Relations, we have sufficiently shewed in its proper place: 'tis enough that not contented with the Marriage of two of his Nephews, towards the perpetuation of his Family, and one of them in particular with the Daughter of the Prince of Massa; he design'd also to make Emilius Sfondrato his Brothers Son, who was already entred to the Degree of Holy Orders, to resign his Cardinals Cap: but propounding of it to the Con∣sistory, the Cardinals apprehended it a business of so great scandal, they intreated him to content him∣self, that he had married two Nephews, that were al∣ready furnished with Children, to secure the continu∣ance of his Family for ever, without any such hai∣nous and unjustifiable courses.

But all this avail'd not at all; for in a short time after the death of the Pope, in a Months time there were three Males of that Family died, as it were by Judgment from Heaven, to mortifie the ambition of those Popes who destroy Heaven it self, to fill the World with their Nephews. And thus by little and Page  159 little the House of Sfondrati declined, with all the diligence and care they could use to hold out full forty years, though they made another Person take their Name upon him, that had neither Alliance nor Friendship with them.

Of the House of Aldobrandini, from whence Cle∣ment the Eighth proceeded, who was created Pope in January 1592. we cannot speak without touching the Cardinal Aldobrandino too neerly, who is the only person sustains the Name of a Family, that seem'd, for the Reasons before, impossible to be irradicated; which may notwithstanding be said to be extinct, although the Cardinal bears the Name, and the Princess of Rossano enjoys the Estate, as Heir to the House of Aldobrandino; yet the one being a Woman, and the other a Priest, they cannot hope to recover it, unless some By-blow should be produc'd: which, though it would be a neat piece of invention, I can∣not imagine, because the Cardinal was not at all scan∣dalous in his Life, but always obsequious and respect∣ful of the Princess; who made him Cardinal, and without which he might have been a Brandino a Jug∣ler, but no Aldobrandino.

But to return to Pope Clement, I will affirm, That he, not having fail'd in any thing might furnish Rome with the Family of the Aldobrandini, was not in ar∣rear to his Name. In the time that he was Pope, there were eighteen Males of the Name of Aldobran∣dini, the greater part of which were married; and it was no small satisfaction to him, to have so great a number of his Relations: upon which score he us'd to say, He was Pope of Rome, and Prince or Chief of the Aldobrandini.

Page  160That which was most observable was, He took great pleasure in caressing his Relations; for when any of his Brothers or Nephews that were married came to him, he would tell them, Let it be your business to provide Children, and it shall be mine to provide them Estates.

His good Kindred did not neglect to make their advantage of the Counsel of Clement, nor he to maintain their Honours; by which means, there was scarce any other Family taken notice of in Rome; but the reputation of this, made a noise in every corner.

This House of the Aldobrandini was well found∣ed in the Papacy of Vrban the Eighth, by the assistance of seven Brothers, Grand-children to Clement; all of them of so strong and lusty com∣plexions, the Physicians by common consent did assert, there could not be any defect of Posteri∣ty. Nevertheless, it has fail'd; and which is very considerable, there is not now one Male re∣maining of the Name.

The House of Borghese descended from Paul the Fifth, who succeeded Clement (though Leo the Eleventh, who liv'd but five end twenty days, was betwixt them) ran the same fortune; but being of a later Plantation in Rome, it conserves still some weak and decrepit Branches. One of the principal de∣signs Alexander had, to marry Don Agostin with the young Princess Borghes•, was ro unite the Estate and Patrimony of that tottering and decli∣ning House, with the House of Chigi, which at that time was rising to great Emminence, though for a while they came not to Rome.

Page  161There was but one sprig left of the House of the Borghesi, and which was worse, even that of a weak temper, and much subject to infirmities: which Alexander considering, and what accidents the vi∣cissitudes of the world might bring upon the house of the Borghesi, he applyed all his endeavours to make a match (which succeeded well) with his Ne∣phew, and gave him fair hopes of seeing the Patri∣mony of the Borghesi in his own house.

And this is the state of the Borghesi at present, who in the time of Paul the fifth, had above a dozen males of that name, of which there were not above six married; which was very considerable. But I return to speak how squares go in the world.

The Families of the Ludovisi, Barbarini, Panfili, and Chigi, who yielded the four last Popes, I shall speak nothing of; because they have not enjoy'd the Benefits of the Papacy full out thirty years: so as it behoving us to let them rest in peace, I shall leave the observations of their Catastrophe to them which come after us.

One thing only I shall insert, that the Aldobran∣dini had at one time many more males alive, than are at present left of all these four houses together.

God Almighty bless them according to their own desire; which I do heartily pray, as having no animosity against those that are good.

Some have observ'd, and not with much difficul∣ty, that the greatest part of the Popes Families were, before their advancement to the Papacy, of great antiquity and grandeur; but for many that rais'd themselves by the treasure of the Triple Crown, it is not so easie to finde; for instead of attaining to a perpetuation of their Families, they have not Page  162 been prolifique enough to defend them against a perpetual annihilation.

