The Turkish history from the original of that nation, to the growth of the Ottoman empire with the lives and conquests of their princes and emperours / by Richard Knolles ... ; with a continuation to this present year MDCLXXXVII ; whereunto is added, The present state of the Ottoman empire, by Sir Paul Rycaut ...

The LIFE of SOLYMAN, THE FOURTH and most MAGNIFICENT Emperor of the Turks.

THe death of Selymus was with all carefulness concealed by Ferhates the only Bassa then present, for fear lest the Janizaries and Souldiers of the Court getting knowledge thereof, should after their wonted manner in the time of the vacancy of the Empire, spoil the Merchants and Strangers in places where they lay in Gar∣rison, and especially in the Imperial City; and not so contented, after their accustomed inso∣lency prescribe unto the greatest Bassaes at their pleasure. For preventing whereof, Ferhates dis∣patched a trusty Messenger with Letters in Post to Solyman the only Son of Selymus, then lying at Magnesia; certifying him of the death of his Father; and that he should deserve well of his peaceable Subjects by hastning his coming to Constantinople, whilst all things were yet in good order, in time to repress with his presence the feared disordered proceedings of his Men of War.

* 1.1Solyman having to his great content perused the Bassaes Letters, as one desirous enough of the Empire; yet considering the cruel disposi∣tion of his Father (whom upon a meer jealous con∣ceit of his aspiring mind, and for certain words by him let fall in dislike of his Fathers extream dealing, had practised most unnaturally to have taken him away by Poison; which danger he escaped only by the carefulness of his Mother, who misdoubting the worst, caused the Poison∣ed rich Shirt sent to him from his Father, to be first worn by one of his Chamber, whereof he in short time after died) and also that the Letters were signed only by Ferhates, and the news not seconded from any of the other Bassaes; fearing some hidden and secret Plot of his Father tending to his destruction, durst not adventure to remove from his charge, but returned the Messenger as one to whom he gave little or no credit. Ten days thus spent, and the death of Selymus nothing as yet suspected; Ferhates un∣derstanding by his Messenger the weariness of Solyman, and that he expected more assured ad∣vertisement, sent presently unto the other great Bassaes Pyrrbus and Mustapha at Hadrianople, that they should without delay repair unto the Court; unto whom at their coming he declared the death of the Emperor. Which after they had seen to be true, they by another secret and speedy Messenger advertised Solyman again thereof, confirming those Letters with all their Hands and Seals; whereby Solyman now assured of his Fathers death, presently put himself up∣on the way, and by long and painful journies in few days came to Scutarium, called in anci∣ent time Chrisopolis, over against Constantinople. Where he was met with the Aga or Captain of the Janizaries, and by him transported in a Gally over that strait passage to Constantinople; where at his landing the Janizaries by the ap∣pointment of their Captain were ready to re∣ceive him, knowing as yet nothing of the death of Selymus, until that Solyman being now in the midst of them, the Captain with a loud voice said unto them, Behold your Emperor. Whereup∣on they all with great acclamation cried out, Long live the great Emperor Solyman; which con∣sent of the Men of War, is unto the Turkish Emperors the greatest assurance of their Estate. And so with much Triumph he was by them brought into the Roial Palace, and placed in his Fathers Seat in the year 1520. in which year also Charles the Fifth was chosen Emperor of Germany. The Janizaries disappointed by the Bassaes of the spoil of the Merchants, especial∣ly Christians and Jews, received of the boun∣ty of Solyman a great Largess, and in the begin∣ning of his Reign had their accustomed Wages somewhat augmented also, to their wonderful contentment.

Solyman was about twenty eight years old when he began to Reign, and was at the first supposed to have been of a mild and peaceable disposition; so that the Princes to whom the Name of Selymus was before dreadful, were now in hope that a quiet Lamb was come in place of a raging Lion. But in short time they found themselves in their expectation far deceived; and especially the Christian Princes bordering upon him, unto whom he became a far more dangerous Enemy than was his Father before him; converting his Forces most part of his long Reign upon them, which Selymus had almost al∣together imployed against the Kings of Persia, and Egypt, the greatest Princes of the Mahome∣tan Superstition.

The first that felt his heavy Hand was Ga∣zelles Governour of Syria; who presently upon the death of Selymus, thinking himself now dis∣charged of the Oath of Obedience which he had given to Selymus, but not to his Successors; and earnestly desiring to restore again the King∣dom of the Mamalukes lately overthrown, ga∣thered together the remainder of the disper∣sed Mamalukes, which speedily resorted unto him out of all parts of Asia and Africk;* 1.2 and alluring with rewards the Leaders of the wild Arabians, with great numbers of the Country People of Syria, discontented with the Turkish Government, entred into open Rebellion, and by force of Arms drave the Turks Garrison out of Byrtha, Trypolis, and divers other Cities of Syria, taking them into his own possession. And the better to effect that he had taken in hand, he sent Embassadors to Caire unto Cayer∣beius, who had of Selymus received the Govern∣ment of Egypt, the unworthy reward of his hor∣rible Treason; perswading him by any means to take revenge of the injury and wrong be∣fore done to the Mamalukes, and by killing of the Turks Garrisons to make himself Sultan of Egypt, and restore again the Kingdom of the Mamalukes, offering him therein the uttermost of his devoir and service. But Cayerbeius, ei∣ther not trusting Gazelles his old Enemy, or a∣shamed by new Treason to augment his former dishonor, or else (which was most like) mis∣doubting his own strength in performance of so great an enterprise; after he had attentively heard what the Embassadors had to say, caused them presently in his own sight to be put to death as Traitors, and with all speed certified Solyman thereof, who without delay sent Fer∣hates Bassa with a strong Army into Syria. Which thing Gazelles hearing, and having in his power most of the Cities of Syria, retired him∣self, with all his Army into the strong City of Damasco; whither at length, Ferhates the great Bassa by long march came also. Gazelles resolved to try the fortune of the Field, and so either by speedy Victory or honourable Death to end the matter, rather than to suffer himself to be shut up within the Walls of the City, upon the com∣ing within of the Bassa, valiantly issued forth with all his power, and gave him Battel; which for the space of six hours was most cruelly fought, and many slain on both sides. At length Gazelles being oppressed with the multitude of his Ene∣mies (being eight times more in number) and hardly assailed on either side, was enforced to sight in a Ring, and there performing all the parts of a worthy General and valiant Souldier, honourably died together with his Mamalukes in the midst of his Enemies, leaving unto them a bloody Victory.* 1.3 Gazelles thus slain, the City of Damasco with all the Country of Syria without any more ado yielded again unto the Turks obedience, which the Bassa took in so good part, that he would not suffer his Souldiers to enter into the City, then richly stored with Commodi∣ties of all sorts, brought thither by Merchants out of divers parts of the World.

Syria thus pacified, the Bassa went to Caire in Egypt, and there commending Cayerbeius for his fidelity, confirmed him in his Government; and inveying against the cruelty of Selymus (so to please the Egyptians) wished them to hope for all happiness under the peaceable Govern∣ment of the new Sultan Solyman. And so when he had set all things in order in both the Pro∣vinces; of Syria and Egypt, returned again to Solyman.

The year following, Solyman by the Counsel of Pyrrbus Bassa his old Tutor (a mortal Ene∣my unto the Christians) and by the perswasion of the Janizaries resolved to besiege the strong City of Belgrade, otherwise called Taurunum, si∣tuate upon the borders of Hungary, where the Rivers Savus falleth into Danubius. Which City his great Grandfather Mahomet (surnamed the Great; and before him the warlike Amurat) had with all their power, long time before to their great loss and dishonour, vainly attempted. Wherein until that time were reserved the En∣signs, then taken from the Turks, to their no small grief, with other trophies of the glorious Victories of the worthy Captain Huniades, and the great King Matthias Corvinus his Son. Where∣fore Solyman sending his Army before, was come as far as Sophia, a City in Servia (the place where the Turks great Lieutenant in Europe is always re∣siant) before that the Hungarians were aware of his coming; for they living at ease all the time that Uladislaus Reigned, and now sleeping in secu∣rity under the young King Lodovicus his Son, a Man of no experience; who contenting himself with the Title of a King, suffered himself to be pilled and polled by his Nobility and great Clergy∣Men (inverting all the wealth of the Land to their own private gain) that he was not able to raise any sufficient power to go against his puis∣sant Enemy; especially his Nobility, in whose hands rested the wealth of his Kingdom, promi∣sing him much, but performing indeed nothing. Huniades with his hardy Souldiers, the scourge and terror of the Turks, were dead long before; so was also Matthias that fortunate Warrior; af∣ter whom succeeded others given to all pleasure and ease; to whose example the People fashion∣ing themselves, forgot their wonted Valour, and gave themselves over to sensuality and voluptuous Pleasure; so that Solyman without let, presented his Army before the City of Belgrade,* 1.4 and with battery and undermining in short time became Lord thereof, having lost few of his People in that Siege. How much the loss of that strong City concerned the Christian Common-wealth, the manifold and lamentable miseries which after∣wards insued by the opening of that Gap, not un∣to the Kingdom of Hungary only, but to all that side of Christendom, did, and yet doth, most manifestly declare. It was won by the Turks the nine and twentieth day of August in the year 1521.

After the taking of the strong City of Belgrade, Solyman returning to Constantinople, brake up his Army and there lay still almost all the year fol∣lowing. During which time, [year 1521.] he caused great preparation to be made at Calipolis and other his Ports, for rigging up of a great Fleet; which caused the Italians, Venetians, and them of the Rhodes, to look about them, as Men careful of their Estates, fearing that those Forces would ere long be imployed against some or all of them.

About the same time Philippus Villerius a Man of great wisdom and courage,* 1.5 then following the French Court, was in his absence by the Knights of the Rhodes chosen great Master of that honour∣able Company; who embarking himself at Mar∣celles, after a long and dangerous journey (being not without the knowledge of Solyman hardly laied for at Sea by Cortug-Ogli a famous Pyrat of the Turks, whose two Brethren the Knights of the Rhodes had but a little before surprised at Sea and slain, and then held the third in Prison) arrived in safety at the Rhodes, where he was with great joy and triumph received.

The great Bassa, by whose grave advice Soly∣man was contented in all his weighty Affairs to

be directed, consulting with the other Bassaes, of divers great exploits which was first to be taken in hand, for the honour of their Emperor and inlar∣ging of his Empire, were of divers opinions con∣cerning the besieging of the Rhodes. Pyrrhus the Bassa of greatest account, disswaded the taking in hand of that Action, as too full of difficulty and danger; producing for proof thereof the example of the great Emperor Mahomet, Solymans great Grandfather; by whom it was unfortunately at∣tempted, and in fine shamefully abandoned. But Mustapha next in place and reputation to Pyr∣rhus, extolling the power and fortune of Solyman, said, That the greatness of their Emperor was not to be concluded within the attempts of his predecessors as well appeared by the late taking of Belgrade; from whence first Amurath, and after him, Mahomet, two of the most warlike Princes of the Turks, had with great dishonour been re∣pulsed; and should no doubt with like good for∣tune prevail against the Rhodes also, being able (if need were) to bring more Men before it than were stones in the Walls thereof. Which he so confidently affirmed, with extenuating the power of the Rhodians, that he seemed to make no doubt of the good success of that War; presump∣tuously affirming, that upon the first landing of Solymans great Army, they of the Rhodes would without delay yield themselves and their City into his hands.

Amongst others of great experience, whose opinion Solyman was desirous to have, before he would take so great a matter in hand, was the famous Pirat Cortug-Ogli, a Man of a mischievous and cruel Nature, but of great experience in Sea matters. Who presented to Solyman by Mustapha and Ferhates, two of the greatest Bassaes, going before him, after due reverence done, and com∣manded to deliver his opinion, spake unto Soly∣man, as followeth:

* 1.6The greatness of your deserts (most mighty and puis∣sant Emperor) maketh me (being by you so command∣ed) at this time frankly to speak what I think may be for the glory and honour both of your Majesty and Em∣pire. I daily hear the pitiful lamentation of the miser∣able People of Mitylene, Euboea, Peloponesus, Achaia, Caria, Lycia, and all alongst the Sea Coast of Syria and Egypt, bewailing the spoil of their Countries, the ransacking of their Cities, the taking away of their Cattel and People, with other infinite and incredible Calamities, which they daily suffer of the crossed Rhodian Pyrats, no Man withstanding them: Many a time have these wretched People holden up their Hands to me for help, most instantly requesting me to be a mean for them to your Imperial Majesty, whereby they might be prot••cted from the injury, rapine, and slaughter of these cruel Rovers. Where∣fore in their behalf I beseech your sacred Majesty, by the most reverend Name of the holy Prophet Maho∣met, and by your own most heroical Disposition, to de∣liver your afflicted Subjects from these their most cruel Enemies, and at length to set them free from the fury, captivity, and fear, of these Pyrats, more grievous unto them than death it self; and consider with your self, that this injury and insolency tendeth not so much to the hurt of your poor Subjects, and oppressed People in private, as to the dishonour and disgrace of your Imperial Name and Dignity; which if any other Chri∣stian King or Prince should offer, your Majesty I know would not suffer unrevenged; And will you then suf∣fer these Robbers, Cut-throats, base People gathered out of all the Corners of Christendom, to wast your Countries, spoil your Cities, murther your People, and trouble all your Seas? For who can pass by Sea to Tri∣polis, Damasco, Alexandria, Caire, Chalcide, Lesbos, Chios, nay unto this your Imperial City of Constantinople, without most certain and manifest danger of these Rovers? What have we heard every Spring this many years, but that the Rhodians had taken some one or other of your Ports, led away your People into most miserable Captivity, and carried away with them the rich spoils of your Countries? And that which is of all other things most dishonourable, this they do under your nose, and in your sight, in the midst and heart of your Empire. Pardon me I beseech you most Mighty Emperor, if I too plainly speak what I think; For whatsoever I say, I say it to no other end, b••t that you should now at length do that which should many years ago have been done. We your most Loyal Subjects may not, nor ought not for the increase of our Mahometan Religion, and for the enlarging of your Empire and Honour, to refuse to adventure our Goods, our Bodies, our Lives, to all hazard and danger with∣out exception. If you likewise be carried with love of Glory and Renown, or ravished with the desire of never dying Fame; in what Wars can you more easily gain the same, or better imploy us your Servants, than in vanquishing and subduing the Rhodes, the reputed Bulwark of Christendom, which only ke••peth us from their Countries? But some will perhaps say, your Ancestors have in former times unfortunately attempted that City; so did they also Belgrade in Hungary; yet hath your happy Fortune to your immortal Fame, brought the same under your subjection, being far more strongly fortified than it was in times past; and do you then despair of the Rhodes? Cast off such vain and needless misdoubt. The Turkish Empire-hath always grown by adventures and honourable attempts: There∣fore make hast to besiege it both by Sea and Land. If your Subjects mourning under the heavy burthen of the Christian Captivity, built it with their own Hands for the Christians; cannot they now at liberty, desirous of revenge, and fitted with opportunity, with like hands destroy the same? If it please you to vouchsafe but to look into the matter (most dread Sovereign) you shall see that there is a divine occasion by the procurement of our great Prophet Mahomet, presented unto your most Sacred Majesty, now that the Christians of the West are at discord and mortal War amongst themselves. Your Majesty is not ignorant, that in mannaging of Wars, the opportunity of the time is especially to be fol∣lowed, and that when occasion serveth, all remisness and delay is to be carefully avoided; the changes of times are most fickle, and if you suffer your good hap now to pass over, you shall perhaps in vain afterwards pursue the same when it is fled and gone.

Solyman by Nature an ambitious young Prince, prickt forward thus also by the perswasions of Cortug-Ogli and others, seeking their further credit and preferment by fitting his ambitious humor; but most of all by th•• instigation of the Bassa Mustapha, resolved to go in person himself against the Rhodes. And first to make some proof of what spirit and courage Villeri∣us the new chosen Great Master was of, in whose sufficiency the greatest part of the de∣fence of the City was supposed to consist; to him by way of a little cold Friendship, he sent a Messenger with this short Letter thus directed:

Solyman by the grace of God, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, greatest Emperor of Constantinople and Trapezond, most Mighty King of Persia, Arabia, Syria, and Egypt; Lord of Asia and Europe; Prince of Mecha and Aleppo; Ruler of Ierusalem; and Master of the Universal Sea; To the reverend Father, Philippus Villerius Liladamus, Great Master of the Rhodes, and Legate of Asia Greeting.

* 2.1I am glad of thy Kingdom and new promotion, which I wish thou mayest long and happily enjoy, for that I hope thou wilt in Honour and Fidelity ex∣ceed all them which before thee Ruled in the Rhodes; from whom as my Ancestors have withdrawn their hand, so I after their example joyn with thee in amity and friendship. Ioy thou therefore, my Friend, and in my behalf rejoyce of my Victory and Tri∣umph also; for this last Summer passing over Danu∣bius with Ensigns displayed, I there expected the Hungarian King, who I thought would have given me Battel; I took from him by strong hand Bel∣grade, the strongest City of his Kingdom, with o∣ther strong holds thereabouts; and having with Fire and Sword destroyed much People, and carried a∣way many more into Captivity as a triumphant Con∣queror, breaking up mine Army, am returned to my Imperial City of Constantinople, from whence Farewel.

The Great Master having read these Letters, and well considered of the same, perceived forth∣with Solymans meaning; and that Peace was of∣fered him in words and shew, but War in deed and meaning. Which because he was ready by force to repulse, he rewarded the Turks Mes∣senger, and sent back with him another of his own, a private Person. For the Rhodians did seldom vouchsafe to send any honourable Em∣bassadors to the Turkish Emperors (with whom they for most part lived in Hostility) either the Turks to them. By this Messenger he answer∣ed Solymans Letters with other of like vain, as followeth:

Philippus Villerius Liladamus, Great Master of the Rhodes, to the Turk.

* 3.1I right well understand your Letters, which your Messenger brought unto me. The friendship you write of is as pleasing to me as displeasing to Cortug-Ogli your Servant, who went about to have inter∣cepted me upon the suddain, as I came out of France; but failing of his purpose, stealing by night into the Rhodian Sea, he attempted to have robbed certain Mer∣chants Ships bound from Joppa to Venice; but send∣ing my Fleet out of my Haven, I staied his fury, con∣strained the Pyrat to flie, and for hast to leave behind him the Prizes he had before taken from the Merchants of Crete. Farewel, from the Rhodes.

By this answer Solyman perceived, that he was well met withal in his own fineness, and that he should not so easily carry the Rhodes, as he had before done Belgrade. Yet being fully in him∣self resolved to try his Fortune therein, he called unto him certain of the chief Commanders of his Wars, to whom he opened his whole deter∣mination in this sort:

Although I doubt not, worthy Chieftains, but that you are of the same mind now that yo•• have been always of in the invading of other Nations;* 3.2 yet I have thought it good in matters tending to the com∣mon Glory, and good of us all, to use your general advice and counsel. Since the time that my Father left this World, we have made War with divers Nations and People. The Syrians by nature uncon∣stant, and prone to Rebellion, we have by force re∣duced to their former Obedience. The Sophi, that mighty King, Nephew unto the great King Usan-Cassanes, by his Daughter the Sister of King Jacup, in heart and deed our mortal Enemy, not contented with the Kingdoms of Assyria, Media, Armenia, the greater, Persia and Mesopotamia, we have with our Forces shut up within the compass of his own Dominions. The last year running through Hun∣gary, both on this side and beyond Danubius we took Belgrade the strongest Fortress in that Kingdom. And whatsoever else we attempted, we subdued. Yet for all that (to speak plainly of my self) my mind greater in conceit than my Empire, and the Blood of Othoman, findeth no contentment in these Victories. For whats••ever you have yet done, although it be great, yet I deem it all but little, in regard of your worth; my desire carrieth me further. This have I always above all things most earnestly desired, to set upon the Rhodes, and utterly to root out all the strength and forces, yea the very name of those Rhodi∣an Souldiers. And have not you also no less than my self desired the same? How often have I heard you crying out, The Rhodes, The Rhodes? I have ex∣pected the time that being discharged of other Wars, I might here imploy my whole strength and power. That we so long desired, is now come; there was never greater opportunity of good success offered, a great part of the Walls of the City of the Rhodes now ly∣ing even with the ground; which cannot in short time be repaired, especially in their want of Coyn. Beside this, the Garrison in the Castle is but small, and their aid from France far off, which will either come too late when the City is lost, or that which I rather believe, never. For neither will the French King (being at mortal Wars with the German Empe∣ror, and Lords of Italy) suffer his Store-houses to be disfurnished, or his Ports bared of the necessary de∣fence of his Shipping. Neither do you believe that the Spaniards (distressed at home with Famine, War, and civil Dissention) will easily come hither out of Scilicia and Campania with supplies of Men and Victual. But you may perhaps think that great danger is to be feared from the Venetian Fleet, and the Isle of Crete, which I assure you is not so; for I know (although I will not now▪ manifest the same) how I have prevented that mischief. Where∣fore couragious Souldiers (born to the subduing of all Christendom, much more of the Rhodes) with chear∣ful hearts follow me your Sovereign against these your most perfideous and cruel Enemies. How long I pray you will you suffer that stain and disgrace to stick upon the Othoman Family, and generally upon all the Name of the Turks, which these Rhodians cast upon us the last time they were besieged? Which was not so much done by their Valour, as by the unfortunate counsel of my great Grandfather Mahomet, calling home Mesithes Palaeologus his General in that War, for one unlucky Assault. But admit that their Valour gained them Victory, will you therefore always suffer these pyratical excursions upon our Main and Islands? The ransacking of Cities and Countries? The carrying away of your Cattel and richest Substance? The captivity and slaughter of your Wives and Children? The slavery of your nearest Friends and Kinsmen? So help me great Mahomet it shall not so be; I Vow in despight of Christ and John, in short time to set up mine En∣signs with the Moon in the middle of the Market place of Rhodes. Neither do I seek any thing un∣to

my self, more than the honour of the enterprise; the profit I give unto you my fellow Souldiers, their Coyn, Plate, Iewels, (which is reported to be great) their Riches and Wealth is all yours, to carry home with you unto your Wives and Children. Wherefore let us now with all our forces and courage set forward to the besieging of the Rhodes.

Solymans purpose thus made known, and the same with one accord of all his Captains well liked; Pyrrhus the eldest Bassa and of greatest authority, who at the first disswaded the War, standing up in the midst of the rest, said:

I cannot but much admire the great Wisdom and rare Vertues of our young Emperor, who so wisely and advisedly hath declared all the deep Counsels of a worthy Chieftain in taking of War in hand. Blessed be Mahomet, thrice and four times Blessed is this Empire, Blessed is our Estate, and Blessed are we with such a Prince, which carrieth with him in his Wars, not only Men and Habiliments of War, but most deep wisdom and policy. Which wholesome manner of proceeding, if we had always before our eyes, and would follow, we should in short time bring under our subjection not the Rhodes only, but all the Kingdoms of the Christians. Yet beside that which our Emperor hath most carefully and conside∣rately devised, mine age and experience would exhort you, by Gifts, Promises, Rewards, and all other means whatsoever, to corrupt, if it were possible, the very chief and principal Citizens of the Rhodes, there∣by to enter into their most secret devices and counsels; which how it may be wrought, I will in few words give you to understand. I as a Man indifferent, desirous of peace and quietness, will by Messengers, and Letters induce the Great Master to send some honourable Embassage to our dread Sovereign, which if I can once bring him unto, then let me alone with the rest.

* 3.3This counsel of the old Fox pleased all the hearers well, but above others the Emperor him∣self, who gave him in charge with all dili∣gence and speed, to prove what he could do; the other Captains he commanded to prepare the greatest Forces they could, both for Land and Sea service. Which preparation was so great both at Constantinople and others places, that it could not long be kept so secret, but that news thereof was brought to the Rhodes the fourth day of February; which news daily increasing and still confirmed by more certain reports, Villerius the Great Master for more certain in∣telligence, sent a Christian of Epidarius, who could perfectly speak the Turkish Language, as a Spy to Constantinople; who by secret Letters from thence gave him knowledge that the Turks were preparing a great Fleet, and raising a mighty Army, advertising him also of a won∣derful proportion of Artillery prepared for Bat∣tery; but against whom was not commonly known, some deeming it to be for the Invasion of Italy, some for the Rhodes, others supposing it to be for Cyprus or Corcira; which diversity of conjectures, made many (whose conceits a∣verted from themselves the fortune of that War) to be more careless and secure. But whilst e∣very Man was of Opinion, that it was made against any Man rather than himself; certain advertisement was given to the Rhodians from divers places by Letters from their friends and confederates, That the Turks did with extraor∣dinary diligence keep strait Watch and Ward in all their Ports thereabouts along the Sea Coast, otherwise than the•• were before accustomed; which seemed to Prognosticate some farther matter than the defence of their Frontiers. Vil∣lerius careful of his charge,* 3.4 as the Mark where∣at the Enemy aimed, provided with all possible diligence great store of Victual, Armor, Wea∣pons, Shot, Pouder, and whatsoever else neces∣sary for the defence of the City.

The new Walls of the City, and Avergne Fortress, by Basilius Engineer to the Emperor Charles the Fifth (a work begun in the time of Fabritius Caractus the late Grand Master, but not yet finished) was now with all diligent la∣bour set upon, every Man putting his helping hand unto so necessary a Work. Whilst these things were with so great endeavour and labour a doing, a Messenger came from Constantinople, (sent from the old Bassa Pyrrhus) a sharp Wit∣ted and cunning Fellow; who with much filed speech in most ample manner doing his Message, by the way, painted forth the great towardli∣ness and courteous nature of the Turkish Em∣peror Solyman, with the great commendation of Pyrrhus Bassa his Master; delivering from both of them Letters unto the Great Master to this purport.

Solyman by the Grace of God King of Kings, Lord of Lords, &c. To the re∣verend Father Philippus Villerius Lilada∣mus, Great Master of the Rhodes, and Legate of Asia, Greeting.

I Am certainly informed that my Letters are deli∣vered unto thee;* 4.1 which for that thou under∣stoodst them aright, I cannot express how much it pleased me. Trust to it, that I am not contented with the Victory I got at Belgrade; I hope for another, nay I assure my self thereof, which I will not hide from thee whom I am always mindful of. Farewell from Constantinople.

Pyrrhus, great Counsellor to the mighty Emperor Solyman, to Philippus Villerius Liladamus, Great Master of the Rhodes, and Legate of Asia, Greeting.

YOUR Letters, greater in meaning than Charac∣ter,* 5.1 I have delivered unto our most mighty Emperor; but the Bearer thereof I would not suffer to come to his Presence, lest he should be too much offended with so base a Messenger. Unto whom from henceforth send Men of worth, commendable for their years and discretion, with whom his Majecty may (if be so please) confer and conclude of matters concerning the common Good; which thing if you shall do, it shall neither repent you of the doing thereof, nor me of my Counsel. The Mes∣senger I send, bringeth Letters unto you also from our great Emperor; to whose divine Excellency how you are to answer, you are already admonished. Farewel from Constantinople.

These Letters being openly read, drew the minds of the Rhodians diversly. Such as al∣together wished for peace, measuring others after their own plain meaning and integrity, com∣mended the Counsel of Pyrrhus, saying, That he being an old Man of great experience, was not so desirous of our quiet, as of the quiet of his Prince and Country; and therefore wished by wisdom to order that which the young Prince sought for by War, fearing the uncertainty of Mans fragility, the common chance of War, the violence of Fortune, which hath oftentimes in a moment with a handful of Men overthrown

most mighty Kings with their strong Armies. The perswasion of these men took such effect, that one of the Knights of the Order called Raimund March, a Spaniard, a Noble Gentelman of great Courage, and very eloquent, skilful also in the Turkish Tongue, and then Muster-master, was appointed to have been sent Embassador unto the Turkish Emperor. Many there were of a con∣trary opinion, which suspecting fraud and deceit, said it were good to beware of the Enemies Coun∣sel; asking, to what end this Embassage were? For should we proclaim War (say they) against the most mighty Tyrant, not yet our professed Enemy, who writeth all Peace? Or should we intreat for peace, no War as yet proclaimed; that he which as yet is afraid himself, may now understand that he is of us feared? Besides that, with what security, with what face can our Em∣bassadors go, unrequested of the Turkish Em∣peror, without his safe conduct through those Countries which we dayly burn and spoil? But they shall shew Pyrrhus the great Bassaes Letters forsooth, his protection, his Credit and Autho∣rity shall defend them from all injury and wrong; as though the servant should prescribe Laws to his Master, and such a servant as is most like un∣to his Master (that is) cruel, false of Faith, a hater of all Christians, but especially of us Rho∣dians; whom the merciless Tyrant having in his power, with his Navy and Army in readiness, shall with cruel torture inforce to discover unto him our provision, the secrets of our City and Order. This opinion of the wiser sort, was great∣ly confirmed by the too much curiosity of the Messenger which was sent, who with all diligence enquired of the State and Situation of the City, of the number and strength of the Order. Where∣fore in conclusion he was sent back again accom∣panied but with one private Souldier to carry the Great Masters Letters unto the Turkish Ty∣rant; the tenor whereof was thus:

Philippus Villerius Liladamus, Great Master of the Rhodes, unto the Turk, Greeting

THat you are mindful of me grieveth me nothing; and I am also mindful of you.* 6.1 You repeat your Victory in Hungary, wherewith not being contented you hope for another; nay you promise and assure your self thereof, before you have attempted the War. Be∣ware you deceive not your self; mens expectations never decieve them more than in Wars. Farewel, from the Rhodes.

The other Letters written to Pyrrhus, were to this effect:

Philippus Villerius Liladamus, Great Master of the Rhodes, to Pyrrhus the Bassa.

I Have advisedly considered thy Letters, with the behaviour and disposition of thy Messenger.* 7.1 As I contemn not thy counsel, so I will not follow the same, whilst my men of War do spoil the Countries and Ports of thy Lord and Master, which I bear withal, by reason of the injuries they have sustained of the Turkish Pirats. But I will call them home, and will send Embassadors unto thy great Lord; so that thou before send me safe conduct under thy Masters great Seal, for their safe coming and return. Farewel, from the Rhodes.

But these Letters were never delivered unto the great Turk, or the Bassa; for as soon as the Turkish Messenger was come over into the Main, he presently took Horse, which was there in readiness for him, and posted towards Constanti∣nople with as much speed as he could, leaving the Christian Messenger his Companion behind him; who returning back again to the Rhodes, and telling what he had heard and seen, gave them all great occasion to despair of Peace; whereupon Villerius sent into Crete to hire certain Companies of Cretensian Archers. In the mean time advertisement was given unto the Great Master by Letters from the Island of Naxos,* 7.2 That the Turks were ready to put their Fleet to Sea with the first appearance of the new Moon; which thing they most superstitiously observe in the be∣ginning of all their great actions. The same news was brought also by certain Merchants of the Island of Pathmos, who came to the Rhodes with a great Ship laded with Corn from Euboea; under the color of the sale whereof, they (by the commandment of the Turks, to whom they were Tributaries) diligently noted all that was done in the City, shortly to be besieged. The great Master with no less diligence, sent divers of his small Gallies amongst the Islands and alongst the Main, to learn what might be of the Enemies doings. Ioannes Lupus one of the Knights of the Order, and Captain of one of these Gallies, meet∣ing with a great Ship of the Turks laded with Corn, took her and brought her home to Rhodes. But Alphonsus Captain of another of the Gallies, lying in harbour in one of the Islands, and suffer∣ing his men to straggle too far into the Land, was set upon by a Turkish Pyrat and taken.

About the same time the Turks by often Fires made upon the Main in the night season, gave sign unto the Rhodians, that they desirous to have some parly with them, as their manner was. Whereupon one Meneton a French man, one of the Knights, by commandment of the rest of the Order, was sent with a Gally well appoint∣ed to the Main to see what the matter might be; and with him was joyned Iacobus Xaycus a Pay∣master for the Gallies, that he might of the inha∣bitants of the place, and his Friends there dwel∣ling, diligently enquire of all things concerning the intended War; for this Xaycus, besides that he was a skilful Sea-man and one that knew the Coast well, had also good experience in Civil Affairs, and was wonderfully beloved and made of by the Turkish Merchants whose Language he had perfectly learned. Drawing near the Shore, he found the Turkish Merchants making merry upon the Main, with their Carpets, Cotten-Wool, and such like Merchandise about them as they used to exchange with the Rhodian Merchants for woollen Cloaths; unto these Merchants he gave due salutations, gaging his Faith for their safety, and they likewise to him. But being re∣quested to come ashore to make merry until one of his familiar and old acquaintance might be sent for, who as they said was not far off; he answered, that he could not so do, except they would first deliver a Pledge for him a Shipboard. The perfideous Turks laughing as it were at his needless fear, willingly sent their, Merchandise and a Pledge aboard the Gallies. Xaycus then going ashore, and embracing the Turkish Mer∣chants which met him; upon a sign given, was forthwith beset on every side and taken Prisoner, and by Post Horses conveied with all speed to Constantinople; where he was with most exquisite torments that could be devised for any man to endure, enforced to confess whatsoever his cruel Enemies could desire. After Xaycus was by trea∣chery thus lost, then began their provident wis∣dom to be highly comme••sed, which were the occasion, that the Decree made of sending Em∣bassadors

unto the Turk, was again revoked. The hostage given for Xaycus, being brought to the Rhodes and examined, was found to be a simple Country fellow whom the Turks had of purpose well apparelled to deceive the Rhodians, who frankly and plainly according to his simple know∣ledg, answered to all things that were of him de∣manded; as that the Turks were making great preparation for Sea, upon the Coasts of Caria and Lycia, and had taken up many Souldiers in the Countries thereabouts to send into the Fron∣tiers of his Dominions towards Syria, for defence of the same against the Persians. All which was true; for Solyman to put the Rhodians out of all suspicion of invasion (whom he knew carefully to observe his doings) sent the Souldiers whom he had levied in the Countries nearest to the Rhodes, far away against the Persian, as if he had meant nothing against the Rhodes, and so upon the suddain to set upon them with his Army brought out of Europe, before they were awar. But this his device served to small purpose; for the Great Master perceiving by many circum∣stances,* 7.3 but especially by that late calamity of Xaycus that the Rhodes was the place the Turkish Tyrant longed after; and fearing that delay might bring farther danger, caused a cessation from all other business to be proclaimed, until all things necessary for defence of the City were accomplished; Watch and Ward was kept in eve∣ry Street, the great Artillery planted upon the Walls and Bulwarks, Companies appointed for the defence of every place, the publick Armory of all warlike provision was open, all the Streets were full of Men carrying Weapons, some to one place, some to another. At which time a general Muster was taken by the chief Men of the Order, where were found about five thou∣sand men able to bear Arms, among whom were six hundred Knights of the Order, and five hun∣dred Souldiers of Crete; the rest were for most part Mariners, able Bodies, who in the time of the Siege did great service, encouraged by their Sea Captains; the Island People which repaired into the City, served to little other purpose but to dig and carry Earth unto the Rampiers; and the Citizens (except it were some few of the better sort) were for the most part weak and of small Courage, not able to indure any labour or pains, and yet hardly to be kept in order and governed, great speakers, but small doers, greater in shew than in deed. The Great Master having carefully provided and ordered all things need∣ful for the defence of the City, and fearing nothing more than the faint Hearts of the Ci∣tizens, caused them all to be called together; for incouragement of whom, he spake unto them as followeth:

Valiant Gentlemen and worthy Citizens, we hear that the Turk our mortal Enemy is coming against us,* 7.4 with a huge Army raised of divers Nations; from whose natural cruelty and wonted perjury except we defend our selves by force, one and the self same danger is like to befal me, my Knights, and you all. For we have with common consent and hand grievously spoiled him both by Sea and Land, and you are by booties taken by strong hand out of his Dominions, in∣riched; and at this day we keep his People in grievous servitude, and he ours; but he injuriously, and we most justly: For his Ancestors (weary of the dark Dens and Caves of the Mountain Caucasus, their na∣tural Dwelling) without Right, Title, or Cause, in∣cited only with Covetousness, Ambition, and the ha∣tred of our most sacred Religion, have driven the Christians out of Syria; and afterwards oppressed the Grecians in Grecia; where not cont••nted to have de∣stroyed the People, with one simple kind of death (as Barbarism is ever cruel and merciless) they have with most exquisite and horrible Torments butchered many thousands of that Nation. All whom, this wicked proud youth (whose mischief exceedeth his years) an evil Neighbour to all men, not contented with the Do∣minions of Arabia, Syria, Egypt, the greatest part of Asia, and of many other places more, seeketh in Tyranny, Murther, Spoil, Perjury, and Hatred against Christ and Christians, far to excel; and forceth him∣self to the uttermost of his power, to take from us our Islands, and to subdue the Christian Countries; that so at length being Lord of all, and Commander of the World, he may at his pleasure overthrow the Chri∣stian Cities, kill the Christians, and utterly root out the Christian name, which he so much hateth. For the repulsing of which intollerable injury; we have especially chosen this Island of the Rhodes for our dwelling place, because the same seemed more com∣modious than any other for the annoying of this bar∣barous Nation. We have done what in us lay, holpen by you; we know by proof your great Valour and Fide∣lity, which we now have not in any distrust. Where∣fore I will not use many words to perswade you to continue in your Fidelity and Loyalty, neither long cir∣cumstances to encourage you to play the men; sithence worthy minds are not with words either encouraged or dismayed. But concerning my self and my Knights of the Order, I will speak a few words. I with them, with whom (as I hope) the Christian Princes and other my Knights of the West will in good time joyn their Forces, are most ready and prest to defend your selves, your Children, your Wives, your Goods, the Monuments of your Ancestors and sacred Temples, dedicated to the service of our God. Which opinion, that it may remain firm and fixt in your minds, if nothing else, my Faithfulness in your Wars, my Body not yet altogether spent but able enough to endure pains and travel, the Nobility of these worthy Knights of the Order, their Love towards you, and their Hatred towards your Enemies were sufficient to confirm; but beside this, the strength of this City, which this noble Order hath with infinite charges so notably fortified with Ditches, Walls, Towers and Bulwarks, against all the force and fury of Artillery, is such, as that no City may worthily be compared, much less preferred before the same. It is wonderfully stored with all kind of Weapons and Warlike Provision; we have laid up plenty of Wine, Flesh, and Corn, in vaults, so that neither wet Weather nor Worms can attaint the same; of Wood and wholesome Water not to be taken from us, things necessary for men besieged we have plenty, and able men enough for the defence of the City. All which things promise unto us assured Victory, and such end of the War as we wish for. Besides this, Ne∣cessity, which giveth Courage even unto Cowards, will enforce us to fight. Yet standeth on our side true Re∣ligion, Faith, Conscience, Devotion, Constancy, the Love of our Country, the Love of our Liberty, the Love of our Parents, Wives, Children, and whatso∣ever else we hold dear; Whereas they bring with them the proud command of their Captains, Infidelity, Im∣piety, Unconstancy, a wicked desire of your Bondage, of your Blood, and the Blood of your Parents, Wives, and Children. Out of doubt (beloved Citizens) our good God will not suffer so many good vertues to be over∣come by their foul vices. Wherefore be you in mind quiet and secure, and trouble not your selves with forboding fear of your Enemies; only continue in the Fidelity and Loyalty which you have always kept in∣violate and unspotted toward this sacred and honoura∣ble Fellowship, in most dangerous Wars, and hardest chances of Fortune; and if need shall so require, with couragious band shew your Valour against your Ene∣mies, and make it known unto the Spaniards, French, Italians, Hungarians, and English, That the Rhodians are of power to daunt the Turkish Pride, and to

avert their Fleets and Armies from Italy, which they have so many years threatned with Fire and Sword; and will no doubt thither with all speed hasten and come, if (that which my mind abhorreth to speak) they should here prevail. Neither will his ambitious youth, in Courage, Falshood, and cruelty exceeding Hanni∣bal, imitate him in that, that having overthrown the Romans in the great Battel at Cannas, knew not to use his Victory; but he will presently with more than Caesars celerity, bring forth the Treasures his Father got in Egypt, and with great Fleets and huge Armies invade Apulia, Calabria, and Scicilia; from whence he will forthwith break into France, and afterwards into Spain, and other Christian Countries, raging through them with all kind of cruelty. But I am carried away further than I purposed, and than need is; For your Fidelity and Valour (most worthy Citi∣zens) to endure the Siege, and repulse the Enemy, is such, as needeth not my perswasion; and of greater resolution, than that it can be shaken with the dan∣gers incident to men besieged; yet the greatest and most forcible miseries of all, which is Hunger and Thirst, I assure you, you shall never feel; which pinching calamities for all that, some People (in Faithfulness, Courage, and Valor nothing comparable to you) have nevertheless most constantly endured. For they of Petelinum, besieged by the Carthaginen∣sians, for want of Victual, thrust their Parents and Children out of the City, the longer to hold out the Siege, and lived themselves with Hides and Leather sod or broiled, and Leaves of Trees, and many other homely things, by the space of eleven months; and could not be overcome until they wanted strength longer to stand upon the Walls, and to hold their Weapons in their hands. They of Cassilinum, besieged by Han∣nibal, held out until a poor Mouse was sold for much Mony. You must of necessity keep Watch and Ward in your Stations; if your Houses chance to be beaten down with the Enemies Artillery, you must have patience; for why, they shall be repaired again, and it is not a matter of such importance, that we should therefore yield unto our Enemies, in whose Courtesie and Fide∣lity no assurance is to be reposed. For besides that he is by Nature cruel and unfaithful, he can by no means be gentle and faithful towards us, which have done him so much harm, who only (as he himself saith) have oftentimes to his grief interrupted the course of the Victories of him the Conqueror both of Sea and Land; whom he hath so many times assailed by open force with all his Strength Wit, Craft, Deceit and Policy; yet alwaies hitherto in vain, Almighty God still pro∣tecting us, whom above all things (most dear Citi∣zens) I wish you to serve and call upon, for except he keep and defend the City, the Watchmen do but watch in vain.

This chearful Speech wonderfully encouraged the Hearers, especially the Vulgar sort, easily car∣ried away with pleasing Words. But whilst they in their jollity dream of nothing but of Tri∣umph and Victory, the Wiser sort possessed with care, ceased not to do what in them lay, to pro∣cure, That the good commonly forewished, might in fine come to effect. Among others Clement Bi∣shop of the Greeks, a man both for his place and devout manner of living had in great reputa∣tion amongst them, laboured earnestly by daily exhortations, to perswade the Greeks his Coun∣trymen in that great and common danger with heart and hand to joyn with the Latines in de∣fence of the City; for although the Government was altogether in the Great Master and his Knights, which were Latines, yet the People both of the Island and City were for most part Greeks, who liked not altogether so well of the Latine Government, but that they did many times re∣pine thereat. Howbeit the matter was at that time so ordered by the good perswasion of the Bishop, and good Government of the Great Master, that they all agreed as one man, to spend their lives in defence of the City; and were so far from fear of the coming of the barbarous Ene∣my, that many of the Vulgar People, in whom appeareth commonly more Heat than Wit, wished rather for his coming than otherwise. But look what they had fondly wished, proved afterward to their costs over true. For within a few nights after, the Turks by fire made in the night time upon the Main, gave sign of parly unto the Rho∣dians. Whereupon a Gally well appointed, with a long Boat, was presently sent forth to see what the matter was; which drawing near unto the shore, was hailed by a Turk, accompanied with a Troop of Horsemen, desiring the Captain of the Gally to send some on shore, with whom they might more conveniently parly; which thing the Captain refusing; What, said the Turk, art thou afraid of Xaycus Fortune? to whom the Captain in threatning manner answered again, Xaycus whom you have contrary to your Faith and Oath taken, troubleth me not; neither am I afraid of you, whom I trust not; but if you have any thing to say let me hear it, or else get you further off, other∣wise I will speak to you by the mouth of the Canon. Then one of the Turks coming to the Water side, laid down Letters upon a Stone, saying, that in them was contained that they had in charge; which said, he presently set Spurs to his Horse, and departed with the rest of his Company. The Captain sending out his long Boat for these Let∣ters, found them directed in this sort;

Solyman by the grace of God, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, most Mighty Em∣peror of Constantinople and Trapezond, &c. unto the reverend Father Philippus Ville∣rius Liladamus, Great Master of the Rhodes, to his Knights, and all his People in ge∣neral.

The purport of which Letter was as followeth:

THE compassion I have of my distressed Subjects,* 8.1 and the great injury you do me, hath moved me to Wrath. Wherefore I command you without delay to yield unto me the Island and City of the Rhodes, willingly and charitably granting you leave safely to depart with all your Riches, or to tarry if you so please under my Obeisance, your Liberty and Religion in no part infringed with any Tribute or imposition. If you be wise, prefer Friendship and Peace before bloody War; for unto them which are by Force sub∣dued, are reserved all extremities which the misera∣ble vanquished use to suffer of the angry Conqueror; from which neither your own Force, nor forreign Aid, nor huge Walls, which I will utterly overthrow, shall be able to defend you, fare you well. All which shall assuredly be performed, if you shall make choice ra∣ther of my Friendship, than of my Force; wherein you shall neither be deceived nor circumvented; I take to witness God the Creator of Heaven and Earth, the four Writers of the Evangelical History, the four∣score thousand Prophets descended from Heaven, and amongst them our highest Prophet Mahomet, the re∣verend Ghosts of my Father and Grandfather, and this my sacred and imperial Head. From our Palace at Constantinople.

When these Letters were openly read in the Counsel Chamber at the Rhodes, some were of opinion, That it was good to answer the Turkish Tyrant roundly, thereby to give him to under∣stand

that they were not afraid of his Threats; othersome thought it no Wisdom with hard words to provoke so great an Enemy to further displeasure. Thus whilst every man would have framed an answer according to his own disposi∣tion, in conclusion it was agreed upon, to give him no answer at all.

The same day these Letters came to the Rhodes, which was the fourteenth day of Iune, one of the Turks great Commanders at Sea with thirty Gallies, the Forerunners of the Turkish Fleet, arrived at the Island of Cbos, famous in antient time for the Birth of Hippocrates the great Physi∣tian, and the wonderful Picture of Venus left there unperfect by Apelles, which for the ex∣cellency thereof never man durst afterward take in hand to perfect; which fruitful and pleasant Island was then at the arrival of the Turks, part of the Dominion of the Rhodes. The Ad∣miral of this Fleet here landing his Turks, began to burn the Corn which was then almost ripe, with the Country Villages round about. With which injury, Prejanes the Governor of the Island (a man of great Courage and Valor) moved, with a chosen Company of Footmen, and cer∣tain Troops of Horsemen, suddainly set upon the Turks, in divers places dispersed abroad far into the Country, with such a terrible cry of the Coun∣try People, and Instruments of War, that the Turks being therewith amazed, ran away as if they had been mad, and were many of them slain without resistance; and had not the Gallies lien near the Shore, to receive them that were able to flie thither, there had not one of them which landed escaped the hands of the Island People. The Turks having received this loss, left the Island, and put to Sea again.

The Rhodians for the most part now assured and out of doubt of the coming of the Turks,* 8.2 by the perswasion of Gabriel Pomerolus Vicemaster, and other men of great experience, pluckt down the Suburbs of the City, and laid them even with the ground, their pleasant Orchards also and Gardens near to the City, they utterly de∣stroyed; the Great Master for example sake be∣ginning first with his own, being a place of great delicacy, lying under the Walls near to the French Bulwark; and taking into the City all such things as they thought needful for the induring of the Siege, they utterly destroyed all the rest, were it never so pleasant or commodious, within a mile of the Town, leaving all that space as even and as bare as they could possibly make it; to the intent, tha•• ••••e Enemy at his coming should find nothing nea•• the City whereof to make use. But whilst the pleasures and delights of the Suburbs are thus in defacing, another more heavy and woful sight presented unto the Eyes of the Citi∣zens, filled the City with greater mourning and pensiveness than did the coming of the E∣nemy.* 8.3 The miserable multitude of the poor Country People, some bringing Wood, some Corn, some Cattel, some Fouls, and other such necessaries as they had out of the Country into the City (for so the Great Master had com∣manded) after whom followed great numbers of Women and Children weeping, with dischiveled hair, scratching their faces and tearing themselves after the manner of the Country, wringing their Hands, and casting up their Eyes to Heaven, be∣seeching God with heavy countenance and floods of Tears to defend the noble City of the Rhodes, and themselves from the fury of their Enemies. Which multitude of Country People with their Provision being packt up into narrow rooms in the Houses of the Citizens, and their Cattel starving for want of Fodder, afterwards corrupted the Air, whereof insued rotten Agues and the Flux, during the time of the Siege. But after the City was given up, such a Plague and Mortality followed, as destroyed great numbers of the Turks and poor Christians, which knowing not whether to go, chose rather there to die, than to forsake their native Country.