The house of the Medici in Milan was of above two hundred years antiquity, maintaining it self in great Honour and Magnificence: But after Pius the fourth was elected Pope out of it, it grew worse and worse, declining with much more speed than it was rais'd, and that after so extravagant a manner, they could discern themselves rise, but could not perceive their decay.

So the house of Gregory the fourteenth, who was born as I have said of the ancient Family of the Sfondrati, who had made themselves, as it were, im∣mortal in Milan, not only in respect of the great∣ness of their Authority, but in the multitude of their Issue: yet in less than forty years after Pope Gregory, its leaves fell, and the whole Tree of the Sfondrati withered.

The House of Aldobrandini also, from which Cle∣ment the eight was descended, from the time of the Lombards to the said Pope, continued so eminent in Florence; there was at several times three and twen∣ty of that name chief Standard-bearers, and all ele∣cted by the people: Nevertheless as soon as there was a Pope of this Family (which was Clement) it be∣gan to decay, and is now at that pass, there is but one sprig left of all the branches, and that infertile and incapable of recovering them, though he should be made a Pope.

In short, a thousand other examples might be produc'd to evince what I have asserted; which examples though I have describ'd in History, yet are they enough to demonstrate the Popes and their dependents, that all the care, contentions, Page  163 and designs they go through for advancement of their particular Families, are not blessed by the Lord; because he suffers them not to prosper: it being more then certain, That when he keeps not the City, the Watchmen wake but in vain.

God Almighty not suffering those who have rais'd themselves to that greatness, out of the Bowels of those that are in Purgatory, themselves to remain long without punishment for their faults. He will not permit those Families that are elated and grown insolent with the wealth and blood of those poor carkases that are buried in their Church∣yards, to continue long in this world themselves. Heaven is offended to behold sacred things trans∣formed into profane, Churches into Palaces, Alms into Thefts, Crosses into Swords, Altars into Lord∣ships, Holy things into Comedy and Sport, Divine Worship into an adoration of Riches, or rather ado∣ration into Riches.

He that shall be pleas'd to run over the actions of all the Popes, that is, the History wherein all the Families that have afforded any Popes to the world, shall finde this for an infallible truth, that they are either all as it were extinct, or the small remainder that is left reduc'd to a very mean and inconsider∣able condition: As if heaven could not endure the Patrimony of Saint Peter should be made an univer∣sal scandal to the world, and be an occasion of eternizing the memory of the Sacriledge they have committed.

I had lately an opportunity of discourse with an Abbot born in Rome, and experienc'd in their trans∣actions: falling into some speech about the Ne∣phews, and finding their vices, or at least errors Page  164 by him, with more vehemence reprehended, than by me, I took the courage to accost him in this manner, How is it possible, Sir, that the Nephews of the Popes that are living, reading the lives of their Predecessors that are dead, that their Blood should not freeze in their veins to finde them extinct, some one way, some another, in spight of all their care to eternize th•mselves? how is it possible but some gripes of Consci∣ence must torment them when they remember all their wealth belongs to the Church?

The Abbot would suffer me to go on no further, but cutting me off in the middle, he reply'd, Sir, He which has too much money, has no time to read over the lives of them that are dead; money puts thoughts alwayes into their heads of eternizing themselves, some∣times by acquiring, sometimes by contriving: The Popes Nephews do read Books, but it is only when they want money, and then 'tis too late.

And who is there now, would not be amaz'd at such an answer? For my part I believe all the Ro∣mans are of the same opinion, and are in much doubt of the salvation of the Nephews. And ac∣cordingly another of them of judgement little dif∣fering from the Abbot, told his friend; That the Popes Nephews must of necessity go to Purgatory, for they would be asham'd to go into Paradise, where Christ was, whom they had so wickedly despoil'd in this world.

These expressions perhaps may seem but raillery, and appear but satyrical reflections at first sight; how∣ever they come from the very heart, though those that speak them may force themselves into a smile to dissemble it; as the Apothecary conceals the nauseousness of his pills by covering them with silver.

Page  165A great part of the sober men in Rome have been very serious in discovering the cause, why the Popes Families are of so little duration, seeing their riches so vast.

Some are of opinion, it proceeds from the rea∣sons abovesaid, that is, that God Almighty takes them out of the world as a punishment for the in∣juries they have done the Church, in robbing it of the greatest part of its treasure, to make their own house insolent and high.

Others are of opinion the Curses and Execrati∣ons of the people do pierce the Divine Ears in such manner, that the Divine Justice seems as it were oblig'd to take them away so immaturely, to give an account of the vileness of their behaviour to∣wards the subjects of the Church.

And indeed the people of the Ecclesiastical State are so ill satisfied, and so ill treated by the ill Government of Rome, that is by the Popes Ne∣phews who domineer and lord it over them, that from morning to night they fill the air with their exclamations, from one corner, When will there be an end of their Extortions? from another, O God revenge the cruelties of these Nephews, who have ruin'd us. Nor do the curses thrown out against the Ne∣phews rest at the people only: The very Priests and Ecclesiasticks themselves do daily sacrifice upon their Altars for the destruction of them, who de∣vouring all they can get, leave not the good people so much as will pay for the celebration of a Mass.