The General of the Turkish Fleet which land∣ed in the Island of Chos, and was of purpose sent by Solyman to provoke the Rhodians to Battel at Sea; before he with his whole power came to besiege the Island, came dayly with twenty Gal∣lies half those narrow Seas over, betwixt Lycia and the Rhodes, leaving the rest of his Fleet ri∣ding at Anchor at the Promontary called Gnidum (not far from the City of Rhodes) ready to aid him as need should require; this manner of bravery he used many days together, hoping thereby to allure the Rhodians out of their Haven to give him Battel; knowing, that if he should therein obtain the Victory, it were at that time little less than the taking of the City, or if he could by cruel fight but weaken the Forces of the Rhodians, he should therein do his Master good service, and greatly further his Victory by di∣minishing the number of the Defendants. When he had many days without intermission in this proud manner come half Seas over, and some∣times passing further came and lay at the mouth of the Haven, as it were daring them to fight; the Rhodians not wont to be so braved at their own doors, moved with the intollerable insolency of this proud Turk, by their continual importu∣nity caused the Great Master to call a Counsel, to consider whether they should fight with this Fleet of the Turks or not. The Counsellors by the appointment of the Great Master assembled; the Chancellor, a man of great Authority and Spirit, famous for his noble Acts both at home and abroad, and chief of them which were of opi∣nion this Fleet of the Turks was to be fought withal, said:

So great disgrace was not longer to be suffered, but presently revenged;* 8.4 For (said he) the huge Fleet of the Turks, I do not say at whose force and fight, but at whose very name many men do tremble and quake (which for all that is unto us no great novelty, for every year we hear of the like) is as a head to be joyned unto these pyratical Gallies, as Members; and then will it be most expedient (which will be a most easie thing for us to do, having the better both for strength of shipping and number and valor of men) to give that great head such a blow and wound, by cutting off these limbs, that it shall ever after stag∣ger and faint for want of strength; or else there is no other Fleet at all prepared against us to follow this, and then this discomfited we shall be at quiet. Which thing in my judgment (though others which fear their own shadows and the falling of Heaven, say otherwise) is most like to be true; for the great Turk is not so sottish to come hither, the fittest time of the year being so far spent, in the latter end of June, to besiege this City, and such a City as he knoweth to be most str••ng, wanting nothing that is needful, and throughly manned with valiant Souldiers, from whenc•• his Ancestors have been with loss and shame repulsed; when as the remainder of the Summer will be spent before he can encamp himself and place his batteries; and Winter time as you know is unfit for every Siege, especially in this Island, wherein they can find no Haven or Harbor to rest in. Wherefore on God his name let us set upon our proud Enemies; and let us not for a few threatning words sent unto us from a fearful youth, upon a fineness and policy lest we sh••uld follow the tail of his Fleet bound for some other place, sit still like Cowards within our Walls with our hands

in our bosoms, as men which for fear and dred durst not shew their heads. Which our Cowardise and want of Courage we forsooth call Fabius his policy; But I would to God we were like Fabius, but I fear we shall prove more like Antiochus, the Etolians, the Vitellians, all whose courage consisted in words, vainly hoping to gain the Victory by sitting still and wishing well. But▪ the help of God is not to be gotten with Womens Prayers and Supplications or these faint-hearted Policies, which Cowards call advised counsel, but Victory is gained by adventuring and exposing our selves to danger and peril.

With these and such like Speeches he so moved the mul••itude, which commonly conceiveth most Courage upon the greatest uncertainties, that they desired that they might fight; saying, That they would wash away that foul disgrace with the Blood and Slaughter of their Enemies; For why, they wanted not Weapons, Courage, or Hands (as they said) to do it withal.

For all this, the graver sort of the Counsel (without whose consent the Master might in such cases do nothing) thought it not good in so dan∣gerous a time to adventure any great part of their Forces, which they should afterwards want for the defence of their City. The Turkish General deceived of his expectation, and perceiving that the Rhodians would not be drawn forth to Battel at Sea, withdrew his Fleet twelve miles off, unto a place called Villanova; where casting Anchor and landing his men, he burnt the Corn all there∣abouts which was now almost ripe, but forsaken of the People as a thing desperate; as for the People themselves, they were all fled, and had retired themselves either into the City of the Rhodes, or else into strong Castles in other places of the Island.

At the same time certain Troops of Horsemen sent forth to have skirmished with the Turks that were burning of the Corn, were by a Messenger sent from the Great Master, commanded to re∣tire; for the provident General sought by all means to reserve his Souldiers for greater dangers which he justly feared in the expected Siege;* 8.5 during which time he shewed himself a most po∣litick Captain and brave Souldier; he would ma∣ny times by day eat his Meat with his Souldiers, as one of them, and most part of the night keep Watch himself, walking up and down, resting himself when he was weary upon some Stone or piece of Timber, or other homely seat, as it chanced. In time of Assault he was always more forward and adventurous than the grave Counsellors wished, fearing neither Shot nor Ene∣my; yet did he always more commend discreet Counsel grounded upon Reason, than prosperous Actions commended but by their events. And that which a man would wonder at, amongst so many cares in midst of such divers and dangerous chances, he carried always such a Grace and Ma∣jesty in his chearful countenance, as made him to be of the Beholders both reverenced and loved. All the time he could spare from the necessary Cares of his weighty charge, from Assaults, and the natural refreshing of his Body, he bestowed in Prayer and serving of God; he oftentimes spent the greatest part of the night in the Church alone praying, his Head-piece, Gorget, and Gant∣lets lying by him; so that it was often said, That his devout Prayers and Carefulness would make the City invincible.

The six and twentieth day of Iune early in the morning,* 8.6 news was brought into the City from the Watch Tower standing upon St. Stephens Hill about a mile from the City, That a most huge Fleet was descried at Sea, making thither∣wards all alongst the Western Coast of Lycia. This bad news much troubled the City, although it was not of most men unexpected; all places was filled with tumult and hurly burly, every man measured the greatness of the danger by the measure of his own fear, and such a pitiful cry was in every place as in usual in Cities pres••ntly to be besieged. Hereupon publick Prayers were made through all the City, and every man with great Devotion besought the God of Heaven, That as it was his pleasure that the Rhodians should at that time be the Champions of the Christian Religion, so he would give them Strength and Victory against their Enemies, and to turn the calamities of War upon the Enemies of his Name. Their Devotion ended, the Gates of the City were shut up, and People from all places ran unto the Walls, great Flocks of Wo∣men, Children, and aged men not able to stand without a Staff, going forth of their Houses to gaze upon the dreadful Fleet (wherein was above two hundred Sails as is reported) filled the Streets, the tops of the high Towers and Houses. The foremost of the Fleet was the Admiral of Cali∣polis, to whom Solyman had committed the charge of all his Navy, and to assail the City by Sea;* 8.7 the Rear-Admiral was Cara Mahometes an arch Pyrat, who was afterwards slain with a great Shot out of the City. The Vice-Admiral in the middle of the Fleet with a great Squadron of Gallies, having a fair Westernly wind, struck sail directly before the mouth of the Haven (which was on both sides defended with two strong Towers well furnished with great Artillery) and began to row toward the City; whereupon an Alarm was raised, the Trumpets sounded, and many hasted unto the Bulwark which defended the left side of the Haven, which the Enemy seemed to direct his course unto; and was indeed more subject to danger than the other. But the Turk seeing himself in danger to be sunk with shot from the Bulwark, was glad to get himself farther off unto the rest of the Fleet; the Rhodi∣ans from the Walls with loud outcries scornfully deriding him for his foolish attempt. This great Fleet in exceeding bravery and triumph passing by the City in sight of the Rhodians (standing upon the Walls with Ensigns displaied) did not more terrifie them, than they were themselves terrified to behold the strength of the City, and the chearfulness of the Defendants. But passing on, they came to the Promontory which the Inhabi∣tants call Bo, about three miles distant from the City, Eastward. Which small Har•••••• being not able to receive so great a Fleet, many of the Gal∣lies were inforced to ride it out at Sea, where they were by Shot out of the City oftentimes in∣dangered and inforced to get them further off. Whilst the Enemy was there landing his great Ordnance and other Instruments of War prepared for the Siege, chusing a place for his Camp, tran∣sporting his Land Souldiers from the Main into the Island, viewing the strength and situation of the City, and in what place he might with most ease assault the same; the Rhodians in the mean time were not idle, but sunk divers deep sounds in many places of the City near unto the Walls, to discover the Enemies Mines, and fortified their Bulwarks with great Rampiers; in which work every man put too his helping hand without re∣spect of Age or Calling.* 8.8 The Grand Master about that time sent Lodovicus Andugus one of the Knights of the Order, into Spain to Charles the Emperor; and Claudius Ducenvillus another of the Order also, to Rome to the Cardinals, and Italian Knights of the Order; and from thence into France unto the French King with Letters;

craving the aid of these Christian Princes, for relief of the City, by Sea and Land besieged. But all in vain, for they carried away with the endless grudge one against another, or respecting only their own States, returned the Embassadors with good words, but no relief.

At this time Prejanes Governor of Chios (of whom we have before spoken) a man compara∣ble with any of the Captains of that age, an ex∣cellent Souldier both by Sea and Land, valiant and thereto fortunate, of an invincible Courage, brought up in the Wars from his Childhood; when he had by the space of two or three days hid himself in the Rocks at Sea, for fear of the Turks great Fleet, came by night in a small Pin∣nass to the Rhodes, having deceived the Turks Watch; at whose coming the Rhodians wonder∣fully rejoyced, for the Souldiers reposed greater confidence in no man, than in him; and if any great exploit were to be done, him the Master t••usted above any other; he always in Arms du∣ring the Siege, incouraged the Souldiers, searched the Watch, surveyed the Bulwarks, repaired the Breaches, and such labors as others acounted ex∣tream miseries,* 8.9 he chearfully endured, as if they had been but his pleasure and recreations. At the same time also, Gabriel Martiningus of Brixia, a most skilful Enginier, came to the Rhodes out of Creta; by whose industry and cunning, fifty five Mines which the Turks did with infinite labor and charge make (by reason of the springing of the Water, and hardness of the Rocks) during the Siege, were all by countermines disappointed and defeated.

The City of the Rhodes is situate on a plain ground,* 8.10 on every side to be besieged, only North∣ward it is defended with a goodly Haven, from whence it lyeth open all westward; betwixt it and the Hills round about it, lieth a stony plain ground not very broad, but of a greater length; these Hills are full of Springs, and Orchards planted with Olives, Fig-Trees, Vines, and such other Fruits as such dry and sandy ground will bear. But what by Nature wanted, was by the Hand and industry of man supplied; for it was com∣passed about with a most strong double Wall, and deep Trenches, threatning the Enemy with thir∣teen stately Towers; and sure against all Assaults, with five mighty Bulwarks, with divers goodly fair Gates; and that which was the greatest de∣fence of all, within the City was alwaies kept a most exact and strait form of Warlike Dis••••••pline. The defence of the whole City w•••• thus proportioned; from th•• French T••••••r (which with the greatne•••• and heigh•• ••••ereof seemed to mate the sky) stood the Frenchmen with the French Li••••es in their Ensigns, under their Com∣ma••der Ioannes Abbinus, a Noble Knight of the Order; from thence to St. Georges Gate lay the stout Germans, with the Eagle in their Ensigns; in the third station were placed the French A∣vergnoys, with the Spaniards, for that the Ditches in that place were neither so deep nor broad as elsewhere; in the fifth place lay the English Garrison; over whom the Grand Master himself commanded; after them succeeded they of Nar∣bona; and last of all the Italians, in Valour not inferior to any of the rest, under the leading of Petrus Balinus and Gregorius Morgutas. In every one of these stations were divers valiant Knights of the Order, whose names (worthy of eternal memory) for brevity we pass over, all men of themselves sufficient to have taken upon them the whole charge.

The Enemy was not busier without the City in placing his battery, but traiterous minds were as busie within to have betraied the ••ame. A Turkish Woman,* 8.11 Slave to one of the rich Citi∣zens, had conspired with certain of her Com∣plices, at such time as the Turks should give As∣sault unto the Town, at one instant to set on fire the Houses wherein they dwelt in divers places of the City, that the Defendants drawn from the Walls to quench the Fire, the Turks in the mean time might the more easily enter. But this Trea∣son was in good time revealed, and the offenders worthily executed.

The Turks had not as yet placed their battery, when as they took a certain Hill, whereon stood the Church dedicated to Cosmus and Damianus, di∣rectly over against the English station; from thence (as it seemed, rather for exercising of their Souldiers than for any great harm they could do so far off) they began with small battering Pieces to shoot into the City; and afterwards they began to dig Mines, and to cast up Trenches; for the performance of which kind of work, and for the filling up of the Town Ditches, they had brought with them fifty thousand Pioniers, men better acquainted with Country labour and keep∣ing of Cattel, than with Wars, which being in∣forced unto their labour day and night, sometime with Stripes and sometime with death, did with incredible celerity bring that to pass, which was before thought impossible. They cut ways through the most hard stony Rocks,* 8.12 raising the Plains as high as Mountains, with Earth brought two miles off, and laying the Mountains even with the Plains, and yet they never wrought in safety, but were miserably rent in sunder with the great Ordnance out of the Town; and that which most of all troubled them, the Rhodians sallying out upon those over-laboured People, having neither courage nor skill to defend themselves, but trusting only to their heels, slew great num∣bers of them, and not of them only, but of others also appointed for their defence, whom the Rho∣dians (taking courage of their fear) fiercely pursued and slew down right. And when m••••ny others issuing out of the Camp in grea•• ••om∣panies, thought to have relieved th•••••• Fellows, the great Ordnance before of ••••••pose placed to most advantage, so thun•••••••• from the Walls among the thickest of ••••••m, that the ground lay covered with the ••odies and Weapons of the dead Turks. ••ith which manner of Fight, after the Rh••••••ans had twice or thrice troubled the F••••••••y, the Turks for their more safety wrought most upon their Mounts by night, keeping most strong watch for the defence of their Pioniers, which for more assurance they doubled in the day time, and bent their Artillery against the places which the Rhodians used to sally out at; which did not so much keep them in, as the fear of weakning themselves by often sallies, knowing that one man was unto them a greater loss, than unto the Enemy an hundred.* 8.13 Amongst others which in the beginning of this great Siege forced the uttermost of their devices to the destruction of the Turks, were certain Mariners, who having the Turkish Language perfectly, by leave of the Grand Master (disguising themselves in the ha∣bit of Turks) departed by night out of the Ha∣ven in a small Boat, loaded with Apples, Plums, Pears, Melons, Grapes, and other such Fruits as the time of the year afforded; and in the dark∣ness came along the Coast, unto that part of the Island whereunto the passage was out of the Main. There as if they had been Turks come from the Main, they landed their commodities, which the Turkish Souldiers bought greedily. When they had thus sold their Fruits, and in selling thereof diligently noted the speech and talk of the Souldiers concerning the Siege, and were now

ready to depart, certain Turks which greatly dis∣liked the hard beginning of this Siege, seeing themselves if they did but stir, in danger to be fet off with shot out of the Town, earnestly re∣quested the Mariners to take them with them in∣to the Main; which to do, at the first the Mari∣ners dissembling, refused, as a thing dangerous; and besides that, their Boat was too little to re∣ceive so many as would willingly have gone with them. Yet with much ado, they suffered them∣selves to be intreated to take in seven or eight, such a number as they could well master; who in hope of passing over into the Main, were (contrary to their expectation) brought Prisoners to the Rhodes, where they were by Prejanes brought up to the top of the highest Tower of St. Iohns Church, from whence they might see all about the Country, and well descrie all the manner of the Turks Camp, which they simply discovered unto the Captain, and whatsoever else they were demanded, and amongst other things confessed, that the Souldiers were greatly discontented with the Siege, having in the beginning thereof lost so many men, and that they were ready to rise in mutiny against their Captains, and would hard∣ly by them be commanded out of their Trenches and Cabbins, saying, that all they did was but lost labour, and that they should find it another piece of work to win the Rhodes, than they had at Belgrade; wherefore if they were wise, they should in time depart before they had received further harm both from the Enemy, and for want of necessaries, wherewith the Souldiers began already to be pinched. All which was then sup∣posed to have been spoken by the Captives to please him in whose power they now were; yet it appeared afterwards to be all true. For Pyrrhus Bassa considering the troubled state of the Camp, and the general discontentment of the Souldiers, whom he was at that time gladder to please than to punish, writ unto Solyman at Constantinople, That if he would the Siege should go forward, he should w••••••out delay come in person himself to the Camp, ••••r that the Souldiers without regard of shame were ••••ady to rise in mutiny and to aban∣don the Siege, re••••••ing to be commanded by their Captains.

In the mean time 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Solyman prepareth himself to set forward, the Tu••••••sh Captains un∣derstood by certain Fugitives (w••••••••of in all Wars some are to be found) that the hig•• Stee∣ple of St. Iohns Church served them of the Town for a Watch Tower; for which cause, and for despight of the Cross standing upon the top thereof, they laboured nothing more, than with continual shot to beat down that Tower, which whilst they were doing with great diligence, So∣lyman himself came into the Camp the eight and twentieth day of August in the Afternoon;* 8.14 where finding in his Army all the signs of cowardise and fear that could be spoken of or devised, and nothing done according to the command of such as he had appointed for that charge, but all things out of order, he took more grief to see that great disorder, than he did pleasure and good hope of two hundred thousand Souldiers which were in his Army. Yet for all that he was inwardly chafed with the heat of youth and in∣dignation, against his own People as well as the Rhodians, but moderated himself betwixt his own rage and the offence of his Souldiers, and calling them together, caused them to be disarmed, not leaving among them so much as a Sword; and compassing them in with fifteen thousand Har∣quebusiers whom he had brought with him well appointed, he stept up into his Royal Seat, there set on high for that purpose; where sitting down, he paused a good while without any word speak∣ing, as if he had considered with himself whe∣ther he should only punish the Authors of the Mutiny, or else wih the punishment of many to revenge so foul a Sedition, little differing from open Rebellion. But following of himself the milder resolution, he thought it sufficient to cor∣rect the multitude and common sort of Souldiers with sharp and bitter words; and after general silence made, brake out into this cholerick Speech.

Slaves (quoth he) for I cannot find in my heart to call you Souldiers,* 8.15 What kind of men are you now become? are you Turks? Men wont both to fight and overcome? Verily I see the Bodies, Countenances, Attire, and Habit of my Souldiers; but the Deeds, Speeches, Counsels and Devices of cowardly and vile Traitors. Alas how hath my opinion deceived me? that Turkish Force and Courage is gone, the Valour and Strength both of Bodies and Minds, wherewith the Arabians, Persians, Syrians, Egyptians, Servians, Hungarians, Bulgarians, Epirotes, Macedonians, and Thracians were subdued, is lost; forgetting your Country, your Oath, the Command of your Captains, your Obedience, and all other Warlike Discipline; you have against the Majesty of my Empire refused to fight, like Cowards betaken your selves to flight, for vain fear of death and danger; not beseeming men of War. If any man should at home but have named the Rhodes in your Feasts, amongst your pots, in your assemblies and great meetings, you could then with your Tongues brag to pull it down, you had much ado to hold your Hands; here, when I would make proof of your force and courage, it is nothing. But you thought perhaps, that the Rhodians so soon as they saw your Ensigns be∣fore their Gates, would strait way yield themselves and their City into your Power; Let all men cease so to say or think, and believe me that know the truth, This base and infamous Den (which you see) is full of most cruel Beasts, whose madness you shall never tame, without much labour and bloodshedpunc; Yet shall we tame them; for why, nothing is so wild but at length it may be tamed; which except I bring to pass, I am fully resolved and have vowed unto my self, Either here to die, or spend my days; And if ever I do or say otherwise, let this my Head, my Fleet, mine Army, and Empire, be for ever accursed and unfortunate.

And so without further Speech, desiring rather to be accounted of his Souldiers gentle than se∣v•••••• he pardoned them all their former offences, and swo•••• them all again to his obedience. This mutiny so app••••sed, all th••••gs were afterwards done with better success, and g••••ater care both of the Souldiers and Commanders. First, they planted in divers places twelve great Bom••ards, wherewith they threw up Stones of huge weight into the Air, which falling down into the City, might break down the Houses, and whatsoever else they lighted upon; with the fall of one of these, the Great Master was like to have been slain. Howbeit this proved a device of more terror than danger, for with two hundred such Shot were but ten men slain; which thing amongst others, Apella a traiterous Fugitive declared unto the Enemy, with whom he had intelligence,* 8.16 as he himself confessed being taken upon suspition and examined; for which his Treason he was justly executed.

The force of the Battery was more feared,* 8.17 wherein the Turks had planted forty great Pieces of Battery, and amongst them twelve Basilisks (so aptly named of the Serpent Basiliscus, who as Pliny writeth, killeth Man or Beast with his sight) with these Pieces the Turks battered the

Walls continually; but lying somewhat far off, did no great harm.

At the same time also Solyman caused battery to be laid against the Tower of St. Nicholas, stand∣ing upon a narrow piece of ground pointing far into the Sea, defending the Haven upon the right hand, where sometime stood the great Colossus of the Sun, accounted the greatest amongst the se∣ven Wonders of the World. Which Castle was both strongly and sumptuously built at the char∣ges of the Dukes of Burgundy, as appeared by their Arms there engraven in many places in Marble. This Tower was valiantly defended by Guido a Frenchman, who had the charge thereof, with two hundred Souldiers, amongst whom were thir∣ty Knights of the Order.

The Turks Artillery planted against the Tower, was by the skilfulness of the Christian Canoniers in short time dismounted with Shot from the Tower, and many of the Gunners ••lain; so that they were glad to surcease any more to batter the Tower by day, but lying still all the day they began to batter the same by night, where∣in they prevailed no more than they had before done in the day time; For the Defendants wa∣rily observing such places as were likest for the Enemy to place his Battery in, did so aptly place their Ordnance against the ••ame, and to so good purpose that the Turks swore, their doings were by some means discovered unto the Enemies. So when they had in vain bestowed five hundred great Shot, and made a small breach which they durst not once attempt to enter, they shamefully abandoned that place also.

All this while Pyrrhus was busie in working of Mines to undermine the City, two and thirty of which Mines the Defendants frustrated with Countermines; in which kind of work many were lost on both sides; yet for all the carefulness of the Christians, the English Bulwark, was under∣mined by the Enemy,* 8.18 and upon the fourth of September part thereof blown up, with such vio∣lence, that unto them in the City it seemed at the first to be a general Earthquake; and there∣with divers English were there overwhelmed. The Turks attempting presently to enter, were by the Grand Master and his Followers with great slaughter repulsed.

But Mustapha the Bassa coming on with fresh Supplies, and crying out of the cowardise of them which retired, renewed the Assault; where for a while was fought a most sharp and cruel Fight, the Leaders chearfully encouraging their Souldiers, and they likewise doing what was possible for men to do. All mens ears were filled with the thundering of the Shot, noise of Trumpets and Drums, and crying of Men. And unto the Turks it seemed that over their heads it rained dead∣ly Shot, Stones, and Fire; for the Townsmen and Women mingled with the Souldiers, cast down upon the Turks, Fire, Stones, Timber, and whatsoever else came to hand; so that they un∣able longer to indure the courage and force of the Christians, turned their backs and ran away by heaps, not expecting any sign of Retreat, every man seeking to save one; among whom as they fled, the great Ordnance shot off from the Walls made wonderful slaughter. At this Assault of the Turks were slain (as some write) almost two thousand, and among them the Master of the Turks Ordnance, a man whom Solyman greatly loved; which Victory the Christians gained not without some loss; for besides some few others that were slain, fifty Knights of the Order (men worthy of Eternal Memory) there ended their days also.

The fifth day after (which was the ninth day of September) Solyman by the perswasion of Mu∣stapha the great Bassa,* 8.19 commanded a fresh Assault to be given to the English Bulwark, which was attempted by the Turks with greater resolution than the first. Seven Ensigns of the Turks were broken in by the ruins of the Bulwark, and had inforced the Defendants, oppres••ed with number to give ground, when the Grand Master coming in with the Ensign of the Order, guarded with a Company of most valiant Knights, drave them out again by force, and made good the place. Mustapha seeing his men retire, couragiously re∣stored the Battel by bringing on of new supply, and other Captains with Threats, Strokes, and terror of Death, enforced the Souldiers (who had before turned their Backs) now again to fight. So that there began a more cruel Fight than had before been from the beginning of the Siege; which was unto the Christians more dangerous, for that they were overwhelmed with the multi∣tude of the Turkish Shot. But in that extremi∣ty no man regarded either danger or life, only this they remembred, That those were their bar∣barous Enemies, whom they must either victori∣ously overcome, or die therefore; with which fury the Assault was continued by the space of three hours, until at length Mustapha with his Turks discouraged, wi•••• the loss of two thousand of their Fellows, and of three great Noblemen, whom Solyman especially favoured, and ••ore beaten by the Spaniards out of their Flankers, were en∣forced to retire. Few of the Christians in re∣spect of so many Enemies, were slain, yet had the Ensign of the Order been then lost, Ioachi∣mus Cluys the Ensign Bearer having both his Eyes shot out, had not Emericus Rujaulx an Avergnois, and one of the Knights of the Order, with in∣credible courage rescued the same.

After this second Assault,* 8.20 falling out so un∣luckily unto the Turks, Mustapha the great Bassa began to grow in contempt with Solyman; and Pyrrhus to keep his credit by doing something, with continual battery of seventeen great Pieces, did batter the Mount near unto the Italian Bul∣wark. At which time also Cassius Governor of Bithynia, another of the Turks great Comman∣ders, laboured by undermining to have over∣thrown the French Bulwark; so glad they were to attempt any thing to content their imperious great Lord and Master. But the endeavours of Cassius was by Countermines through the careful diligence of Gabriel Chierus, having charge of those works, frustrated; and Pyrrhus in the other place after he had by hot Assault slain them which were appointed for the defence thereof, and gained the Mount, and brought a great fear upon the City, was again with great loss shamefully repulsed, and by the commandment of Solyman caused to retire. At this Assault the Governor of Eubaea, Solyman his Lieutenant General, a man of great honour (if any of the Turks Slaves are so to be accounted) was slain, for whose death So∣lyman was exceeding pensive and heavy.

Mustapha the Bassa finding himself in disgrace with Solyman for the two unfortunate Assaults by him given at the English Station,* 8.21 determined if it were possible by a third to recover his lost credit; and for his better success therein, agreed with Achimetes another great Commander, at the same time to assault the Spanish Bulwark; according to this resolution Achimetes having with a Mine suddainly blown up a great part of the Wall of the Spanish Station, in the thick of the Dust and Smoke, presently entred his men, who by the ruines of the Wall recovered the top of the Rampiers. Mustapha also at the same instant hardly charged the English, so that

in both places was made a hard and doubtful Fight. Mustapha, desiring nothing more than with better success now to redeem his forme dis∣honour, did what he might to incourage the Soul∣diers, calling upon them by name, and putting them in remembrance of their former Victories. The Rhodians on the other side mindful of their former honour, with the greatness of the present danger valiantly repulsed the Ene∣my, and forced him with shame to retire. In this Assault many Englishmen were slain, and Prejanes also sore hurt, having before slain many of the Turks. Mustapha beside the loss of his men, had also two of his Ensigns taken by Chri∣stopherus Vaulderick, Commendator of the Ger∣man Knights.* 8.22 Achimetes having won the top of the Walls, had there set up the Turkish Ensigns; but by the valiantness of the Defendants, and by means of certain small Pieces of Ordnance, by Martiningus aptly placed in the Houses before the new made breach, and by force of Shot out of the Flankers on both sides of the Breach, whereof none fell in vain, he was again inforced to for∣sake the Walls and to retire.

The three and twentieth day of September, the Turkish Captains hoping by means of a Mine which they had made against the Avergne Bul∣wark, to enter and win the City, approaching the Walls with great Multitudes of Souldiers, ready to have entred upon the blowing up of the Mine, which being met with a countermine out the City, wrought not such effect as was by them expected; so that having received some harm, standing in a place of great disadvantage, and done nothing they returned again into the Camp. Yet all the expert Captains probably conjectu∣ring that the Wall might be inwardly shaken by the Mine, though it were not by them outwardly perceived, caused that part of the Wall to be most violently battered all the rest of day and night following;* 8.23 and by the fury of their Artil∣lery, made a fair and large Breach. All that night was heard in the Turks Camp an unwonted clattering of Weapons, and of men running too and fro, as if there had been some great matter a doing; which the Rhodians conjectured (as the truth was) to be a sign of some great As∣sault to be shortly given.

Solyman resolving the next day with all his Force to assault the new made Breach, after he had by himself in a melancholy mood walked up and down in his Tent a great part of the night, sent for the chief Commanders of his Army, to whom he declared his mind as followeth;

Your Valour and Wisdom (worthy Captains) need∣eth not any exhortation, yet the desperate madness of our Enemies maketh me to speak unto you these few words. Who whilst they yet do, as from the be∣ginning, as men without reason desperately defend their City rent with our Artillery, shaken with our Mines, their Churches and Houses beaten down about their Eears, wearied and worn out with Slaughter, Labour, and Wounds, which must needs befal men so oftentimes assaulted, they worthily seem unto our Souldiers men of invincible Force and Courage; which opinion to have removed, much concerneth the happy and wished success of our Assault. Wherefore I would have you with effectual perswasion and bountiful promises to hearten on our Men to the win∣ning of this City. Beside this, you shall open unto them my purpose and intent, and that they should not think that they are brought hither to besiege one City; but that in taking this one, they shall upon the matter make a way into all the Dominions of the Christians. Here be the Kinsmen, Allies, and Friends of all the Kings, Princes and Potentates of Christendom; here is all our Enemies Treasure, the Spoil whereof pro∣mised unto our Souldiers may serve to great purpose to encourage them forward; here is the store of Ord∣nance, Armor, and other Warlike Provision, which shall both furnish us, and in time to come miserably confound the rest of the Christians. We shall beside this, enjoy a most goodly and rich City, with a Ha∣ven of all others most commodious, from whence all things necessary for War may at all time as occasion shall require, by Land and Sea be supplied▪ which as they shall be to us things of great importance; so shall we despoil our Enemies of far greater. This is their Castle, Storehouse, Treasury and Armory; this is the very re∣ceptacle and place of refuge; for all such as trouble the Turks by Sea; from hence shall we have free scope and passage into Apulia, Calabria, Sicilia, and ma∣ny other Chistian Countries. But as for your selves valiant Captains, when as I consider how that you have within these few months by, your Valour and Wisdom subdued unto my Empire the strong City of Belgrade, which my great Grandfather Mahomet that mighty Emperor could not with all his power get; I rest in great hope that these fierce and obstinate Christians shall not long be able to defend themselves in these their Dens and lurking places.

Having ended this Speech, the Captains every one unto his Company made known what the great Emperors Will and pleasure was; and open Proclamation made through all the Camp, where∣in the spoil of that rich City was all granted un∣to the Souldiers, as a Prey and Reward for the pains they were to take.

Solyman heavy with sleep and care, laid him∣self down upon his Pallat to take his rest. But the Great Master (to whom the unaccustomed stir of the Enemy portended some great matter) all that night in Arms painfully viewed every part of the City, chearfully encouraging his Souldiers to remember, That they did watch for the safety of their Country, their Lives and Liberty. It fortuned the same night, that a poor Christian serving a Turk in the Camp, calling secretly unto the Watchmen upon the Walls, gave them warning that the Turks prepared the next day to give a general Assault unto the City. Which thing when the Great Master understood, because he would have nothing done rashly or fearfully (as it commonly happeneth in things done upon the suddain) called together his Knights, and spake unto them, as followeth:

I am glad sacred Companions and Fellows in Arms,* 8.24 that the time is come when in one Battel getting unto your selves great honour, and defending your Coun∣try, you may be justly accounted the worthy defenders and Revengers of the Christian Commonweal and Name. The people against whom we are to fight to morrow, assaileth us only presuming upon their multi∣tude; But if we measure Valour, not by number, but by Courage and Prowess, undoubtedly a few resolute men will easily overcome a multitude of Cowards. You know your Enemy, and the manner of his fight; you are to fight (most worthy Knights) with them whom you have always vanquished at Sea, and in just Bat∣tel sometimes overcome by Land, at such time as with their whole power they assaulted your Walls; omit∣ting in the mean time many hot skirmishes, wherein you ever put them to the worst; Wherefore you and they in the Assault to morrow shall have such Cou∣rage, as Conquerors and men conquered use to have. Neither will they fight, because they dare fight, but because the great Tyrant and violent command of their Captains enforceth them thereunto. Wherefore remem∣bring what you are by birth, what opinion the Chri∣stian Commonwealth hath conceived of you, where you are, and what you have taken upon you; take up

your Arms with just fury and indignation, and fight against them, following one frantick youth, as if you saw your Slaves bearing Arms against you; where∣unto you are inforced, not only by the indignity of the wrong by them offered, but also by necessity, which of it self is of power to make Cowards valiant and hardy. For here we are in an Island from whence we cannot escape, and in a City, whose rent and battered Walls do not so much protect and defend us, as our Wea∣pons; wherefore to morrow we must here either van∣quish them, or die therefore; to morrow shall give unto us either joyful Victory, or a most honourable death.

As he was yet thus speaking, news of approach of the Enemy caused him to make an end; and every man hasted with speed unto the place of his charge. The Enemy coming fast on; with a most horrible cry (as their manner is) fiercely assailed the City in five places, where the English, Spanish, Italians, Narbonenses, and Avergnoies had their Stations. To the assault of every of which places,* 8.25 Solyman had appointed ten thousand Turks. Mustapha the Bassa cal∣ling upon the name of his great Prophet Ma∣homet, and promising unto the Souldiers the rich Spoil of the City, fiercely assailed the En∣glish Station, from whence he had been three times before shamefully repulsed. Pyrrhus the other great Bassa, with like fury assaulted the Italian Station. In both places was maintained a cruel and deadly fight; the Turks fighting for the Prey▪ and the Rhodian•• for their Lives and Liberty.* 8.26 Neither was there any, of what de∣gree or order soever, which did not that day fight for the defence of the City. The Priests and religious were not then exempted, but fought among other Souldiers; Women, Children, and with them the aged Fathers, beyond the strength of their Bodies and courage of their Minds, brought Weapons unto the Defendants, some Stones, which they had digged out of the Streets, some burning Pitch-barrels, some Hoops with Wild-Fire, some scalding Oyl, some boiling Pitch; which being cast down upon the Enemies, troubled them so, as nothing was more feared; for upon whomsoever it fell, it stuck fast, and so scalded their Bodies, that they were glad to cast down their Weapons to tear off their Clothes, wherewith many of them rent off the Skin and Flesh also. All which things fell so thick upon the Turks, as if it had rained Fire and Stones, besides the deadly Shot, which amongst such a multitude of Enemies never fell in vain. The Great Master having a careful Eye over every part of the City, after he had well relieved the Italian Station, which was at the first hardly distressed by Pyrrhus, left there Antonius Mon••erollu••, one of the Knights of the Order, with such Company as he thought convenient for the safety of that place, and went himself with the rest unto the English Station, which was then hardly laid to by the Bassa Mustapha. But whilst he was there bu∣sied in repulsing the Enemy, and had now well relieved the place, as suddain cry ran alongst the Walls, that the Spanish Bulwark was already pos∣sessed by the Enemy; with which heavy news he was not a little troubled, but leaving there Eme∣ricus Gombaulus, one of the Knights of the Order, with a chosen Company of Souldiers for the de∣fence of that place; he with his Guard hasted unto the Spanish Station, which he found by a wonderful chance already taken by the Enemy. In the beginning of the Assault, certain Turks to shun the danger of the Shot, had for fear hidden themselves at the foot of this Bulwark, among the Stones, which had before been beaten down with the battery; in the mean time, other Turks of the same Regiment,* 8.27 under the leading of the va∣liant Captain Achimetes, hotly charged the Spa∣niards on the right hand of the Bulwark, not medling with the Bulwark it self, as a thing of greatest strength; the valiant Souldiers appointed for the defence of the Bulwark, seeing their Fel∣lows and Countrymen distressed fast by them on the right hand, could not indure to stand still as lookers on, but left the Bulwark, and went to the place so hardly assaulted; where whilst they were valiantly encountring the Enemy, the cow∣ardly Turks who had before hid themselves for fear, hearing all still over their Heads, and there∣by guessing (as the truth was) that the Defen∣dants were drawn thence to another place more distressed; to colour their fear▪ and prove their good fortune, like tall fellows, crept out of the holes wherein they had before for fear hidden themselves, and secretly crawling up the bat∣tered Walls of the Bulwark, got into it before they were discovered, where finding none but a few Souldiers (who busied in removing of a great Piece unto a place more convenient for the an∣noying of the Enemy, had laid down their Wea∣pons) they suddainly set upon them, slew them, overthrew the Christian Ensigns, and so became Masters of that strong Fort. The Turks without seeing that, wonderfully commended the Valour of those men, and blaming themselves of Cow∣ardise, made great hast through the midst of the Town-Ditch to get up into the Bulwark to help their fellows. But in going through the Ditch, they were so cut off with Shot on both sides out of the Flankiers, that few of them could get up into the desired Bulwark. And the Great Master with a crew of valiant Souldiers, nothing fearing the armed Enemy, now in possession of the Bulwark over their Heads, with great reso∣lution scaled the same.* 8.28 In the mean time Hugo Caponus, a Spaniard, and Menotius a Frenchman, both Knights of the Order, with a Company of Cretensian Souldiers brake into the Bulwark by a Gate which the Turks had not as yet boulted, and being once got in, they made of the Turks a quick dispatch; for whom they slew not with the Sword, they inforced to mischief themselves for hast back again over the Walls. The Bulwark thus again recovered, which had been two hours in possession of the Enemy, and the City deli∣vered of a wonderful fear, the Great Master (well worthy of that name) leaving a sufficient number of Souldiers for the keeping of that Fort, went with the rest of his Company unto the place where the Spaniards with the rest of the Defendants sore charged by Achimetes, and now wearied and almost spent, had much ado to hold out, who incouraged with the sight of the Great Master, as if Victory had attended upon him, with great cries and signs of joy valiantly and with great slaughter repulsed their Enemies, as if they had been fresh men. Long it were to recount the deadly fight and hard adventures which befel at the Assault of the other two Stations of the Avergnoys and Narbonenses; but the Turks were in every place put to the worst, and lay by heaps slain in the Ditches and Breaches of the Town.* 8.29 Solyman▪ from his standing (for that purpose made of high Masts) beholding the miserable slaughter of his men, and no hope of gaining the City, caused a Retreat to be sound∣ed, a thing welcome both to the Rhodians and the Turks. In this terrible Assault, which endured by the space of six hours, divers of the Knights of the Order were slain, especially of the French and Spanish Nation, with one hundred and fifty common Souldiers, all worthy of eternal fame;

and of the Turks (as they which write most modestly report) twenty thousand. The young Tyrant was so much offended with the shameful repulse he had received at this last Assault, that he fell into a rage against all them which had per∣swaded him to enter into that action, but especi∣ally against the great Bassa Mustapha, whom he accused as an unfaithful Couns••llor, and chief perswader of that unlucky War; who flattering him in his vain humor, by extolling his Forces above measure, and falsly extenuating the power of the Enemy, assuring him that upon the first approach of his Army they would yield them∣selves without resistance, had drawn him into that dangerous Expedition, like to sort to the great dishonour of himself and all the Othoman Family; for which doing he adjudged him worthy of death,* 8.30 and in great fury commanded the Execu∣tioner without further delay to put him to death in his presence. Which dreadful doom so sud∣dainly and upon so light an occasion, given upon a man of so great mark and quality, struck such a terror into the minds of all there present, that none of them durst speak one word against the rigor of that sentence, or so much as fet a sigh in pitying of his case. The Executioner now rea∣dy to give the fatal stroke, Pyrrhus the most anci∣ent of all the Bassaes, moved with compassion, and presuming of his great favour▪ with the Ty∣rant, whom he had from his Childhood had the charge and government of, stept forth, and ap∣pealing unto his mercy, earnestly requested him to spare his life. Wherewith Solyman was so fil∣led with wrath and indignation, that for his pre∣sumption, and for sending for him to Constanti∣nople, to come to that dangerous Siege, he com∣manded him to be executed also. All the rest of the Counsellors seeing the danger of these two great men, fell down at the Feet of the fuming Tyrant, craving pardon; saying, That the Ene∣mies ground had already drunk too much of the Tur∣kish Blood, and was not to be further moistned with the Blood of two such noble Personages and worthy Counsellors.* 8.31 Solyman moved with this general in∣tercession of his great men, pausing a little upon the matter, the heat of his Fury being something over, suffered himself to be intreated, and granted them their lives; unto Pyrrhus for his great Age and Wisdom, and to Mustapha for his Wives sake, who was the Tyrants natural Sister, sometime the Wife of Bostanges.

All the time of this Siege, the Turks great Fleet, furnished with Men and all manner of War∣like Provision, lay before the entrance of the Haven without doing any thing at all; for the Admiral being no man of War, seeing the mouth of the Haven chained, and the Castles upon the entrance full of Ordnance, and strongly manned, durst not attempt either to enter the Haven, or besiege the Castle; for which his Cowardise, and for that he had negligently suffered Provision both of Victual and Munition to be conveied into the City during the time of the Siege, to the great relief of the besieged, he was by Solyman adjudged to die a most cruel death; but by the mediation of Achimetes, one of his best Men of War, the severity of that sentence was changed into a punishment,* 8.32 unto any noble mind more grievous than death it self; for he was by Solymans com∣mandment, openly set upon the Poup of the Ad∣miral Gally, and there as a Slave received at the hands of the Executioner a hundred Stripes with a Cudgel, and so with shame was thrust out of his Office.

After that Solyman had in so many places with all his power so long time in vain besieged the Rhodes, his haughty Courage began to quail, so that he was upon point to have raised his Siege and left the Island▪* 8.33 yea the grief he had con∣ceived, went so near him, that he many times fainted and lay speechless, as if he had been a dead man. The remembrance of so many un∣fortunate Assaults, the death of so many worthy Captains, the loss of so many valiant Souldiers (sufficient to have subdued a great Kingdom) so much grieved him, that a great while after he shunned the company of Men, and would not suffer himself to be spoken withal; until at length he was again by Abraham his Minion, a man in whom he took singular pleasure, recom∣forted, and perswaded to continue the Siege; for that time (as he said) which worketh all things, would at length ••ame the fierceness of his Enemies, whom the Sword could not upon the suddain subdue. In the mean time Solyman for his pleasure, and to shew unto the Rhodians, that he purposed not to depart, began to build a sumptuous Castle upon the top of the Mount Philer••nus in the eye of the City. During which time divers Letters were shot into the City with Turkish Arrows out of the Camp, wherein many of Solymans most secret Counsels were revealed, and the revolt of a great man promised, which the Rhodians by many circumstances gathered to have been Mustapha, who could not easily forget the injury so lately offered unto him by Solyman; needs it must be some of Solymans secret Coun∣sel, otherwise he could not have revealed so great secrets as it were out of the Bosom of Solyman. But see the chance, at the very same time, tidings came unto Solyman, that Cayerbeius the Governor of Egypt was dead; in whose place Solyman sent Mustapha to Caire as Governor of Egypt, by that honourable preferment again to please his discon∣tented mind, after which time no more Letters came into the City.

Now the Turks began to make fair Wars, their terrible battery began to grow calm, and for certain days it seemed by the manner of their proceeding, that they purposed rather by long Siege than by Assault to take the Town. Never∣theless the Enemies watching day and night in their Trenches, used all the policy they could, sometimes offering unto the Souldiers upon the Walls great rewards, if they would yield up the City, and sometimes threatning them as fast; and to breed a dislike amongst the Defendants, they would oftentimes say that Solyman desired only to be revenged upon the Latines, without meaning any harm unto the Greeks.

It was now the beginning of October, and Win∣ter began to grow fast on, great rain, with ter∣rible thundering and lightning, and mighty Tem∣pests, Heavens threats, then fell so abundantly, that the Turks before wearied in body with labor and wounds, were now also in mind discouraged. And that more increased their fear, the Sea was grown so rough, that the Admiral was not able in that open and dangerous Sea longer to ride it out with his Gallies; but was inforced to slip his Anchors, and as he might to run his Gallies on ground. In these troubles wherewith both Soly∣man himfelf and all his Army were at furthest of their Wits, and almost quite discouraged,* 8.34 Achi∣metes one of his most valiant and expert Captains came to comfort him, and promised if he would continue the Siege, in short time to make him an open way into the City; upon confidence where∣of, Solyman to encourage his fainting Souldiers, now scarce able for cold and lack of courage to hold their Weapons in their hands, caused them to be assembled before his Pavilion, where from an high place, he comforted them in this sort:

* 8.35I am not ignorant (most valiant Souldiers) what great things you endure for mine Honour, and the Glory of mine Empire. This continual threatnings of the Heavens, this immoderate Rain, this terrible Thunder and Lightning, the coldness of the Weather, the want of Necessaries, with the manifold miseries of this long Siege, do much perswade me, to give you leave to lay down your Arms and to take your rest. But first let us consider if unto Men of Courage it be not a dis∣honour, for the teediousness of Rain and Tempest, to leave unto our Enemies the Victory already in our hands, and shamefully to forsake our Trenches, Forts, Mounts, overtopping not only the Walls of the City, but mating the Heavens, with such other like Works made with my infinite Charge and your great Travel, all for the taking of this City. Truly this War either should not have been taken in hand at all, or being once begun, is to be ended for the honour of the Othoman Empire. Which for so much as it could not be accomplished in Summer; the reputa∣tion of mine Empire in Common, and the regard of the Commodity of every one of you in private, en∣forceth me to perform it in Winter. For if we shall from hence depart with our Army, who doubts but the Enemy, not only for desire of revenge, but also strained by necessity, having lost all he had of his own, will pray upon your Countries, Houses, and Goods, and will bring you, your Wives, and Children, into a far more miserable Slavery and Bondage, than that wherein he himself now is? Wherefore I ad∣vise you to continue the Siege, and never to depart before you have attained unto the end of your desires. And admit there were no necessity in the matter, yet the Honour and Fame of the Action ought to im∣pose upon you a resolution both of Body and Mind to endure the Siege: For the Eies and Countenances of all Nations, especially the Christians, are fixed up∣on you; whom when they shall understand not to be able to endure the Field one Winter, they will of right call you Summer Birds, which so soon as any Storm ariseth look after your Houses and places of Repose. It is reported, that the Grecians for a Strum∣pet besieged Troy ten years; and shall not the Turks, vexed and oppressed with Slaughters, Robberies, In∣vasions both by Sea and Land, and that more is, with the servitude of two hundred and fourteen years, en∣dure one Winters Siege? They will say, that the ter∣ror of your Name is but vain, and that Fame hath encreased the same (as many other things more) which not seen, are more feared in far Countries a∣mongst Men of small experience: And that now e∣very Man may safely enough abide your force, which make your Invasions rather upon a fury and bravery than upon any good resolution, which in all kind of War, (but especially in besi••ging of Cities) is most necessary; whereof many being by natural situation and fortification impregnable, time hath with her Hand∣maids, Famine and Thirst, overcome and vanquish∣ed, as it shall do this City of the Rhodes: a∣gainst which beloved in Arms, there is a secret mischief prepared, which may not in this open Au∣dience be published; for it is as necessary that the vulgar sort should be ignorant of some things, as to know the same.

Many thought, that this was spoken rather of policy than upon any good ground; and although his hot perswasion had little moved the could courage of his despairing Souldiers, yet the regard of duty in that most Loyal Nation, with the greedy expectation of so great a secret, over∣came all other difficulties▪ so that they depart∣ed (at leastwise in shew) contented to endure whatsoever should befal.

Achimetes author of this great expectation, and the only hope of Solymans success, came oftentimes and assailed the Vaumures of the A∣vergne Station,* 8.36 which although they were not very high, yet were they always valiantly de∣fended by the Rhodians. It fortuned, that this warlike Captain daily attempting the Vaumures, in the end by force obtained the same, and so possessed of the place he so much desired, desperately kept it until greater help came run∣ning in, who with wonderful expedition (with matter for that purpose before prepared) clapt up a strong and defensible covering in manner of a Penthouse against the Town-Wall, be∣twixt the Wall and the Vaumure, under which they shrowded themselves from the Defendants; which was an easie matter for such a multi∣tude to do, the Ditches of the Town in that place being now filled up so high, that the De∣fendants could not out of the Flankers scour the Ditch, nor yet without manifest danger come to cast any thing down upon them from the top of the Walls; for the Turks Harquebusiers which lying upon their Mounts, higher than the battered Walls of the City, suffered none to appear upon them without danger. So that the Rhodians who erst thought themselves at great quiet, were now ove••taken with a suddain and an unexpected Mischief; which at the first filled the City with fear and heavy silence, which straightways after brake out into pitiful Outcries and Lamentations. The Turks lur∣king under their Penthouse, labouring with Mattocks and Pickaxes to dig up the Foundation of the Wall; and Prejanes forward and couragi∣ous to do what might be done, threw down upon the Turks, Fire, Scalding Oyl, Burning Pitch, Wild Fire and such things. But when the miser∣able Men which shrunk from the Work for fear of the Fire, were again beaten forward by their imperious Commanders, and presently slain if they made any delay, and fresh Men still thrust on in stead of such as were hurt or slain; the fatal Work begun the seventh day of October, went apace forward, with the great and conti∣nual labour of these wretched Slaves. A great number of the Common Souldiers whom the Turks call Asapi was imployed in this work;* 8.37 of whom Solyman in this Siege of the Rhodes, and other his Expeditions, made not much more account but as of Pioniers to work in Mines and to cast up Trenches, and oftentimes with their Bodies to fill Town-Ditches to make a way for the Janizaries to pass over upon; they by the constraint of Achimetes undermined the Wall, and as they wrought, shoared up the same a∣gain with Timber, whereunto they afterwards set Fire, hoping by that means to overthrow the Wall; which falling not out according to their expectation, for that they had not far e∣nough undermined it, they assailed with great Hooks and strong Ropes to have pulled it down. But the Rhodians with their great Ordnance from the Avergne Bulwark, quickly put them from that mad work with great slaughter, and frustrated all their long labour. Achimetes thus disappointed of his purpose, stood in great doubt whether he should give over the enterprise, for that he saw he laboured in vain, or else in that dangerous place to expect some better hap, the only mean to save him from the Tyrants heavy displeasure, who as he knew measured all things by the event. Solyman understanding by Achimetes that the Wall (although it was not overthrown as was expected) was yet sore shaken and weakned with undermining, caused his Battery to be planted against that part of the Wall so undermined; which so many ways weakned, and now sore battered, fell down daily more and more. For remedy whereof,

the Rhodians laboured night and day to raise a new Wall, in stead of that which was beaten down.