In the time the Duke of Parma was in Arms against the State Ecclesiastick, then in the possession of the Barberini, the Cardinal Francesco gave or∣der for the performing the forty hours prayers in Page  166 his Cathedrals to incourage the People, and to oblige them to pray to God for the extirpation of the ene∣mies of the Church. But whilst the Letany of the Saints was singing, a certain Roman Gentleman, at the pronounciation of these words, Ut inimicos San∣ctae Ecclesiae humiliare digneris, told a Friend of his that was by, The Church has no greater Enemies than the Barbarini, who molest it both at home and abroad, so that our Prayers to heaven ought to be, to be delivered from them and their Arms.

From hence it may be argu'd, That they who bear a secret hatred and detestation of the Nephews, re∣tain it even in the Church, and the place where they ought to pardon all, and are still contriving revenge; and because they find there is no sure way of freeing themselves from their tyranny in this World, they send up their Prayers privately to Heaven: As if they were afraid of the correction of their Popes, who would by no means suffer the Faithful to appeal against their enormity to the Divine Tribunal, but for all that they do not desist.

Others apply the small durance of the Popes Fami∣lies to that Philosophical saying, Nullum violentum durabile, as if the great haste and violence they use to make themselves great were that that precipitated them: Like Plants, that by a thousand Arts may be forc'd to bear fruit, and that out of season: But how? Those Artifices, that do offer violence, as it were, to Nature, do not conserve it long; but, weakened by the supernatural force, it loses in a short time its na∣tive vigour and is not afterwards to be recovered by all the operations of Art.

'Tis indeed a fine sight to see a Tree bear good fruit in Winter, if it could be made to produce for Page  167 several years; but if the water they use about the Root be but a little hotter than it ought, 'tis enough to ruine both fruit and tree; So as the heedlesness of the Gardener may destroy all that he thought to have done by Art contrary to Nature; for it is necessary the Root be watered with water warm'd to a just pro∣portion to secure against the frosts in the nights, and that all convenient cultivation be us'd: Otherwise all will be spoil'd, and it will be impossible to preserve a Tree that is by Art constrain'd beyond its own na∣ture.

In the same manner it happens to the Pope's Ne∣phews, who grow up on a sudden by a violence they themselves offer to their reason; and marching on to∣wards their own greatness by unusual waies, they seem horrid and uneasie, as not being trodden or known by other people.

Others there are that alledge, amongst other rea∣sons, why the Pope's Family are so transitory, their in∣experience in the Art of Managery which is necessary for preserving an Estate, their wealth raining down upon them without any sweat or trouble, or contri∣vance of their own. Like Hebrews that despis'd the Manna sent them from Heaven, they not only neglect to preserve with any prudence and Oeconomy the great quantity of Riches, which is shower'd down in∣to their Chests by the Capricio of fortune; but even nauseate and abhor that, which they believe unsutable to their Nature.

If a Country-man by accident should light upon a parcel of Rubies, at first sight he would be much de∣lighted with their Lustre; but upon second thoughts they would but trouble and perplex him, because he knew not the value of a thing he had gain'd without labour.

Page  168But what shall I say? There is not any thing more dangerous, and which brings the life of man under more hazards, than the filling the belly too full: To eat intemperately, to swallow without measure, and to devour with eagerness and rapacity, must of neces∣sity destroy Nature, and be the ruine of the whole: Sobriety is that which conduceth most to our health, because it gives the Stomach time to distribute the meat proportionably to the whole body.

The Pope's Nephews know not how to keep their Riches, because they touch them with their hands, but do not see them with their eyes, their greediness of heaping up on a sudden blinding them, and not suffering them to know the true worth of them: by which means they dwindle insensibly, and they them∣selves are not able to perceive it.

That which is gotten without pains, is in a short time lost without knowing the price of it: The grea∣test part of these Gamesters are either such as are loose and licentious young men, or else such as have had some good provision from fortune. The first adven∣ture, because they have not yet found a way to live handsomly; the other, because they believe Fortune oblig'd to recruit them. The poor Trades-man, that sweats, and carks, and toils night and day, and all to get one poor Crown, will not certainly be so foolish to venture that in one moment, he gain'd with so much labour in so many hours. He does well, that •e•ps that he gain'd with difficulty: and he does well, who spends that he came by easily.

Were the Nephews of the Pope content with what Emoluments were justly their due, without doubt the greatness and opulence of their Families would be much longer liv'd: But they fill, devour, and Page  169 cram up their Stomach with more meat than Nature will sustain; and therefore 'tis no wonder, if they be often forc'd to vomit that up with violence they had so immoderately devour'd.

Many have observed also, most of the Pope's Kin∣dred have died young too; and I could instance in a thousand examples: But for two reasons I forbear; one is, not to grate too much upon the Nephews of our good Pope Alexander, nor have the long life of Don Mario cast in my dish, though indeed it is not above ten years since he had any relation to the Pope; the other is, because I have something else to think on.