At the same time, Solyman perswaded by the general opinion of all his great Captains, that the City was that day or never to be taken, determining to give another general As∣sault, caused Proclamation to be made through his Camp; wherein he gave the spoil of the City unto his Souldiers, and the more to en∣courage them, spake unto them in few words, as followeth:

* 8.38Fortune at length valiant Souldiers, having not∣ably proved your Courage and Patience, now offereth unto you the worthy Rewards of your Labour and Pains. The Victory and Wealth of your Enemies which you have so much desired, is now in your Hands. Now is the time to make an end of this mungrel People, of whom more are slain than left alive; and they not Men, but the Shadows and Ghosts of Men, feeble and spent with Hunger, Wounds, Wants and Labour; who will I know resist you, not because they so dare, but because of necessity they so must, enforced thereunto with all extremities. Where∣fore now revenge your selves of the Falshood, Cruelty, and Villanies of these Christians, and make them a woful example to all posterity, that never Man here∣after presume to offer injury to a Turk, in whatsoever State he be. The way is already open into the City, there is a fair Breach made whereby thirty Horsemen may at once enter, nothing wanteth but Courage in you to assail the same.

The Souldiers encouraged with this Speech of their Emperor, made great shew of cheerfulness, and promised to do their uttermost devoir, threatning unto the Christians most horrible Death and miserable Captivity.

In the mean time, the great Shot flying con∣tinually through the Breach, did beat down many Houses in the City; but the Countermure new built against the Breach standing upon a lower ground, it seldom toucht, to the great good of the Rhodians. The ratling of the fall∣ing Houses, the horrible noise of the Enemy, with the thundering of the great Artillery, wonderfully terrified the miserable Citizens; in every place was heard the Lamentation of Wo∣men and Children, every thing shewed the hea∣viness of the time, and seemed as altogether lost and forlorn. The day thus troublesomely spent, the night followed much more troublesome; and after the night, the day of Assault of all other most dreadful; for with the dawning there∣of, the glistering Ensigns of the Enemy were seen flying in the Wind, and the Turks cheerful with the hope of Spoil and Victory, hasted to∣wards the Breach with great Outcries and Songs, after their Country manner; and there before one of the Gates of the City called St. Ambrose Gate, set down a great number of their Ensigns deckt with Garlands, in token of Victory. The Turks great Fleet also at the same time sailing too and fro before the Haven,* 8.39 made shew as if it would have assailed the City on that side; who had seen the City so beset, would have said that it would at one instant have been besieged both by Sea and Land; and to most Mens judg∣ments, it seemed that the Rhodian State should that day have taken end and been destroyed. Yet for all these extremities, the Rhodians were nothing discouraged, but looking upon their Weapons as the only remainders of their hopes, not regarding any danger, upon the Alarm given came running out of their Houses by heaps unto the Walls, like desperate Men opposing their Bo∣dies in stead of their battered Walls against their Enemies in defence of their Country. There needed neither Exhortation nor command of Captain, every Man was unto himself a per∣swader to fight valiantly in defence of the City; and one of them propounded unto another the cruel death, the miserable servitude, the mocks and taunts they should indure, if they should chance to come into the proud Enemies hand; all which was to be avoided either by honoura∣ble Victory or Death. The Turks conducted by Achimetes, fiercely assailed the Breach, which was by the Rhodians (standing upon the ruins of their Walls) valiantly defended. In the mean time the dismaied Matrons and Maidens, some in their Houses, with heavy Hearts expected the woful Destruction of the City and themselves, othersome in the Churches with Floods of Tears and lamentable Cries, poured forth their Prayers to the Almighty, craving his help in that their hard distress, and to protect them against their barbarous Enemies. The deadly Fight at the Breach, was on both sides with great courage and force maintained. The Turks were in good hope forthwith to win the City, if they did but a little more strain themselves; and therefore to terrifie the Rhodians the more, oftentimes in their fighting gave out most terrible outcries; and the Rhodians accounted the Turks as good as vanquished, for they being so many in num∣ber, and in a place of such indifferency, had not yet prevailed; beside that, they were great∣ly incouraged with the greatness of the com∣mon danger, and the sight one of anothers Va∣lour, so that by their invincible Courage the Turks were inforced shamefully to retire. The Rhodians seeing their Enemies turn their Backs, gave a great shout in derision of them; the Turks disdaining that they in number many (and now Victors, if they should with a little re∣solution maintain the Assault they had begun) should be so derided of a handful of Men as good as already vanquished, with great indigna∣tion returned again to the Breach, and more furi∣ously assailed the Rhodians than at the first. At which time the City had undoubtedly been taken, had not they which defended the ends of the Wall, yet standing on both sides of the Breach, out of their Barricadoes with their Shot over∣whelmed the Turks thronging in at the Breach, and others with murthering Shot out of the Flan∣kers of the new built Wall so cut them in sunder, that a greater slaughter for the time was hardly in any place seen. Achimetes beholding the won∣derful slaughter of his Souldiers, and that he fought with great disadvantage and loss, against desperate Men, who resolving to die, feared no danger, gave over the Assault, and again retired; leaving behind him in the Breach and Town-Ditch, the Carkasses of five thousand of his dead Turks besides many more which afterwards died upon the hurts they received.

This Assault was given unto the Town the last day of November,* 8.40 a day dedicated to St. An∣drew; after which time the Captains of the Turkish Army, although they despaired not of the Victory, yet terrified with so great slaughter of their Men, resolved with one accord no more to attempt the City with any notable Assault; but by sundry great Trenches to be made through the midst of the ruins of the Walls, to get into the City; and with Mattocks and Pickaxes to overthrow the new made Wall and another Bar∣ricado which the Defendants had made within the same; and in the mean time whilst this was in doing, to keep the Rhodians still busied with con∣tinual Skirmishes and Alarms. This devise put

in execution by the wonderful labour of such a multitude of People, served the Enemy to greater purpose than all that he had before done; who daily overthrowing or destroying the new For∣tifications which the Rhodians made in stead of them which were before overthrown, and by little and little creeping on further, drave the Defendants to that extremity, that they were glad to pull down many of their Houses; there∣with to make new Fortifications, and to make thier City less, by casting up of new Trenches; so that in short time they were brought to that point, that they could not well tell which place to fortifie first, the Enemy was now so far crept within them; for the ground which the Enemy had thus gained within the City, was almost 200 Paces in breadth, and 150 Paces in length.

Solyman, although he did now assure himself of the Victory,* 8.41 and was by nature cruel and desirous of revenge, yet perswaded by Achimetes and Cassius (two of his most valiant Captains) that for the inlarging of his Empire, nothing was better than the fame of clemency; command∣ed Pyrrhus the old Bassa to prove if the Rhodians might by parley be drawn to yield their City upon reasonable conditions. Whereupon the Bassa sent one Hieronimus Monelia, a Genoway, unto the Walls, who craving of the Defendants safe Conduct, said he had something to say tending to the common good of the distressed City. All Mens minds were presently filled with expectation of some great matter, and he com∣manded to speak. Who answered, that he might not deliver his Message openly, but would either by Speech in secret, or by Letters deliver the same unto one Mathias de Via his Countryman, one of the Citizens of the Rhodes.* 8.42 When Francis Fornovius, one of the Knights of the Order, a Frenchman of a cholerick disposition, whose great courage was well seen in all that Siege (having as it is reported, with shot out of Saint Georges Tower himself slain five hundred Turks during the time of that Siege) being now present, and moved with indignation to here a motion made of private conference with the Enemy; bent his Piece upon the Messenger, and caused him forthwith to depart without doing his Mes∣sage. Many who in time of the Assault feared not any danger, but were altogether become de∣sperate and careless of themselves, after that they had understood that the Enemy had offered par∣ley, and that they began to conceive some hope of life, resorted unto the Great Master, request∣ing him, that he would provide for the safety of his loving People, whose warlike Forces were with many Assaults sore weakned, the City beaten down about their Ears, and most of them which were left, either wounded or sick: They had (as they said) now sufficiently proved both their force and fortune; wherefore he should do well, to beware, lest while he were too long in consulting, the Enemy should conceive a fur∣ther indignation in seeing his offers refused. With these and such Speeches they inforced the Great Master to send Embassadors to Solyman.* 8.43 The Men that were sent, were Anthonius Groleus a Frenchman, Ensign-bearer for the Order, a Man of great reputation for his wisdom and ex∣perience; and with him Robertus Brausius, a Man of great gravity, and skilful in the Greek Tongue; for whom was received as Pledges, a Kinsman of the great Captain Achimetes, and a certain Epirot which fled out of the City un∣to the Turks, because one of the Grecian Cap∣tains had struck him with his open Hand, a Man of a sharp Wit, and one that could perfectly speak the Greek, Turkish, and Italian Tongues, as appeared to his great credit amongst the Enemies, being had of them in great regard, al∣though he was not known whilst he dwelt in the City, that he was any such Man. After that came also Solymans Enterpreter, for he him∣self could speak no other Language more than his own, accounting it a great disgrace, and against the Othoman Empire to use any other Language. The Embassadors admitted unto Solymans presence, told him, That they were sent to know, for what cause he had sent to re∣quire parley? Who in a flaming heat, as if he had known nothing thereof, said there was no such matter; and commanding them pre∣sently to void his Camp, sent them away with Letters to the Great Master and the Citizens, to this effect.

If I had not compassion of human Infirmity, which oftentimes tumbleth headlong Mens ambitious and haughty Minds,* 9.1 into most dangerous and unnecessary Mischiefs, truly I would not have directed unto you these Letters at this time; but as you have well deserved, persecute you with death and most miserable servitude; which how easie a thing were it f••r me to do, you your selves know. But having now suffici∣ently tried my force, if you be wise make proof of my Clemency. You have already satisfied your own fury, your own mad humor, and now advise your selves, lay your Hand upon your Heart, and with∣out delay yield your selves as I command; your Lives I give, I give you your Wealth, and more than that, your choice to tarry there still, or to depart; Refuse not the grace frankly offered, which was of you to have been most heartily desired. It shall not always be lawful for you (as at this present) to make choice of both. From our Camp.

Upon the return of the Embassadors, the poor of all sorts flockt together to the Great Master his House, not far from the Breach; where after the multitude of the common People was dismissed, and the chief of the Burgers sent for, the imperious Letter of the Turkish Tyrant was openly read before the Knights of the Order, and the better sort of the Citizens. Where∣unto the Great Master accounting it both honour enough, and sufficient term of life honourably to die, answered in this sort.

You heard (sacred Fellows in Arms,* 10.1 and valiant Citizens of the Rhodes) these imperious and sorrow∣ful Letters; whereunto how we are to answer, re∣quireth no great deliberation; we must as resolute Men either yield or die; all hope of the Victory is gone, except forraign Aid come. Wherefore if you will fol∣low my Counsel, let us with Weapons in our Hands, until the last Gasp and the spending of the last drop of our Blood, like valiant Men defend our Faith and Nobility received from our Ancestors, and the Honour which we have so long time gotten both at Home and Abroad; and let it never be said, that our Honour died but with our Selves.

This Speech of the Great Master seemed un∣to m••ny, heavier than the imperious Command∣ment of the Turkish Tyrant; and a great while Men stood silent, heavily looking one upon ano∣ther, many with changing of their countenance and outward gesture, more than by words expressing what they thought in heart. At length a certain Greek Priest, with great com∣passion of mind (as it seemed) and Tears trickling down his Cheeks, brake forth into these words:

And I would also hold my peace, if I were a pri∣vate Man;* 10.2 and not first of all in so great and troubled assembly; broach mine own opinion. But forasmuch as the regard of our common preservation▪ can wring a word out of no Mans mouth; and all Men know, that now is the time to speak and say what every Man thinketh best; which shall neither always nor long be granted unto us, I will not let it now over∣pass and slip away: Wherefore let us suppose, that no command of a most mighty Prince besieging us, were come unto us, but that I were reasoning as a private Man with his Neighbour, or one Friend with another by the fire side, or in our cups with∣out care, without any great affection to either party; as Men indifferent not liking or hating (as Men oftentimes do of Princes Affairs which concern them nothing) and then (as I hope) my Speech shall be unto you neither unpleasant nor unprofitable. We Greeks and Latins, with joyned Arms, have now these six Months withstood our deadly Enemies, not only abroad before our Walls, but also in the very bowels of our City, without any forreign help; which as we have of long time all vainly looked for, so are we now every one of us out of hope thereof. And yet our Enemy either moved with the secret goodness of God, or else ignorant of our strength and forces, spent with Wounds, Slaughter, Sickness, and perpetual Labour, doth voluntarily offer that un∣to us, which was of us to be most of all desired and earnestly sued for. Your publick and private Treasures, the bodies of your selves, your Wives and Children he keepeth unviolated; he taketh from us only the City, which he hath for most part already beaten down and taken. Worthy Great Master, and you most valiant Knights, I have known prowess and valour in many Battels at Sea, but especially in this Siege; whereof seeing there is no more use in this our desperate estate, I do appeal unto your wisdom and discretion. Since all is now the Conquerors, in that he leaveth unto us our lives and Goods, that is to be accounted gains, and the yielding up of the City and Island no loss, which the victorious Enemy already commandeth; which although it be a heavy matter and grievous unto the Nobi∣lity, yet your Fortune perswadeth you thereunto. Wherefore if you be to be moved with any compas∣sion, I account it better to yield, than to be slain our selves, or to see your Wives and Children by Law of Arms to be led away before your Faces into mise∣rable Captivity and Servitude. If any Christian com∣passion remain in your warlike Minds, I beseech you seek not the utter destruction of this innocent People, who (I may with modesty say) hath not evil de∣served of you, whom Christ Iesus, whom the Enemy himself, would have preserved. That I say this which I speak unto you for Christian Charity, and for no other cause, let this be a sufficient Testimony, That so long as you were able to resist by your own power, or hoped for Aid from forrein Princes, I never spake word, or once thought of yielding; but now seeing the fatal ruine of all things about us, our common Estate brought unto the uttermost extremity, our dead∣ly Enemy in the heart of our City, no hope, and that the War cannot longer be protracted; I wish you to yield, and for my part had rather make choice of Peace than War, and to prove the Enemies Favour than his Fury.

Most of them there present, were of the same mind with the Priest. But as nothing can be so reasonably spoken as to content all Men, so this Speech was not of them all liked; some there were (though not many) which considering the harms they had done unto the Turks, and doubting with what safety they might yield themselves into the power of that faithless People, had rather to have fought it out to the last Man, and so to have left unto them a bloody Victory. Amongst these, one bold spoken Fellow stept forth, and in presence of them all disswaded the yielding up of the City, in this sort:

I have not been with any thing more unacquaint∣ed, than to deliver my opinion before Princes,* 10.3 or in such great and publick Assemblies, being always more des••rous modestly to hear other Mens Opinions, than impudently to thrust forth mine own. But now, seeing extream necessity will not longer suffer me to keep my wonted course of silence, I will frank∣ly speak my Mind, and tell you what in my Opi∣nion is to b•• answered unto the heavy Message and imperious Command of the most prefidious Tyrant. This cruel Enemy hath overthrown our Wall, and is entred three hundred Foot and more within our City, and as a most troublesome Guest liveth and converseth with us as it were under the same Roof. Such as list not longer to endure such an unwelcome Guest and troublesome Neighbour, perswade you be∣cause he is troublesome, to give him all; but (wor∣thy and sacred Knights) I am of far different Opi∣nion; neither do I think a Possession of two hundred and fourteen Years is so lightly to be delivered up, and the Ground forsaken; but rather that this trouble∣some Intruder is in like manner to be himself troubled, and with deadly Skirmishes continually vexed; whom after we had by force of Arms and undaunted Cour∣age, maugre his Head, held out five Months, at length he brake into our City, not by any Valour in himself, but holpen by time, which tameth all things; and since his first entrance it is now almost forty days, in which time for all his hast, he hath scarce∣ly got forward a hundred and thirty Paces, hindred by the Blocks, we have laid in his way, and will not cease continually to lay, if we be wise Men, and mindful of our former Valour. Destroy me you heavenly Powers, before I see with these Eies these sacred Knights to yield up this famous City of the Rhodes, the ancient Bulwark of Christian Religion, unto our merciless Enemies, polluted with the in∣famous Superstition of Mahomet; who besides the insatiable thirst they have of our Blood, how faith∣less and mischievous they are by Nature, if we know not, we need not make example of our selves, but we may take example by the calamity of Constan∣tinople, the late misery of Euboea, and that which later was, of Methone, as also by the Mamalukes at Caire, miserably slain contrary to the League, con∣trary to the Faith and Promise by the Turkish Em∣peror himself before given. What, do you ••ot re∣member how the Death of the most noble Captains at Belgrade was of late procured by the falshood, craft, and deceit of the same faithless Miscreants? Let us then, being Men of Wit and Understanding, trust these mad Beasts, let us give our selves into their power, which h••ve no regard of right or reason, of Religion, or any thing else; whose Covetousness and Cruelty it is hard to say which it greater, which for these many years have plotted and laboured nothing more, than how by policy or force they may utterly root out the Name of the Rhodians, which they so deadly hate. They keep us shut up and besieged now the sixth Month, feeling together with us extream dangers and endless labour, slain by heaps before our Walls and Fortresses, and cannot be removed hence with Thunder, Lightning, Storms, Temp••sts, and all the Calamities of Winter, a time which giveth inter∣mission to all War, both by Sea and Land; so de∣sirous they are of Revenge, and greedy of our Blood; and that not altogether without cause, for we have also shed theirs, and gladly would still so do, if it lay in our power. But seeing it seemeth good unto God otherwise, and that we are surprized with inevitable nec••ssity, yet let us whilst we are at liberty, and have

power our selves, by honourable, death amongst the Christian Ensigns, eschew the Torments and Reproaches which our cruel Enemies hope to inflict upon us; so shall we enjoy eternal Fame and Glory, prepared both in Heaven and Earth for such as honourably die in defence of their Prince and Country; which Honour it becometh not them to envy unto thy most noble Name and Vertue, worthy Grand Master, which having for many years enjoyed the commodity and profit of Peace, and greatly enriched by Bounty of this sacred Military Order, refuse now to bear this last burden of War.

At these words an ancient Greek, for his Wisdom and Discretion of great Reputation both with the Greeks and Latins, perceiving his Countrymen wrongfully touched, and the de∣sperate holding out of the City vainly perswaded, took hold, and interrupting this young Gallant; in answer of that he had said, spake as fol∣loweth:

* 10.4That grief of mind and desperation can make Men rather Eloquent than Wise, as you have many times heard before this, so you might this day perceive also, most valiant Gentlemen; for advised modesty never falleth into obloquy, neither confoundeth falshood with truth; it desireth not the slaughter of the Citizens, it perswadeth not fury, nor exhorteth Men to mad∣ness; but it is by nature so engraffed in many, that when they cannot by their own Wisdom and Policy deliver themselves from their troubles, they yet seek to draw others into the fellowship of the same danger; so greedy have malice and misery always been of company. But if you (worthy Commander) will give me also leave to speak, a Man amongst his Countrymen not of meanest Place and Authority, which thing both the present Calamity and urgent Necessity might of you easily obtain, I would alledge such reasons, and lay down such matter, as should not only refel the copious and glorious words of this sharp witted Orator, scrap'd together of purpose to flourish out the matter, but also such as might stir your mind to that which is honest, profitable, and necessary; expulsing hatred, fear, trouble or despair. This Gentleman, whom we all know, not only to be a vehement Orator, but somtime a Man most terrible, whereas for all his great words he is by nature mild, and so mild, that he never had the heart to kill, nay not so much as lightly to wound any one of them whom he calleth barbarous, mad, cruel, whose per∣fidious dealing he detesteth, whose cruelty he accurseth, whose manner of living he exclaimeth against, as altogether without Law, without Reason, without Order, without Regard; and now in time of Truce, and whilst the Showers of Arrows, Iron Bullets, Fire and Stones doth cease, creeping out of his Cave, maketh much ado, and keepeth a great stir; and not knowing in what danger he is, doth now with glori∣ous words call upon death, whereof he hath hitherto shewed himself too much afraid, and all forsooth (as he said) lest he should be enforced to endure the mocking and scorning of the Enemy. But this is meer Pride, not Christian Fortitude or Humility. But our Enemy neither threatneth nor purposeth any such matter, nothing so perfidious or cruel as he would make him, rubbing up the slaughter at Caire, Eu∣boea, Methone, and Constantinople, Cities taken either by Force or warlike Policy, and not yielded by composition, upon faith given betwixt the besieger and the besieged; who because he would spare us, will not suffer us to do that whereby we should undoubt∣edly perish. But whereof proceedeth this new found Clemency? This unwonted favour toward the People of the Rhodes? I am not of the Tyrants Privy-Coun∣sel, neither ever curiously sought after the reason of another Mans Bounty, but am glad to receive it when I need it. Yet for all that, I will not dissemble w hat I think in a matter so doubtful; he is willing (as I suppose) in this Siege and Conquest of the Rhodes, to shew unto other Nations whom he purposed to in∣vade, both his Power and his Patience; lest always satisfying: his cruel Nature, he should make desola∣tion in places he would Reign over, and so for ever alienating the Minds of Men, he inforced to fight with all Men with Fire and Sword; by which Rigour he hath not so much hurt his Enemy as himself. For this cause (as I suppose, he leaveth unto us life and goods, l••st whilst he in going about to take them from us by force, and we seeking to keep them by desperatness, we should both fall into great destru∣ction, no less lamentable unto the Conqueror than to the vanquished. Besides that, if he should kill all here, truly he might then enter the Breaches of the City on the Bodies of the dead, no Men now left alive to resist him. But Lerus is shut up, Arangia is strongly Fortified, Lyndus is by Situation impregnable; here he knoweth are Weapons, Armor, and Men; here he must begin a new War, except he will have the remainder of your War, the fatal Plague of his Empire, to prey still upon his Subjects; all which strong places he shall have without slaughter, with∣out bloodshed (as reason is) if he should let you and us poor wretches depart in safety with a little trash. Except these worldly considerations have moved him to mercy and compassion; then out of doubt it is wrought by divine power and the secret favour of God towards us, and of our Saviour Christ Iesus Crucified. Whereunto if you be Men well advised, if Religious, if mindful of the duty of Christians, it becometh not you to oppose any Obstacle, and with the ruine of your selves to destroy this miserable People, which for this half years Siege, hath scarcely had so much rest as might suffice the necessity of nature, standing for you in Battel, enduring both Wounds and Death for your Honour and Victory; by whose faith∣ful labour and diligence you have been always holpen both at home and abroad; whether you Invaded the Turk by Land in Mytilene, Naupactus, Me∣thone, Patras, or other parts of Peloponnesus; or else by Sea thrust him out of the Possession of the Ionian or Aegeum; whereby it may appear even unto a Blind Man, how injurious it is, and far from truth, to ob∣ject unto us, That enjoying the Fruits of Peace, we refuse the Charges of Wars; nay we never refused Wars. But now it is come to that point, that if we would never so fain make Wars, we are not able so to do, the flower of our youth being slain; and the small re∣mainder that is left, not only weakned in Body with Wounds, Sickness, Watching, and restless Labour; but also in Mind discouraged, whilst all things fall out prosperously to our Enemies, and to us adverse; the greatest and best part of our great Artillery be∣ing broken with continual use, which if it were whole we could have thereof small use or profit, for want of Powder, which not only this City now wanteth, but also your strong Holds, Lerus, Lyndus, Halicarnas∣sus, Arangia. I was never desirous or curious to look into other Mens doings, much less into your man∣ner of War; but yet (Great Master) you cannot deny, but it is so; who have caused Souldiers to be brought from thence hither openly, and Gunpowder secretly; by which Policy you have withstood your forreign Enemy these six Months, and deceived the treachery of one or two domestical Traitors. But I gladly admit we have all these things, I stand upon the truth, I say not what most Men say, but I speak to please a few; and sup∣pose we wanted neither Armour nor Courage, I would then ask you this, whether they would advise you to use them to your defence, or to your destruction? For un∣to both it cannot be, no more than at once to be a Free∣man and a Slave. To use them to your destruction, that were madness and senseless pride, hateful to Go•• and Man; you should therefore use them to defence; but

how shall we defend a City (I do not say, as the truth is) already lost and possessed by the Enemy, wherein he reigneth, rangeth, and turneth all upside down? But having the Walls battered down, a great Breach in the Spanish Station, and another not like, but even now as good as made in the Italian Station, how shall we be able to keep this unfortunate Town, battered and rent at the French, English, and Avergne Stations, and the Tower of St. Nicholas? Which if it were not so batter∣ed and bared of all Warlike Provision, but sound and throughly furnished with Munition and Victual, yet ne∣cessity enforcing, and reason perswading, you ought to forsake it, forsomuch as all power of further resistance is taken from you. Do you not see how easily and al∣most without any trouble, the Enemy (by means of the Castle he hath new Built upon the Mount Philermo, not past two Miles distant) can take from you all man∣ner of Provision both by Sea and Land, and restrain you from going out or in? Truly notable Gentlemen, hon••urable for your Martial Prowess, you see and have long ago foreseen these things better than I, altoge∣ther ignorant in Martial Affairs, altogether busied in the Trade of Merchandise, and caring for my Fa∣mily; yet suffer me to say the truth. All the Powers whereby this Kingdom stood, are departed and gone; against the force of our Enemies no policy of force re∣maineth; and to expect Armies of Angels, or Soul∣diers from Heaven, and other such like Miracles, is in my judgment more and more to provoke God to anger, although in his anger he be unto us merciful. Wherefore being destitute of all worldly help, let us as we may, provide for our safety. I beseech thee (worthy Great Master) by these my aged Tears, by the natural piety ingrafted in thy noble nature, expose not this miserable City to the spoil of the Enemy, our old and middle aged Men to the Sword, our Wives and Daughters to be Ravished, our Boys and Y••uths to the unnatural filthiness of our barbarous Enemies, and to be corrupted with the mad and gross Opinion of the ungodly Mahometan Superstition: I would (noble Knights) you had seen with what Tears, with what Mourning our heavy Families and Children crying about their Mothers, sent us hither, and what Prayers they made for us at our departing; I would you knew with what mind and how great hope they expect their safety from your clemency and ad∣vised resolution.

* 10.5This Speech of the aged Greek might have moved a Heart of Flint; but the Great Master, who in his countenance shewed a greater cour∣age than his present state required, commanding every Man to his charge; after the matter had been thus most part of the night discoursed, gave then no other answer, but, That he would be careful of all their well doing. The next morn∣ning he sent for Prejanes, Martiningus, and a few other of the greatest judgment and experience; by whom he was fully resolved, that the City in so many places by the Enemy laid open and shaken, was not possibly to be long defended; whereupon he caused a Common-Council to be called of all the Knights of the Order together with the Burgesses of the City; where after long debating, whether they should fight it out to the last Man, or yield upon such Conditions as were to be obtained; It was by general con∣sent concluded, that the City should be yielded, and thereupon a Decree made which was by the Great Master pronounced.* 10.6 Whilst these things were thus in doing, a Truce was taken with the Enemy for four days, but full of fear and danger. During which time, divers of the Turks presuming upon the Truce, came by great Com∣panies to behold the Walls and Rampiers of the City; wherewith Fornovius the Frenchman (of whom mention is before made) being sore moved, in his choler without further command dis∣charged a Tire of great Ordnance among the thickest of them, contrary to the Truce taken. At which time also the Rhodians received into the City secretly by night a Ship loaded with Wines out of Crete, and in her Alphonsus a Spaniard, chief Pilot of the Rhodian Gallies, and with him 100 voluntary Souldiers all Latins, all which went out of Crete without the knowledge of the Venetian Senate; for at that time the Vene∣tians were in League with Solyman. The Turks justly offended with the breach of the Truce, and the taking in of new Supplies, which they supposed to have been far greater than in truth they were; without command of any Cap∣tain or Ensign displayed, in great numbers thrust in through the ruins of the Breaches into the City as far as the Rampiers and Barricadoes new made, and furiously assailed the Defendants; In which Conflict many were slain and wound∣ed on both sides. But after the Turks had to their cost again made proof of the courage of their Enemies, as without commandment they began that Skirmish, so of themselves they brake it off and retired.* 10.7 After the Truce was thus broken, the Captain of the Turks Fencers, a bloody cruel Fellow, having taken three Chri∣stians Prisoners, cut off their Hands, Ears, and Noses, and sent them so dismembred into the City with Letters to the Great Master, char∣ging him with the unjust breach of the Truce, barbarously threatning within three or four days to make like example of him to all posterity. Amongst others none was more troubled with this suddain and unexpected breach of the Truce, than Robertus Perusinus, Raymundus Marchet, and Raymundus Lupus, three Knights of the Order, Men of singular Wisdom and Gravity, Embas∣sadors at that time in the Turks Camp; whom the barbarous People in their fury had undoubt∣edly slain or put to torture, if they had not feared the like measure to have been shewed to their Hostages in the City. But after that Nicholaus Vergotus, and Georgius Sandriticus, two of the Burgesses of the City, were come into the Camp with Articles containing the condi∣tions whereupon the Rhodians were contented to deliver up the City, all their fury and rage was quickly appeased. Solyman for his greater Majesty and the more terror of these Messen∣gers, beset round about with his great Army, and guarded about with his Janizaries in their richest Attire and glistering Armor, gave them audience; who admitted to his presence, with great humility offered unto him in writing the conditions whereupon the Rhodians would yield up unto him the City. The chief points where∣of were, That the Churches should remain un∣to the Christians inviolated; That no Chil∣dren should be taken from their Parents; That no Christian should be inforced to forsake his Religion and turn Turk; That such Christians as would tarry still in the City, might so do at liberty, without paying any Tribute for the space of five Years; That all they which would depart might go with Bag and Baggage, fur∣nished with convenient Shipping and Provision as far as Crete, and to carry with them so much great Ordnance as they pleased; and that the Christians should appoint a reasonable day for the time of their departure. All which Articles Solyman condescended unto, and solemnly swore faithfully to perform the same. But how they were indeed performed the Writers of that age do much vary: It should seem they were nei∣ther altogether kept, nor broken; but so per∣formed as pleased the Conqueror; certain it is

that many great outrages were through military Insolency committed by the proud Turks up∣on the poor Christians, contrary to the mind of Solyman. Iac••bus Fontanus a Civilian, and at that time one of the Judges of the City (out of whose writings this History is for most part collected) reporteth, That the Turks not expect∣ing the departure of the Christians, brake in∣to the City upon Christenmas Day, by the Gate called Cosquinium, polluted the Temples, shamefully abused the Christians, and made havock of all things; and that he himself, falling into their hands, after he had with such Mony as he had, redeemed himself, having not suffici∣ent to content all their greedy desires, was by them hardly entreated and grievously beaten. The Great Master by the counsel of Achimetes, put∣ting on such simple Attire as best beseemed a vanquished Man that was to humble himself before the Conqueror, went out of the City into the Camp, attended upon with a few Knights of the Order; where after he had waited in the Rain most part of the day, before Solymans Tent, at last he had a rich Gown cast upon him, and so brought into the proud Tyrants presence. Where after they had a while at the first, with piercing Eies one earnestly beholden the other; the Great Master humbling himself before him, was in token of Grace admitted to Kiss his Hand, and welcomed by Solyman in this sort.

* 10.8Although (said he) I might worthily and justly infringe the Articles I have prescribed concerning the yielding of the City, with thy most wicked crossed Com∣piers, the People of the Rhodes, and thee especially such a Captial Enemy, from whose deserved punishment, neither Faith nor Oath ought to stay a most just Con∣queror; yet I have determined to be not only gracious and merciful unto thee, so great an Offender, deser∣ving exemplary Punishment, but also liberal and bountiful; who if thou wilt by weldoing amend the grievous Transgressions of thy former Life, I promise unto thee most honourable Entertainment, great Pre∣ferment, and the highest Places in my Empire, in my Army in time of War, and in Counsel in time of Peace. Not to refuse this mine offer, both thy present estate perswadeth thee, and the Christians (whose quarrel thou tookest upon thee to defend against me, with better beginning than success) deserve at thy hands no better; for what should let thee forsaken of all thy Friends, a Man as it were betraied and van∣quished, to cast thy self into the perpetual faith and protection of a most mighty and merciful Conqueror, of himself offering thee this undeserved Grace and Favour.

Whereunto the Great Master presently answered;

* 10.9Most Mighty and Gracious Emperor, your offered Favours before your other worthy Captains I de∣serve not; neither is my present estate and desert to∣wards you such, as that I dare or ought to refel the same; yet I will speak freely in the midst of your Vi∣ctorious Army, a Man vanquished in presence of the Conqueror, whose great Mercy I never despaired of, and whose Faith I never doubted; I had rather now I have lost my Sovereignty, forthwith to lose my private and unfortunate Life; or else for ever here∣after to live in Obscurity, than of my People to be ac∣counted a Fugitive rather than a vanquished Man: For, to be vanquished is but chance ••f War, and of so great a Conqueror no shame to him that is Conquered; but afterwards to forsake his own People and to turn to the Enemy, I account it shameful Cowardise and Treachery.

Solyman marvelling at the Courage and Majesty of the Hoary old Prince, in his so great ex∣tremity, dismissed him, and sent him again in∣to the City, guarded with his own Guard, until he was come into his Palace; and unto every one of the Knights attending upon the Great Master, was given a rich Garment, in token of Solymans Favour. Within a few days after Soly∣man coming into the City,* 10.10 went to visit the Great Master also; whom he found busie in pack∣ing up his things against his departure. Here when the Great Master falling down upon his Knees would have worshipped him, he would in no case suffer him so to do; but with his hand putting aside the Vail of Majesty (which manner of Reverence the Turkish Emperors give only to God, and their Great Prophet Mahomet) took him up and Saluted him by the Name of Fa∣ther. To whom the Great Master for his Wis∣dom and Discretion now to him no less admira∣ble, than he was before in time of War for his Valour and Courage, spake in this sort:

If my Fortune and Success had been answerable to my Heart and Courage,* 10.11 I should here be in this City, rather as a Victorious Conqueror than a Man Conquered. But sithence the fatal Destinies would needs over∣throw the Rhodian Estate, I am glad that you are the Man before all other by Fortune assigned, of whom I shall receive both Force and Grace. And unto you, amongst many other your rare and worthy Praises, this shall not be the least, That you vanquished the Rhodes and shewed Mercy. By this means you have joyned unto your dreadful Power, the Fame of Clemency and Courtesie; an Honour not of the Highest to be d••∣spised, by which alone we come nearest unto God. Wherefore I doubt not but you will keep the conventions of the late Peace inviolated, which your own clemency perswaded you to grant, and necessity inforced us to take. I shall now be an eternal example to the Turkish Emperors Clemency and Vertue, more than if I had by and by at the first yielded my self; Obstinate wilfulness hath made thy Glory and Mercy now Famous through the whole World, and unto the Worlds End.

Whereunto Solyman by his Interpreter, answered:

It is to me a great pleasure,* 10.12 that God at length hath put into thy mind to make choice of Peace before War, which I would thou couldst have liked of from the beginning; then truly thou shouldst at this time have received of my great and mighty Majesty, more good than thou hast endured harm. Which that I have done unto thee, not for any hatred, but only for desire of Sovereignty, thou mayst gather by this, That I suffer thee and thine to depart hence at li∣berty, with all your Wealth and Substance; for I make not War, thereby to heap up Wealth and Riches; but for Honour, Fame, Immortality, and enlarging of mine Empire. For it is the property of a King royally descended, by strong Hand to take from others, and to invade others; not upon a greedy and cove∣tous Mind, but for the hon••urable desire of Rule and Sovereignty; which whilst my Neighbour with∣standeth, I count it enough by force of Arms to remove him.

But the Tyrant (as many supposed) spake all this by way of dissimulation, having as it was commonly bruted, given order for the rigging up of a great Ship, and certain Gallies, for the suddain transporting of the Great Master and the Knights of the Order to Constantinople, which report seemeth to have been but feigned either of malice, or else by such as least knew Soly∣mans Mind; for if he had so purposed, who should have let him, having them all in his Power.

Iovius in his little Treatise Rerum Turcicarum de∣dicated to Charles the Fifth, reporteth that he himelf heard Liladamus the Great Master say, That when Solyman entred into the Rhodes attend∣ed upon with thirty thousand Men, there was not any Man heard to speak a word, but that the Souldiers went as if they had been observant Friers; and that when he came to ask leave of Solyman that he might depart, he was so courte∣ously used of him, that turning himself to A∣braim the Bassa, whom he above all Men loved, said, Truly I cannot but grieve to see this un∣fortunate old Man, driven out of his own dwel∣ling, to depart hence so heavily.

The Great Master embarking himself with his Knights and such other as were willing to depart, in Vessels and Gallies prepared for that purpose, departed out of the Island on New-years day at night; and after long and danger∣ous Travel by Sea in that Winter weather, land∣ed at last at Messina in Sicilia, from whence he afterwards sailed into Italy, and so travelled to Rome, where he was honourably received by Adrian the Sixth of that Name, then Bishop there, a Hollander born, sometime School-master to Charles the Fifth, and his Vicegerent in Spain; who if he had been as forward in the short time of his Papacy to have relieved the Rhodes, as he was to maintain Charles his Quarrel against the French King, it is not unlike but that fa∣mous City had been relieved, and the Island in possession of the Christians at this day.* 10.13 Thus Solyman, whilst the Christian Princes were at discord amongst themselves, to his great glory and no less grief of all good Christians, entred the Rhodes the 25 day of December, a day de∣dicated unto the Nativity of our Saviour Christ, in the year 1522, after it had been by the Knights of the Order valiantly kept and de∣fended against the Infidels by the space of 214 years, since the time they by force took it from the Infidels in the year 1308▪ and now being so long holden as was possible, against all the power of the Turks, was yielded up when it had been six Months besieged. At this Siege Solyman lost a great part of his Army; for besides them that were slain at the Assaults, which were many, thirty thousand died of the Flux.

Whilst Solyman thus lay at the Siege of the Rhodes,* 10.14 Ferhates Bassa Governour of the Mar∣ches of the Turkish Empire, alongst the River of Euphrates, by the commandment of Solyman went with a great Army against Alis-Beg, whom the Turks called S••hach, Suar-Ogli, that is to say, King Suar his Son; which P. Iovius cor∣rupting, calleth him by the name of Saxovar-Oglis. This Alis after he had betrayed his Uncle Aladeules the Mountain King, unto Sinan Bassa, was by Selymus left chief Governour of that large and wild Country alongst the borders of Arme∣nia and Cappadocia, wanting nothing of the ho∣nour of a King but the Name only, as is before declared in the life of Selymus. Solyman jealous of his Honour, and fearing lest he should take upon him the absolute Government of that Coun∣try (which indeed of right belonged unto him, the Children of Aladeules the late King, being now all dead) and so to make himself King; especially if he should joyn in friendship with the Persian King; after the manner of ambi∣tious Men, purposed by any means to have him taken out of the way; and had therefore sent Ferhates to ease him of that care. The Bassa without making any shew of Hostility mar∣ching with his Army along the Confines of his Country, as if it had been but to look to his charge, when he was come as near as he could to Alis, without mistrust, thought good to assay if he could by policy bring that to pass which he was otherwise with great danger to attempt by force. Wherefore feigning himself to be extream sick, he sent Embassadors to Alis, requesting him as a friend to vouchsafe to come unto him being at the point of death, unto whom he had many things of importance from the great Emperor to impart, and would if he should die, leave with him all his charge until Solyman should otherwise dispose thereof.

Alis,* 10.15 who from his youth had always honour∣ed the Turkish Emperors and faithfully served them, mistrusting no harm, came to the Bassa, accompanied with his four Sons; whom the faithless Bassa without regard of infamy, caused presently to be put to death with their Father; and so reducing all that Country into the man∣ner of a Province, under Solymans obeisance, came to him with twenty thousand Men, about the time that the City of the Rhodes was yield∣ed up. This is the faithless dealing of the Turks, not with the Christians only, but with them of their own superstition also; using it as no small policy, utterly to extinguish the No∣bility of all Countries subject to their servile Tyranny.

Solyman after he had thus subdued the Rhodes,* 10.16 and disposed of the Island as he liked best, re∣turning to Constantinople, brake up his Army, and for the space of three years after follow∣ed his pleasure, not doing any thing worthy of remembrance. During which time and ma∣ny years after, the rich and flourishing Country of Italy, sometime Mistress of the World, was miserably afflicted and rent in pieces by Charles the Fifth (then Emperor) and Francis the French King, the one envying unto the other the glory of the Empire; and he not content therewith, seeking with immoderate ambition to make him∣self Lord of all Italy; most of the other Chri∣stian Princes and States being at the same time either by the one or by the other, drawn into the fellowship of that War, to the great trouble and sore weakning of the Christian Common-weal. Whereupon Solyman waiting all occasi∣ons that might serve for the enlarging of his Empire, and annoying of the Christians,* 10.17 thought it not a fit time for him to set his foot into Hungary, whereunto he had already laied open a way by the taking of Belgrade. He knew right well that Lewis then King of Hungary was but young, altogether unacquainted with the Wars, commanding over his headstrong Subjects (especially his rich Prelates and Nobility) no otherwise than pleased themselves, being him∣self rather by them altogether overruled; besides that, he was in good hope, that the other Chri∣stian Princes near unto him, either carried away with regard of their own Estate, would not, or else before unto himself by League fast bound, could not afford unto him any great aid or succour; the Germans he knew would make small hast unto such Wars as should yield them much danger, and but small pay. As for the Princes of the House of Austria, Charles the Em∣peror, and Ferdinand his Brother, although they were joyned unto the young King with the nearest bonds of Alliance (Lewis having Married Mary their youngest Sister, and Ferdinand, Ann, King Lewis his Sister) yet was there as he thought small help to be expected from them; Charles having his hands full in Italy, and Ferdinand altogether careful of himself; and that Sigismund King of Polonia would for the young Kings sake break the ancient League he had with the Turkish Emperors, he could hardly be perswaded:

As for other Christian Princes farther off, he stood not in any great doubt. [year 1526.] Thus having with him∣self singled out this young Prince the Hungarian King,* 10.18 whom he had in his greedy mind already devoured, he set forward from Constantinople, and was come on his way as far as Sophi•• in Servia with a mighty Army of two hundred thousand men, before that the Hungarians had any know∣ledge of his coming (so blind and senseless was that State, which now sleeping in security, had long before lost those Eies which ever watcht, and never spared cost or pains to keep the same in safety) in stead of whom were others come in place, sharp of sight, and too too provident for that concerned their own advancement; but blind as Beetles in foreseeing this great and com∣mon danger (wherewith they were shortly after all quite overwhelmed) until it was now brought home unto their own Doors. The young King of himself but weak, by reason of his youthful years, and nothing strengthned by them for whom he had most done, and should have been his greatest stay, was wonderfully dismaied with the fame of the approach of so mighty an Ene∣my; yet the better to withstand him, he sent Embassadors with all speed unto the Christian Princes his Neighbours, requesting their Aid a∣gainst the common Enemy, but all in vain. In the mean time, after the ancient manner of his Country he gave out general Summons for the Assembly of his Counsel for the Wars; whe∣ther his great stipendary Prelates (of duty bound to appear) came with their Troops of evil ap∣pointed Horsemen, and not half full; who also delivered in less sums of Mony by far, than of right they should have done, towards the main∣tenance of the charge of that common War. And the temporal Nobility, forgetting the war∣like Discipline of their famous Ancestors, as fresh-water Souldiers which had seen the Turkish Em∣peror in his strength, and but little acquainted with some light skirmishes or small invasions, in their vain bravery made light account of the Turks; proudly vaunting, That although they were in number but few, yet they would easily overthrow the great numbers of them, if ever they came to han∣dy strokes.* 10.19 But above all the rest▪ one Paulus To∣moreus Archbishop of Colossa, sometimes a Mino∣rite, who had before been in divers light skir∣mishes against the Turks, with great insolency did so confidently brag and boast of the Victory he vainly dreamed of, that in his Sermons unto the Souldiers, and in open talk with the Nobility (if he could have done so much as he vaunted of) it should seem that he himself had been enough to have overthrown the Turks whole Army.

But when all the Kings Army was assembled, and a general muster taken, there was hardly found five and twenty thousand men in all, horse and foot. So that the foolish hardiness of Tomo∣reus, and others so forwards to give the Turks battel, was of most wise men disliked. The old Souldiers and men of great experience said plain∣ly, That it was meer folly and madness with such a handful of men to give battel unto the Enemy, who would bring eight times so many more into the Field as they were. Wherefore some wished, that the young King should be withdrawn from the emi∣nent danger; among whom Stephanus Verbetius, a noble Captain, of all the rest best acquainted with the Turkish Wars, gave Counsel, that the person of the young King should for the safety of the Common State, whatsoever should hap∣pen, be kept out of danger in the strong Castle of Buda. But the unruly Souldiers with open mouth impugned his wholesome Counsel,* 10.20 and said plainly, That except the King himself did lead them, they would not at all fight. Of which opinion was also the rash Prelate Tomoreus, perswading them with all speed to give the Enemy Battel, and that the noble young King under the pro∣tection of Almighty God should in person him∣self go and give the signal of battel against his Enemies. The King overruled by this unlucky Counsel, upon a bravery without reason set for∣ward with his Army, and came to a place called Mohatchz or Mugace, which is a little Country Vil∣lage not far from Danubius, almost in the midle between Buda and Belgrade. And now Balybeus with twenty thousand Horsemen (the forerun∣ners of the Turkish Army) was at hand, at which time the Commanders and Captains of the Kings Army, entred into Counsel, Whether it were better to incamp their Army within their Wag∣gons alongst the River of Danubius, and so to expect the coming of Ioannes Sepusius, Count of Cilia, and Vayvod of Transylvania (who was then said to be coming towards the King with his Transylvanian Horsemen, of all other fittest to have encountred the Turks; or else to ma••ch forward, and presently to give them Battel? But Tomoreus, who now commanded all, knowing that upon the coming of the Vayod, he was to give place, and himself to be commanded (which unto so proud a man was no small grief) for the maintenance of his credit▪ and reputation, and to carry away the glory of the Victory he so vainly hoped for, could not abide to hear of any delay; but hasting headlong to his own de∣struction, did with such vehemency impugn the wholsome Counsel of others, who would have expected the coming of the Vayvod, that he by his frantick perswasions, drew on the unadvised young King into most apparent and manifest danger.* 10.21 For Balybeus divided his Horsemen into four Battels, which by turns skirmished with the Kings Army without intermission, and gave the Hungarians no leisure to rest either day or night, but continually wheeling about, kept them in so strait, that no man could without great danger go to water his Horse at the side of Danubius, which was fast by, or once to stir out of the Camp, but were inforced to dig Pits for water in places where they lay; with which necessity Tomor••us was enforced to put the Army in order of Battel, and there was now no remedy, but he must of necessity fight for the honour of his Prince and Country. His Battel was ranged all in length, and his Horsemen not altogether (as it was thought) unfitly placed here and there by Troops among his Footmen; lest the Turks (being in number eight to one) should with their multitude compass them round, and so in∣force them to fight as it were in a Ring; for now was Solyman come also with all his huge Army. The Hungarian Tents defended with a small Gar∣rison, were left a little from the Army on the right hand, inclosed round about with Wagons, one chained to another; near unto the which, Tomo∣reus General of this unlucky Battel, had not alto∣gether undiscreetly placed a Troop of chosen Horsemen for the defence of the Kings Person against all uncertain Events of the Battel. But this day (unlucky to the Hungarian name, but unto the King himself most fatal and unfortu∣nate) overthrew that his purpose, devised too late for the safety of the Kings Person; for at the first encounter the Hungarians, although they had received no harm by the Turkish Artillery (being mounted too high, of purpose as it was thought, the Gunners being for most part Christi∣ans) were easily beaten down, and overthrown, oppressed by the multitude of their Enemies,* 10.22 especially Tomor••us with the rest of the Prelates

and Nobility being almost all slain together, and the Hungarian Horsemen also either slain or put to flight. All things going thus to wrack, a Com∣pany of Turks assailed the Camp, which was hardly defended by the weak Garrison. Which thing the Troop of the chosen Horsemen appoint∣ed for defence of the Kings Person, beholding, could not be staid, but that they would needs help them which defended the Camp. The young King seeing all his Army discomfited, and himself forsaken of the Horsemen which he was in hope should have guarded him, betook himself to flight. But as he was making shift for himself, thinking to have passed over a fenny Ditch, his Horse in plunging out, fell backwards upon him into the Ditch;* 10.23 where being heavy loaden with Armor not able to help himself, he was in the midst of the filthy Ditch in the Mud most miserably drowned. Some few Horsemen escaped out of the Battel, the rest were either slain or taken Prisoners. This woful Battel never sufficiently to be lamented, as the ground of the miseries of that worthy Kingdom, was fought the nine and twentieth day of October in the year 1526.

Solyman having obtained this Victory, marched on directly to Buda, the Regal Seat of the Hun∣garian Kings, which was delivered to him with the Castle; upon condition, that he should not violate any man either in Person or Goods, and at his departure to leave the same again unto the Hungarians; all which things he (according un∣to their request) faithfully performed. Being entred into the Castle, he wonderfully com∣mended the same, but lodged not therein, be∣cause it is by their ancient Law forbidden the Turkish Emperor to lodg within any walled place which is not his own. Wherefore he returned and lodged in his Camp alongst the River of Danubius.

Whilst Solyman lay thus at Buda, seven bloody Heads of the Bishops and greatest of the Nobi∣lity (slain in the late battel at Mohatchz) were presented to him,* 10.24 all set in order upon a woodden Step; whereat he smiled, to see his Courtiers laying their right Hands upon their Breasts, and bending their Bodies as if they had done them great obeisance, to salute them by name, and in dirision to welcome them by the names of va∣liant Popes. But afterwards, when he had more particularly enquired what every one of them was, it is reported that he most of all detested Ladislaus Salcanius the great Bishop of Strigonium, for his miserable Covetousness, that being a man of infinite Wealth, refused to spare part thereof unto his Sovereign, requesting the same at his great need. Tomoreus he blamed of inconsiderate rashnesh, for that he being a Clergy-man, would busie himself so far in matters not belonging to his vocation: On the contrary part, he commend∣ed Franciscus Perenus Bishop of Veradium, a man honourably descended,* 10.25 for his wise Counsel (though it was not followed) for that he had heard it reported, that he as a true Prophet fore∣telling the common slaughter ensuing, had sharp∣ly said in the Counsel at such time as Tomoreus would needs fight with the Turks, and was not by any means to be removed from that his fatal opinion, That he did foresee what that their Frier-like General would the next day do; and that he would with so great an enterprise effect no more, but to make one Holyday the more in the Christians Calendar, in remembrance of thirty thousand Hungarian Martyrs, most mise∣rably slain of the Turk in an unequal battel, for defence of the Christian Faith and Religion (for at that time, they which willingly exposed themselves to death in defence of the Christian Faith, were all accounted for Martyrs;) Georgius Sepusius and the others, he called rash Fools, that would adventure with so small strength to in∣counter so strong an Enemy. At such time as the Counterfeits of King Lewis and Mary his Wife were shewed unto him, he honourably said, That he was sorry for the young King,* 10.26 that it was his evil hap to have so unadvised Counsel∣lors in a matter of so great importance, as to perswade him against all reason to fight at so great disadvantage; and that he came not into Hun∣gary to take his Kingdom from him, but only to revenge the wrongs done unto him by the Hun∣garians; and that if he had escaped the danger of the Battel, he would assuredly have again restored unto him the Kingdom of Hungary, contenting himself with some small Tribute; and that it should have been unto him honour enough to have saved the Nephew of Sigismund King of Polonia his Confederate, so strongly allied with the honourable House of Austria. All which he commanded to be told to Mary the Queen, who was for fear fled from Buda to Possonium. Which might perhaps all seem to have been either dis∣semblingly spoken, or falsly reported of the E∣quity and Courtesie of the barbarous King, if he had not shortly afterwards to the ample declara∣tion of his Bounty and liberality, without any desert, given the same Kingdom of Hungary to Ioannes Sepusius, not born of any Royal Blood, and then retaining the mind of a very Enemy. After that, he took away three goodly Images of Brass of ancient workmanship, which were placed in the entrance into the Kings Palace, by that renowned King Mathias Corvinus the great favourer of rare Qualities and Vertues; these Images represented the forms of Hercules with his Club, of Apollo with his Harp, and Diana with her Bow and Quiver, all which he placed in the Tilt-yard at Constantinople, as a Trophy of the Hungarian Victory. Howbeit these Images were since taken down by the perswasion of the Mu••ti, and molten (as contrary to their Superstition) and great Ordnance made of them. He carried also away with him three Pieces of Artillery of most excellent and curious workmanship; and certain brasen Pillars of chamfred work, which supported the Chapiters of the Gates. He tar∣ried at Buda about twenty days; in which time to satisfie the cruel nature and greedy desires of his Souldiers, he sent out divers Troops of Horse∣men into the Country thereabout, by whom all the Country betwixt Rab and the River of Tibyscus was by that suddain and unexpected incursion so destroyed, that it is reported that above an hundred and fifty thousand People of all sorts were either slain or led away into most miserable Captivity. All which done, he re∣turned again by the same way he came to Con∣stantinople.

About the same time Ioannes Sepusius Vayvod of Transylvania,* 10.27 with a great power came now too late into Hungary to have aided the King; but glad, as was thought, of his death, as tend∣ing to his own advancement; forasmuch as he was now (the King being dead without issue) a man of greatest account among the Nobility of Hun∣gary. Wherefore as one of a deep and reaching Wit, and in great hope to obtain the Kingdom, he began cunningly to labour divers of the No∣blemen one by one, and instantly to request them, that at the next Parliament they would not be∣tray the Honour of their Country, in suffering the Royal Dignity of that ancient Kingdom to be transferred unto a stranger, of such a Nation as happily loved them not; for why the Hungarians ought well to remember what great calamities

they had received in former times, in chusing foreign Kings and Strangers to rule over them, and in following their unfortunate Ensigns against the Turks; which thing the woful miseries of times past might notably prove; which either Si∣gismundus of Bohemia, or Ladislaus the first, of Po∣lonia, by their unfortunate Battels, once at Nico∣polis, again at Columbarium, and last of all at Varna; had brought unto the Hungarians. But to speak, nay once to remember the harms re∣ceived by the long Cowardize of Ladislaus, or this late rashness of his Son King Lewis, would make any noble mind to blush and be ashamed; under whose Government all Military Discipline, and the Glory of Hungary, might well be thought to be utterly lost. And he said there remained of the Nobility of Hungary, men honourably descended of most ancient Houses, worthy of the Kingdom, which bare noble minds, and were of sufficient Courage, Discretion, and Power, in this time of common heaviness to restore the honour of the Estate, and worthily to defend the Kingdom; amongst whom (said he) I would not be accounted so base minded, or heavy headed (although there be many which for the honour of their Houses and Wealth may seem to go be∣fore me) that I will therefore confess, that any of them is for Valour, Prowess, or Fortune, bet∣ter than my self, either for conducting of an Ar∣my, or government of a Kingdom; for I shall be a King of Courage and Valour sufficient, if by your favourable good Will I shall be thought worthy of your consent and sufferages. The Vayvod taking this course, by his earnest sute and labour had won the good Wills of many; and so much the easier, for that Stephanus Bator (a man of greatest Nobility among the Hungarians) was a little before gone into Bohemia unto King Fer∣dinand, who was then greatly busied (by reason of a Parliament there summoned) in procuring the favour of the Nobility and Commons of that Realm, against the time of the Parliament, where∣in he was in good hope to be chosen King; as he was in short time after.

At the same time the Hungarians were with great solemnity celebrating the Funeral of their late King; whose dead Body after the depar∣ture of Solyman from Buda, was found whole, by the demonstration of one Cotriscus, one of the Squires of his body, who was present when he was drowned;* 10.28 and so was brought out of the Fens of Mohatchz to Alba Regalis, where it was with great Pomp buried amongst the Sepulchers of the other Kings of Hungary his Predecessors. Which solemn Funeral once ended, the general Military Parliament (by the Authority and Voice whereof the Kings of Hungary were by their an∣cient Laws and Customs to be chosen) was cal∣led; in the shutting up whereof, Iohn the Vayvod having in that common heaviness no Competitor, nor any of the greatest Nobility which durst stand against him, was with the great applause and consent of all there present chosen King. To whom, forthwith Petrus Perennus came and pre∣sented the ancient Crown of the Kingdom of Hungary, which was in his keeping, made after an homely fashion of pure Gold; with which the lawful Kings of Hungary used alwaies to be solemnly crowned. It is reported that it was the Crown of Stephanus first King of Hungary, and was by an ancient Custom alwaies kept in the Castle of Vicegrade.* 10.29 And so Iohn the Vayvod was orderly crowned, and consecrated by the hands of Paulus Bishop of Strigonium, lately chosen instead of Ladislaus Salcanius, slain in the Battel at Mugace, and by the hands of Stephanus Broda∣ricus Bishop of Vacia, whom he chose for his Se∣cretary. And unto Americus Cibachus he gave the honour of the Vayvod of Transilvania, be∣ing but a little before chosen Bishop of Veradium. In his preferment, he was greatly holpen unto the Kingdom by the Nobility which followed him out of Transylvania, men of great account both in Peace and War; amongst whom de∣scended of the Hungarian Blood, were chief, Stephanus Verbetius, Paulus Antandrus, Gregorius Peschenius, Nicholaus Glessa, and Ianus Docia. But whilst this new King is in this sort busied in rewarding his Friends, and strengthning himself in his Kingdom, he was advertised that Ferdi∣nand his Competitor of the Hungarian King∣dom was chosen King of Bohemia; who out of the old controversie betwixt Mathias Corvinus and Fredericus the Emperors great Grandfather, alledged great claim unto that Kingdom, de∣rived from the time of Ladislaus,* 10.30 who was re∣ported to have been poisoned at the time of the solemnization of his Marriage, through the ambition and malice of Georgius Pogibracius; who affecting the Kingdom of Bohemia, shortly after obtained the same. And now it seemed that the time was come, wherein Ferdinand made greater with the Kingdom of Bohemia, and strengthned with the power of his Brother Charles the Empe∣ror, not forgetting his Right, might upon good ground lay claim unto the Kingdom of Hungary, unto him (as he pretended) of right belong∣ing ever since the time of Albertus the Emperor. Neither did Ferdinand, beside the strength of Au∣stria and Bohemia, want the furtherance of di∣vers of the Princes of Hungary; having in his Court many of unquiet Spirit, half Fugitives, desirous of change, which envied at the Vayvods Royal Preferment (as if it had been taken from themselves, more worthy thereof than he) by the rash and tumultuous favour of the Vulgar People. For besides Bator, who in most Mens judgment might most worthily have required and obtained the Kingdom, there were others also almost of like Nobility and Valour, as Va∣lentius Tauraccus, Stephanus Maylatus, Ianus Scala, Gasper Scredius, Baltasor Pamphilus, and Ferentius Gnarius; to whom also was joyned Paulus Ba∣chitius born in Servia, a valiant Gentleman, who being entred into the Mahometan Reli∣gion, to avoid the Turkish Slavery, got away unto the Christians, and hardly escaped from the Battel of Mohatchz. By the perswasion of these Noblemen, Ferdinand of his own disposi∣tion ready enough to claim his Right, especi∣ally a Kingdom, and trusting unto his Strength in Austria, Bohemia, Rhetia, Stiria, and Carynthia, marched directly towards Buda. With whose coming, Iohn the new King being wonderful∣ly troubled, as a man beset with want of all things, having neither sufficient Strength where∣upon to rest in his new got Kingdom, neither any great assurance of the Fidelity of his Sub∣jects, like enough either for fear, or of their natural inconstancy, to fall from him, deter∣mined not to abide the coming of his Enemy to Buda; but exhorting his Captains to follow him, although he were glad to depart and give place to his evil Fortune for a time, with such Power as he had brought with him out of Tran∣sylvania, and such other as he could otherwise levy, he passed over the River to Pestum; and not daring any where thereabouts to rest, by long marches passed over the River Tibiscus, and there encamped at Tocai, which was a strong Castle upon the further side of the River.* 10.31 His departure being known, Ferdinand marching on, obtained Buda without resistance; where he staid a while, and consulted with his Captains,

Whether he should pursue his flying Enemy, or not. But it was quickly resolved, That the dis∣couraged Enemy was to be speedily pursued, before he should gather greater strength, or enter into greater Policies. Wherefore Ferdinand commit∣ted all his Army unto the Nobility of Hungary▪ his Friends, whom we have before named; who marching with all speed possible, came to the Ri∣ver Tibiscus; where passing over upon a Bridge made of Boats which they brought with them in Waggons for that purpose, they came with Ensigns displaied unto the Castle of Tocai, where the King lay with his Army in order of Battel. But terrified with the suddain coming of his E∣nemies, and debating with his Captains of the greatness of the danger, took a course unto him∣self rather safe than honourable, for his Captains desiring nothing more than to joyn Battel, and in manner contemning their Enemies, perswaded him to withdraw himself a little out of the Battel, and to keep him out of danger; and if things fell out otherwise than well, to reserve himself unto his better fortunes; as for them∣selves they would most resolutely fight against those traiterous Fugitives, forasmuch as it were great dishonour for them, being Hungarians, a warlike People by nature, to refuse Battel be∣ing offered by the Enemy. Amongst the Chief∣tains of the Kings Army, Ferentius Bodo an old Captain of great experience and courage was chief, to whom the King delivered his Ensign with his own hands, and he with great skill ordered his Battel, for the number of his Soul∣diers; he himself stood in the main Battel with the Hungarians, placing the Transylvanians in the Wings. In Ferdinands Army, Valentinus Tu∣raccus led the main Battel with the Hungari∣ans, under Ferdinands Ensign; strengthned on the one side with Troops of Horsemen out of Syria, and on the other, with the Horsemen of Austria. But Paulus Bachitius (according to the manner of the Turkish Wars, wherewith he was well acquainted) with a Company of Light-Horsemen lay close in ambush in a con∣venient place for that purpose, a good distance off, against the left Wing of the Enemies Ar∣my, ready as occasion should serve, to take his most advantage. It was not greatly needful for the Captains to use any perswasions to en∣courage their Souldiers, ready enough of them∣selves to fight. The great Ordnance once dis∣charged,* 10.32 the Armies came fast on and joyned Battel, where the Wings of both Battels fought with divers fortune. The Styrian Horsemen were not able to endure the force of the Tran∣sylvanians, but were put to the worse. And on the other side, the left Wing of Bodo his Army, consisting for most part of raw and unexpert Souldiers, was by the Horsemen of Austria over∣thrown. At the same time both the main Battels (being almost all Hungarians) fought with equal courage, and that so eagerly, as seldom had been seen a more fierce or cruel Battel. But by a fresh charge given by Ferdinands Horsemen, who had now put to flight the right Wing of Bodo his Battel, all Bodo his Army fighting most va∣liantly, was disordered and put to flight; Bodo the General labouring to restore the Battel, and to save the Ensign to him before by the King delivered, was by the coming in of Paulus Ba∣chitius with his Light-Horsemen taken. The other Captains seeing all lost, and past hope of recovery, betook themselves to flight; all the Kings Artillery and Ensigns were taken by the Enemy. The King seeing the overthrow of his Army,* 10.33 for safeguard of his life fled into Polo∣nia. Ferdinands Captains following the course of the Victory, entred into Transylvania; where the People yielding themselves at the first, all the whole Province submitted it self unto the Authority of Ferdinand. Bodo and the rest of the Noblemen that were taken Prisoners, with the Ensigns taken from the Enemies, were sent to Ferdinand. But when Bodo having his liberty promised, could not be perswaded to renounce his Oath given to King Iohn, and to bear. Arms against him, he was by Ferdinand his command∣ment cast into a dark Dungeon, where shortly af∣ter consumed with sorrow and grief, he misera∣bly ended his life.

Shortly after, Ferdinand (the Hungarians ge∣nerally submitting themselves unto him) was by their common consent saluted King,* 10.34 and crowned with the same old Crown wherewith King Iohn had been crowned, which the same Perenus (a man of little constancy) brought un∣to him; and with him was also crowned Ann his Wife, the only Sister of the late King Lewis. All which solemn ceremonies were celebrated at Alba Regalis, the usual place for the Corona∣tion of the Hungarian Kings. Ferdinand by rare felicity thus possessed of two Kingdoms, where∣unto he was not born, returned into Bohemia, and left his Deputies for the Government of the Kingdom of Hungary; these were Stephanus Bator, whom he appointed Viceroy, with whom he joyned Paulus Bishop of Strigonium, who had also revolted from King Iohn; and made Be∣rethsaxtus Secretary, and Alexius Tursonus a Mora∣vian, Treasurer.

King Iohn thus miserably distressed, and thrust out of his Kingdom by Ferdinand, fled to Hiero∣nimus Lascus, a man for his honourable descent and learned vertue, of great fame and reputa∣tion amongst the Polonians; who glad of so honourable a Guest, was more careful of no∣thing, than with all possible kindness and courtesie how to comfort him, wrapt up in so many ca∣lamities with the loss of his Kingdom; he frank∣ly promised unto him all his own Wealth (which was not small) for the recovery of his former estate; and that which more was, for the re∣viving of his former felicity, the uttermost of his Wit and Device, which in the compassing of all great matters was accounted wonderful. That bountiful entertainment of this poor King by Lascus, was not altogether unpleasant to Si∣gismund King of Polonia, although (because he would not offend Ferdinand, with whom he was joyned in Friendship and Alliance) he seemed to most men plainly to forget himself, in shewing so small kindness unto King Iohn, whose Sister Barbara he had sometime married; which was the cause that Lascus forgot no point of courtesie in entertaining his Guest, and yet the credit of Sigismund with King Ferdinand not toucht. But when they had spent almost a month in con∣sultation,* 10.35 and debating of matters too and fro, Lascus accustomed with his deep Wit sharply to reason, and advisedly to determine of most weighty causes, at last rested upon this one point, That ready help in so hard and desperate a case was only to be hoped for of the Turkish Emperor Solyman; being of opinion, that he be∣ing a most mighty Prince and of an honourable disposition, answerable to his greatness, would not reject the humble Prayers of an oppressed and exiled King; especially, if that being by his mercy and power restored, he could be content for so great a benefit to hold his Kingdom, as of the bounty of the Othoman Kings. For Las∣cus saw that Solyman (so great and proud an Emperor) was not so desirous of Kingdoms (whereof he had so many as could not easily

be reckoned, then commanding over a great part of the World) as of glory and renown, where∣with he understood him to be wonderfully de∣lighted above all other Kings of the East, natural∣ly carried away with that windy vanity. This Counsel (as in effect it proved) was unto King Iohn wholsome and reasonable, if a man do but respect the poor Estate of a King, so greatly wronged, living in exile, but respecting the Chri∣stian Common-Weal, it was undoubtedly most dangerous and lamentable, for one mans particu∣lar profit to bring the whole State into most dread∣ful and horrible danger; but the sick minds of worldly men, living in small hope of doing well, and at the point of desparation, refuse no worldly remedies, be they never so doubtful or dangerous. And not long after, upon this resolution with the King,* 10.36 Lascus desirous by noble actions to encrease the honour of his name, took the matter upon him, and went as Embassador from the exiled King to Solyman to Constantinople. The report was, that Sigismund did not only not stay him, but secretly gave him his safe conduct with Let∣ters of Credence, wherein he commended him unto the Bassaes and other great men in Solymans Court, descended of the Polonian Blood, as his faithful and loving Subject sent thither upon an extraordinary and special Embassage. Lascus as soon as he was come to Constantinople, with won∣derful dexterity had in short time won the Fa∣vour, not of the Bassaes only, but of the other Courtiers also; presenting them with such Gifts as might for the fineness and rareness thereof, rather than for the value (as he thought) be most acceptable and pleasing to their Wives; for amongst that barbarous and corrupted People nothing is better welcome than Gifts, whether they proceed of simple good Will, or other re∣spect, is no great difference. Amongst the great Bassaes at that time of greatest Power and Autho∣rity, was Luftebeius, or rather Lutzis, who had mar∣ried Solymans Sister;* 10.37 and Abraham born at Praga, a base Village in Acarnania, brought up in the Court from his Childhood with Solyman; he was then Visier or chief of the Bassaes, and Keeper of the Emperors Seal, and was by his office to subscribe all such Grants or Letters as passed from the Emperor; by which his great place and special favour he had with Solyman, he in Magnificence, Power and Authority far ex∣ceeded all the rest of the Bassaes, doing whatso∣ever pleased himself; and that with such Sove∣reignty and the good liking of Solyman, that it was commonly said, he was the commander of his thoughts. Lascus thus insinuated into the Court, and oftentimes talking with the Bassaes without an Interpreter, for that he could well speak the Sclavonian Tongue (the familiar speech of the Turkish Courtiers) earnestly solicited the Kings cause, wonderfully commending him; for at his first coming, after he had saluted Solyman, and was about to have declared the cause of his coming, he was after the manner of the Turkish Court referred to the Bassaes; for Solyman used not to admit any Christian to talk with him in his Court. Lascus requested of Solyman, by the Bassaes, That King Iohn wrongfully thrust out of his Kingdom by Ferdinand Duke of Austria,* 10.38 and the Treason of certain of the Hungarians, might by the Turkish power be again restored unto the Kingdom of Hungary, which he would hold by homage of the Turkish Emperor, as of right belonging unto him, since the time that Solyman with victorious hand revenging his wrongs, and subduing his Enemies, had by Law of Arms (For∣tune so judging) gained the same. Promising that King Iohn, who for his worthiness was by the general good liking of the Hungarians lawfully chosen to be their King, and so after the ancient manner of that Kingdom crowned; if he were now received into Solymans Protection, and by him restored, should never forget so great a be∣nefit, but always most faithfully and thankfully to honour the Majesty of Solyman, paying him such yearly Tribute as it should please him to impose, and to make it known to all men, that he was his Vassal. Which thing if it would please him to grant, it should be no less honour and glory to Solyman himself, than profitable and comfortable unto the distressed King. For beside, that he∣roical Kings are compared unto Gods, rather for giving than receiving; it was easie to be seen, how greatly it did concern the profit of the Otho∣man Kings to be neighboured with a weak and tributary King rather than with Ferdinand, a Prince of great Power, lately chosen King of Bohemia, supported by the strength of his Brother Charles the Emperor, commanding over the warlike Na∣tion of the Germans; which was as much dif∣ference as was betwixt the maintenance of a con∣tinual heavy War upon his Borders, and the safe enjoying of a most assured Peace. Beside that, it concerned the Turks to beware, that such things as they had got by the Sword, they should also by the Sword defend; and not to suffer any one to grow greater than the rest in Riches and Power. For it might so fall out, that Charles, grown to be a Prince of mighty Power, might draw the rest of the Christian Princes to join with him in the common cause of the Christian Religion, and in that quarrel, as the Christian Kings of Europe had in former time done, with united Forces to seek to recover again what they had before lost; whose Force it would be hard to withstand. These things being sharply delivered, and by the Bassaes again reported unto Solyman, who standing at a secret Window, had before heard them as they were by Lascus to the Bassaes declared; it was no great labour to perswade the Turkish Emperor, of himself desirous of Glory and Sovereignty, again to undertake the Hungarian War,* 10.39 and to grant King Iohn his request, promising accord∣ing to the success of the Victory to give him that he desired, that he would faithfully perform what he had promised, and not shew himself therefore unthankful.

In the mean time, Ferdinand upon great reason thinking it necessary by all means possible to confirm himself in possession of the Kingdom of Hungary; and fearing no force but the Turks, determined to prove Solymans disposition, and to seek for his Friendship; hoping by reasonable means to compass it,* 10.40 by shewing unto the bar∣barous Prince (not altogether abhorring from the commendation of Justice) his ancient Title and Claim, and that he was by the ancient Laws of the Country right Heir thereof; thinking that Solyman having obtained so many Victories, and ruling over so many Kingdoms, would now at length give himself to Peace, as a man contented with his glory already gotten. His desire was, to be received into his Friendship, and to joyn with him in League upon the same conditions which Ladislaus and his Son Lewis had for certain years before obtained of the Othoman Kings, and Sigismund King of Polonia then also with like qui∣etness enjoyed. Wherefore having found out a fit man, whom he might send upon this Embas∣sage to Constantinople (one Ioannes Oberdanscus, a Hungarian) he furnished him accordingly, and gave him Gifts, such as he thought good to be∣••tow upon the great Bassaes. But when Oberdans∣cus was come unto Constantinople, he found Soly∣man harder to be intreated than he had before

hoped, and the Bassaes altogether unwilling to hear of any League; for although he was cour∣teously received of Solyman, and most patiently heard, whilst he both eloquently and discreetly before the great Bassaes, delivered his Embassage; yet in the shutting up of all, he received no more but a proud and insolent answer; for So∣lyman said,* 10.41 it was far from the manner of his Ancestors, to receive them into grace and favour which had done injury to the Othoman name; wherefore that Ferdinand had done impudently to invade another mans Kingdom, and to think to hold it to himself; forasmuch as his old Title and Claim which he stood so much upon, was altogether extinguished and lost by Law of Arms, by his late Victory against King Lewis; for which causes he adjudged him unworthy of his Friendship and Favour, purposing sharply to re∣venge the wrong he had received; and pro∣claiming War, to come again into Hungary with such a power as should be sufficient to invade Ferdinand, either in Austria or Germany. Where∣fore instead of Friendship and League he de∣nounced unto him all the calamities of War; and so commanded the Embassador with speed to depart from Constantinople. But Oberdanscus when he was come back again as far as Vienna, and had there told the Kings Lieutenants of the threatning words of Solyman, and that he would shortly come thither with his Army, he was not of any of them believed, but reputed for a vain man. Wherefore to shun the hatred of them which mistook truth for falshood, he made hast to come to Ferdinand, who was then at Spires, labouring for voices to further his suit, for that at the next Assembly of the States of the Em∣pire, which was then at hand for the Coronation of his Brother Charles, he himself as he well hoped, was to be chosen King of the Romans. The News brought by Oberdanscus, did not a lit∣tle trouble King Ferdinand, foreseeing as it were what would happen; for that the Turkish Ty∣rant used not lightly to break such promises, but to perform them to the uttermost; and that more encreased his care, he knew he should come in evil time to crave help of the Germans, for the defence of his Kingdom in Hungary a∣gainst so mighty an Enemy, especially his Bro∣ther Charles the Emperor being busied in his Wars in Italy, and he himself wanting Mony, the on∣ly means to raise an Army to withstand the Turk. [year 1529.] The Spring now come, and all things fresh and green, Solyman altering nothing of his former determination,* 10.42 having levied an Army of an hundred and fifteen thousand men, set forward from Hadrianople, his Europeian Horse∣men going before him conducted by Abraham the great Bassa, and Achomates Michael-Ogli, General of the Acanzij or voluntary Horsemen; and his Asian Souldiers led by Becrambeius Bassa following after him; he himself with his Janiza∣ries and Souldiers of the Court keeping in the middle. And marching on in this sort, came in fifteen daies to Belgrade,* 10.43 where King Iohn ac∣companied with Lascus and such of the Hun∣garian Nobility as took his part, came unto him, of purpose to make himself known unto him which was to protect him; and doing him all the honour he possibly could, to request him to proceed to revenge his quarrel. Solyman with grave and yet friendly countenance, raising him∣self a little from the Cushion whereon he sate, gave him his right hand, protesting, That no∣thing could happen unto him better, or that he more desired of God, than to be able to relieve distressed Princes, especially such as were wrong∣fully oppressed by his Enemies; wherefore he willed him to be of good comfort, promising of his bounty frankly to bestow upon him whatso∣ever he should in that War win with the Sword from the Enemy. King Iohn obtained this rare favour of Solyman by the earnest mediation of Abraham the commanding Bassa; whom he had before at Constantinople by his Embassador Lascus so now with Gifts and Requests, that he throughly took upon him the defence of the Kings cause; wherein Lascus was especially holpen by Aloysius Grittus the Duke of Venice his Son, who then followed the Turks Camp, and was for his Fa∣thers sake and the great sufficiency he held him∣self, had in great reputation amongst the Turks; and in such favour with Abraham, who did all in all with Solyman, that he could perswade him to any thing he would. For this Aloysius Grittus, born and brought up in Constantinople, and won∣derful eloquent in the Turkish Tongue, had by the honourable carriage of himself, and the great Port he kept in his House, so throughly possessed Abraham (that all commanded) that he would many times bring Solyman himself over the Ha∣ven to Pera, to solace himself in Grittus his plea∣sant Gardens and Banqueting Houses, which he had there most sumptuously made after the Italian manner; whereby to his great profit he obtained to be the chief man in receiving of the Turks Customs.

The fame of Solymans coming directly from Belgrade to Buda, so terrified the Citizens of Buda, that they almost all forsook the City and fled unto other places further off, some to Stri∣gonium, some to Alba Regalis, some to Possonium; so that at his first coming he entred the City (almost desolate) without any resistance;* 10.44 the Castle holden by a Garrison of Germans, he commanded to be besieged. The Captain of the Castle was one Thomas Nadastus, a man of great account among the Hungarians, both for the honour of his House, and his qualities answer∣able to the same, graced with singular Learning; he perceiving his Souldiers dismaied with the sight of so great an Army, and willing to surrender up the Castle; as beseemed a valiant Captain, for∣bad his Souldiers to have any talk with the Ene∣my, commanded the great Artillery to be bent and discharged upon the Turks; and seeing his Souldiers slack and timerous, reproved them of Cowardise and Treason, threatning them with shameful death if they did not hold out the Siege to the uttermost, and shew themselves valiant men, both for the honour of their Coun∣try, and of King Ferdinand whose Pay they re∣ceived, and of whose bounty they were to ex∣pect Rewards and Preferments answerable to their Deserts. But they misdoubting by the run∣ning too and fro of the Turks, that the Castle was undermined; and smelling, or at leastwise imagin∣ing themselves to smell the sent of the Gunpowder, which they supposed to be in the Mine, and doubting to be presently blown up; were struck with such a suddain fear, that neither the fear of future punishment, neither the shame of so foul a Fact, nor the reverence of so worthy a Captain could stay them, but that they would needs without further delay deliver up the Castle; which when they could by no means perswade the resolute Captain to consent to, but that he still with stern Countenance exclaimed against their Cowardise and Treason, they laid hands on him, and bound him Hand and Foot, and so presently con∣cluded with the Enemy to yield to him the Castle, so that they might in safety depart thence with Bag and Baggage; which their Request Soly∣man granted. But when the Garrison Souldiers (in number about seven hundred) were about to

depart with their baggage towards Possonium, as was before agreed; and the Janizaries coming into the Castle, having loosed the Captain, were about to let him go also; Solyman advertised of the treachery of the Garrison Souldiers▪ and of the Fidelity of the Captain, changing his mind, judged such villanous minded men unworthy of his mercy, and in detestation of their perfideous dealing with their Captain, gave them all to his Janizaries to be slain;* 10.45 but to the Captain himself he offered honourable entertainment, which when he refused, Solyman courteously sent him away; holpen therein by the commendation of King Iohn, although his Sister was married to Stephanus Maylat his deadly Enemy. Which bloody execution done by the commandment of the bloody Tyrant, the Turks said was not only lawfully done, but also to the immortal glory of his name in the execution of Justice; which might peradventure seem reasonable, if the per∣petual hatred of that most barbarous Nation a∣gainst the Christians gave not just occasion of suspect, that it proceeded rather of their ancient malice, than of any regard of Justice. For why should the Germans, who had offended to his great good, and therefore obtained his safe conduct, be thought worthy of so cruel death? when as Soly∣man himself in punishing the perjury of another, ran into wilful perjury himself; perverting the commendation of Justice which he so much de∣sired, by his most bloody and unjust sentence.

Buda the chief City of H••ngary thus taken by Solyman, he resolved forthwith to besiege Vienna the chief City of Austria; in good hope, that by the carriage away of that, the other Cities of less strength both of Hungary and Austria would with∣out any resistance be yielded unto him. Where∣fore he sent before him Achometes with the volun∣tary Horsemen, who according to the manner of the Turkish Wars, running through the heart of Hungary,* 10.46 and entring with Fire and Sword into Austria, passed by Vienna, miserably burning and destroying the Country before him as far as Lyntz. The poor People not knowing where to hide themselves from the fury of their Enemies, nor of whom to crave help, fled as Men and Women dismaied, carrying with them their beloved Chil∣dren, the unfortunate pledges of their love, and what else they could, as things saved out of the midst of the Fire. For whatsoever fell into the Enemies hand, was lost without recure; the old men were slain, the young men led away into Captivity, Women ravished before their Husbands faces, and afterwards slain with their Children, young Infants were ript out of their Mothers Wombs, and others taken from their Breasts were cut in pieces, or else thr••••t upon sharp Stakes, yielding up again that breath which they had but a little before received; with many other incre∣dible Cruelties, which were then by the merciless Enemy committed. Solyman himself shortly after followed these forerunners, and seting forward with all his Army from Buda towards Vienna, by the way took the Castle of Altenbourg, whether by force or composition,* 10.47 is diversly reported; of the Garrison Souldiers there placed by King Fer∣dinand, he reserved three hundred Bohemians, whom he commanded to follow his Camp. He also assaulted the little City of Neapolis seven times in one day, and was as often repulsed; but being loath to spend any longer time about a Town of so small importance he forsook that, and held on his way to Vienna, whither he came about the six and twentieth day of September, and incamped in five places round about the City,* 10.48 with such a World of People, that unto them which viewed his Camp from the highest Tower in Vienna, it seemed that the ground was for the space of eight miles all covered with the multitude of his Tents and People. King Fer∣dinand, who from the time that he had by his Embassador Oberdanscus received the hard answer from Solyman, alwaies stood in doubt of his coming; and beside his own Forces (which were not great to oppose against so mighty an Enemy) craved Aid of the Christian Princes his Neighbours, especially of the Princes of the Empire; Who granting him Aid against the com∣mon Enemy, appointed Frederick Count Palatine of Rhene and Duke of Bavaria, General of their Forces. But whilst the Germans after their manner, slowly set forward, and made less hast than the greatness of the present danger re∣quired; Solyman coming in the mean time, had so belaid the City, that it was not possible for Duke Fredrick by any means to get into it, but was glad to stay with his Army at Chremse about twelve miles from Vienna. A few days before by good hap, upon the report of the loss of Buda, twenty thousand Souldiers Horse∣men and Footmen out of divers Countries, were in good time come to Vienna: Amongst these, the chief Commanders was Philip the Pals∣grave, Duke Fredericks Nephew (a young Gen∣tleman of great Courage and Hope, sent thi∣ther but a little before with a few Companies of Horsemen and Footmen by Frederick his Uncle, who was coming after with a great power himself, but was now shut out of the City by Solyman) Nicholaus Count of Salma, the Lord William Rogendorff, Steward of the Kings Hous∣hold, Ioannes Cazzianer, a noble man of Croa∣tia, and afterwards Governor of Vienna; and next unto them, Nicholaus Turrianus, Ioannes Har∣decus, Leonardus Velsius, Hector Ramsack, Men both for their Birth and Valour of great account amongst the G••••mans.* 10.49 The City of Vienna as it was of some good strength toward the North, by reason of Danubius, so in other places it was at that time neither by Art nor Nature strong. The Ditches, such as they were, were altoge∣ther dry, and easie to be passed over; the Walls of Brick, built round without any Flankers, and neither high nor thick; but after the ancient simple manner of Fortification of Cities, for be∣fore that time neither had King Ferdinand, fear∣ing no Enemy, neither they of Vienna, who had not of many years seen an Enemy, had any care to fortifie the City; but as men altogether buried in security, and nothing fearing the coming of so mighty an Enemy (although they were thereof before admonished by Oberdanscus) had not so much as cast up any Rampier or Bul∣wark, more than at the Gate of Carinthia, where∣on they might conveniently place their great Ordnance; so that of an hundred great Pieces, and three hundred others of less charge, which might have wonderfully annoyed the Enemy, a great part served to no use for want of conve∣nient place to mount them upon. Yet as the suddain coming of the Enemy, and the shortness of the time gave leave, such Bulwarks as they could upon the suddain, they cast up, and plant∣ed their Ordnance thereon. The City was di∣vided into divers quarters, and to every part a strong Garrison appointed for the defence thereof; all the Gates of the City were mured up, except such as were of purpose reserved to sally out at. Now had Abraham the great Bassa encamped him∣self upon an high Hill, where stood a ruinous Castle, from whence he might overlook all the City; yet so, as that he lay out of danger of Gun shot. Becrambeius, Solymans great Commander in Asia, lay at the Gate called P••rgatoria, near the

Church of Saint Ulderich. In the third Camp towards the rising of the Hills, lay Michael-Ogli, towards the Church of Saint Vitus. At the Scot∣tish Gate toward Danubius, lay the Aspi, with divers Companies of the Janizaries; which with Shot out of their Trenches, suffered no man to appear upon the Walls in that quarter without most manifest danger, and poured such showers of Arrows over the Walls into City, as if they had fallen out of the Clouds; that hardly could any man stir in the City unarmed, but he was forthwith wounded. Solyman himself lay near unto Saint Marks Church, compassed about with the Janizaries and other Souldiers of the Court, defended also with the brick Walls of the Gar∣dens thereabouts. Whilst the Turks were thus incamping themselves, the Christian Defendants oftentimes fortunately sallied out upon them, and slew many of them. In one of which sallies Wolfgangus Hagen a valiant Captain, with cetain old Souldiers of the Spaniards, was slain fighting most valiantly at the Gates of the Castle; and in another skirmish Christopherus Zetlitz a man of great courage, sallying out of the City with five hundred Horsemen, even unto the Ene∣mies Trenches, was intercepted and taken with six others of his Company; who were all com∣pelled by the Turks to carry so many Heads of their slain Fellows upon Poles, and so presented unto Solyman; of whom he inquired many things as well concerning Ferdinand himself, and where he was, as concerning the Princes which had the charge of the City, whether they were in hope to defend the same against his mighty power or not. Whereunto Christopherus aptly and wisely answered, although not altogether so truly, That King Ferdinand lay not far off at the City of Lintz, expecting the Assembly of a great Army; and that the Princes of Ger∣many, Bohemia, Moravia, and of divers other places were coming unto him, with great Aid; so that if he would but stay a little until his Forces were come together, he should then see whether of them were of great Strength and Power; forasmuch as it would not be long be∣fore the King would come and give him Battel: as for the Princes in the City, he said, he knew no more of their minds, but that both they and all the Souldiers from the highest to the lowest, had solemnly sworn to defend the City, and not to give it over, unto the last man, reposing their hope not in the Walls and Fortresses thereof, but in their Weapons and Valour, being men of great resolution, and not easily to be vanquished or dis∣couraged. With which answer although Soly∣man was a little moved, yet dissembling his pre∣sent heat, said, he had hitherto made War against divers Nations, and alwaies had the Victory, whereof he doubted not now also; but as for him and the others taken with him, they knew they were in his power to save or kill at his pleasure; yet to make them know that he could shew mer∣cy unto his vanquished Enemies,* 10.50 he frankly grant∣ed them their lives and liberty; charging them, that after they were again returned into the City, they should in his name wish the Defendants of themselves to yield up the City, which it was im∣possible for them long to defend against his mighty power, which neither the strong City of Belgrade, nor the famous City of the Rhodes were able to withstand; and to accept of such reason∣able conditions as he should grant unto them; promising that amongst other things proceeding of his infinite bounty, he would take order, that they should in safety depart thence with bag and baggage; in which doing, they should well provide for the safety of themselves and of their Goods, by flying unto his mercy in time, before the fury of the War was grown to fur∣ther extremity; all which it would be too late to expect after the Victory; when nothing was to be hoped for but cruel death, murther, and miserable destruction. Wherefore, it were good for them well to consider of the matter, and not foolishly to refuse that was now frankly offered them of mercy, which they should not after∣wards obtain with any Prayers or Tears; for why, he was resolutely set down (as he said) not to depart thence before he had taken the City. When he had thus schooled them, he gave unto every one of them three Hungarian Ducats, and so sent them away. They being received into the City with great joy, made relation unto the Princes and great Captains, of all the threatning and proud speeches of the Turkish Tyrant; which they took in such disdain, that they would not vouchsafe to return him any answer. Solyman not a little displeased, that his great words were so lightly regarded, by way of derision sent word to the City, That if they wanted help, he would send them the three hundred Bohemians, whom he took in the Castle of Altenbourg; to whom answer was returned by them of the City, That they needed no help from him, wherefore he might dispose of his Prisoners as he thought good. By this, Solyman perceived, that Vienna was not to be won with words, nor the Defendants to be discouraged with great looks; wherefore he began to use his Force, and with such Ordnance as he had brought with him to batter the Walls; which because it was not great, but fitter for service in Field than for battery, did not much more harm than to beat down the Battlements and such like standings, made of Timber and Boards in manner of Galleries, hanging here and there over the Wall, for the small Shot to play out of, a simple device instead of Flankers. His great Artillery provided for battery was coming up the River of Danubius, which he dayly looked for; but by good hap, Wolfgangus Hoder, a forward Captain, hearing of the Turks coming up the River, went out of Possonium with certain small Vessels well appointed, and meeting with the Turks, set upon them with such courage and resolution that he slew many of them, and sunk divers of their Boats and Pinnaces, amongst whom were they which were bringing up So∣lymans great Pieces for battery to Vienna; which was there all sunk in the River, with the Boats that brought it. By this good service, Solyman was disappointed of his great Artillery, and the City delivered of a great danger. So Wolfgan∣gus having made great Spoil among the Turks, and lost some few men, returned with Victory to Possonium. Yet another part of the Turks Fleet coming up to Vienna, at the first coming brake down all the Bridges; for a little above the City, the River of Danubius dividing its Channel, maketh divers Islands, which by sun∣dry Bridges are joyned together, over which lieth the way from Austria unto the City. This Fleet so kept the passage, that no man could without danger either by Water or by Land go in or out of the City. Solyman having lost all his Pieces for Battery, and seeing how little he prevailed with his Field-Pieces, fell to under∣mining of the City, hoping by that means to overthrow the Walls, and to make a way for his men to enter. This work, as the Turks chief hope, was with wonderful labor and diligence attempted in fifteen sundry places; which was not so secretly done, but that it was by Drums laid upon the ground, by Basons filled with Water, and Sounds made into the Earth, perceived by the Defendants;

and so with Countermines met withal, that most part of those works were utterly frustrated, and in them eight thousand of his Turks either slain or buried quick.

* 10.51Solyman to busie the Defendants that they should not so perfectly discover his Mines, divi∣ded his Army into four parts, appointing them orderly to succeed one after another in giving Alarms to the Town, that filling their Ears with continual noise, he might keep them always oc∣cupied. In the midst of the hurly burly his Mine-works went forward with all speed possi∣ble,* 10.52 neither was he in that his expectation de∣ceived; for one of the Mines brought to perfecti∣on, unperceived by the Defendants, and suddain∣ly blown up, shook and overthrew a great part of the Wall near unto the Gate which leadeth towards Carinthia, whereat the Turks gave a great shout, as if the City had now been taken, and withal couragiously stepping forward, pres∣sed in on all sides, by the ruins of the Wall to have entred the breach, charging the Defendants with their small Shot and Turkish Arrows as thick as Hail. Who on the contrary part like resolute Men stood in the face of the breach, with more assurance than the Wall it self,* 10.53 receiving them with deadly Shot and push of Pike, in such furi∣ous manner, that the Turks for all their multi∣tude, unable longer to maintain the Assault, be∣gan to retire. Which thing Solyman perceiving, sent in new supplies, and so renewed the Assault before given over, but with no better success than before; for having received a great overthrow, as Men forgetting both Duty and martial Disci∣pline, they retied, not expecting any sign of Re∣treat. At this Assault so many of the Turks were slain, that the ground near unto the Town lay covered, and the Ditches filled with their dead Bodies. Not long after the Wall was blown up in two places more, over against St. Clares Church; by which breach, being not very great, the Turks seeking to have entred, made a bloody Fight with the Germans which defended that place; which they sought so desperately to have entred, that without regard they thrust one ano∣ther upon the points of their Enemies Weapons; who glistering in good Armor, readily received them being for most part naked Men,* 10.54 and slew them without number, and so enforced them a∣gain disorderly to retire, having before filled both the breaches with their dead Carkases. Three days after ensued a most cruel Fight, when as another part of the Wall (near unto the Gate of Carinthia, and not far from the first breach) was so suddainly overthrown, that the Turks through the new made breach seeing the Chri∣stians as they stood ready to come to the defence thereof, and likewise the Christians them, now approaching; for eagerness and hast on both sides threw away their Pieces and Bows, and came to handy blows in the middle of the breach; the Turks with their Scimiters, and the Germans with their long Swords. At which time, as the Christian Captains encouraged their Soul∣diers with chearful perswasions; so the Turkish Commanders enforced forward their Turks both with words and wounds. The Assault began so terrible, that it was thought a more fierce and deadly Fight was never seen from the be∣ginning of the World; which was with great resolution maintained by the Turks, for that many of their most valiant Horsemen forsaking their Horses, thrust in with their Targets and Scimiters, or else with their Lances amongst the Janizaries and other Footmen,* 10.55 and there fought most desperately. At last, after this furious Fight had endured by the space of three hours and many of the Turks best Captains and Souldiers lay dead upon the ground by heaps; the Turks seeing no hope to prevail, gave over the Assault, and retired to their Camp.

Long and tedious it were to recount every Assault given during the time of that dreadful Siege, with every particular accident not un∣worthy the remembrance, which for brevity wit∣tingly I pass over. Yet among the rest, the most valiant Leader (though afterward unfortunate) the Lord William Rogendorffe is not to be forgot∣ten,* 10.56 who oftentimes perceiving many of the Turks stragling disorderly abroad in the Coun∣try, one day upon the suddain sallied out upon them with certain Troops of Horsemen, with such violence, that at the first onset he overthrew them, and having them in chase, did such speedy execution, that of five thousand three hundred scarce one hundred and forty escaped his hands; after which time his Name became terrible unto the Turks. Solyman was exceedingly grieved with the often and bloody Assaults by him in vain given to the City; but purposing now to prove the last and utmost of all his Forces, he called to him the chief Commanders of his Army, whom at the first he sharply reproved as Men of no Courage, which being many times as good as possessed of the Victory, had most cowardly contrary to the manner of that victorious Nation, turned their backs upon their Enemies, in the breaches already half won; wherefore he willed them to pluck up their Hearts, and to make all things ready for a new Assault, wherein he expected that they should with couragious for∣wardness and resolution, recompence their late Cowardise; for why, he accounted it a grea•• dishonour to forsake the Siege begun; where••o••e they should resolve the next day as victo••ious Conquerors to take the City, or else the•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 faint hearted Cowards to end their days.* 10.57 The next day after this heavy charge given, which was the fifteenth of October, the great Comman∣ders of the Turks Army with all their Forc••s assailed the City, thrusting their Men into the breaches by heaps, as if they would, if no w••y else, yet with very multitude (if it had been possible) have discouraged or overborn the Chri∣stians; they were come to handy Blows, and the Fight was in every place most terrible, the Christian Defendants still repulsing them with greater Courage than they were able to assail them. Besides that, to the great advant∣age of the Defendants, many Pieces of their great Ordnance skilfully mounted in places most convenient, and continually discharged among the thickest of their Enemies as they pressed on, made of them such slaughter, and so cut them off, that being throughly discouraged, they shrunk back, and could not by any threats or command of their Captains be thrust forward; chusing rather to be slain of their own Captains (as some of them were) than to be rent in sunder with the murthering shot of the Christians.* 10.58 So that the Captains seeing now no other remedy, gave over the Assault and retired, leaving behind them many thousands of their dead Turks in the Town-ditches.

The next day after this Assault, Solyman de∣spairing to win the City, and fearing the coming of King Ferdinand and the Count Palatine with a strong Army, as it had been to him reported, considering also that Winter was now coming fast on, determined to raise his Siege; and to colour the dishonour thereof, he sent certain of the chief Prisoners which he had taken, richly Apparelled, with their Purses full of Mony, into the City, to tell the Captains, that he came not with pur∣pose

either to besiege or take the City, but to re∣venge the wrongs done unto him by his Enemy King Ferdinand, and to have fought a Battel with him for the Kingdom of Hungary; whom foras∣much as he could not draw unto Vienna, he would remove thence to seek for him, as his Capital Enemy; wherefore they should do well to yield themselves; which if they would, he promised not to enter their City, but to receive both the Citizens and Souldiers into his protecti∣on, reserving unto them their Lives and Goods, with perpetual freedom. Which his offer the Defendants scornfully refused, as proceeding of meer desparation. The next night following, Solyman with more than barbarous Cruelty,* 10.59 caused all the Prisoners in his Army to be slain, which pitiful Outcries was of the Souldiers heard into the City, not knowing what the matter should be, until that the next day after the departure of the Enemy, they found the dead Bodies of Men, Women, and Children in all places of the Camp wallowed in their own Blood, a most lamentable Spectacle to behold. Solyman purposing to for∣sake the Siege, caused Abraham the great Bassa to shew himself in order of Battel, as if he would have given a fresh Assault: In the mean time he himself rose upon the suddain with the rest of his Army, and returned towards Buda in such hast, that he neither put any Garrison into such places as he had taken, neither demanded of them any Tribute. After whom the Bassa fol∣lowed, keeping himself a days journey behind him; and so in five days he arrived with all his Army at Buda, thirty two German Miles from Vienna.

This Siege was given over by Solyman about the sixteenth of October,* 10.60 wherein he is reported to have lost eighty thousand Men, amongst whom was his great Lieutenant of Asia, with many other of his forward Captains and best Souldiers. Of the Defendants few or none of name were lost; but of the Country People it is supposed that there was about sixty thousand slain and carried away into Captivity; all the Country about Vienna was miserably spoiled, all their Trees and Vines being by the Turks cut down to the ground. Solyman according to his promise restored Buda unto King Iohn;* 10.61 who by solemn writing acknowledged himself his Vas∣sal, and to hold the Kingdom of Hungary of him as his Lord and Sovereign. Unto him Solyman joyned Aloysius Grittus as his Legate, to help him to provide such things as should be needful for the defence of that Kingdom.

It hapned one day whilst Solyman lay at Buda, and had given King Iohn with divers of the Nobility of Hungary access into his Pavillion, that he fell earnestly in hand with King Iohn, to pardon Paulus Bishop of Strigonium, and Pe∣trus Parenus (who had taken part with King Fer∣dinand) and to receive them into his favour a∣gain; which Men King Iohn in no case liked of, because that they as Traitors unto their Prince and Country, forgetting their Faith and Oath, had performed the like duty to Ferdinand, as they had but a little before done unto him at the time of his Coronation; wherein he shewing himself unwilling to be entreated, said, That their mu∣table Minds fraught with Infidelity, would ne∣ver contain themselves within the bounds of Loyalty, but find occasion to commit some fouler Treason than they had before.* 10.62 Whereunto Soly∣man straining his Voice a little as one somewhat moved, most honourably replied, Can any thing (said he) happen unto thee in thy life better or more honourable, than if by this kindness thine Ene∣mies shall be of all Men accounted Ingrateful, that is to say, Men noted with eternal Infamy, when as in thy self the commendation of a good and courteous Prince shall for ever remain? And so not long after, fearing the cold of Winter then approach∣ing, dangerous for his Beasts for Carriage, espe∣cially his Camels, bred and brought up in the hot Countries of Asia; he set forward to Bel∣grade, and so travelling through Thracia▪ returned to Constantinople.

All this while that Solyman thus raged in Hungary and Austria•• Charles the Emperor lately reconciled to Clement the seventh of that Name, then Bishop of Rome, with a strong Army be∣sieged Florence, by his Lieutenant Davalus, (who might have done much against the Turks, if he had been so well imployed) labouring by all means to repress the liberty of the Citizens, where∣unto they had but a little before aspired, and to bring them again under the subjection of the Family of Medices, whereof Clement was the chief. Which thing with much ado he brought to pass, investing Alexander the Bishops Nephew in the Dukedom of Florence, and afterward giving him his base Daughter in Marriage; forgetting his Brother Ferdinand in the mean time, thrust out of the Kingdom of Hungary by Solyman, and the Dukedom of Austria wasted by the Turks, with the City of Vienna in danger to have been lost. Which common calamities might well have moved both the Emperor and the Bishop, to have had more regard of, than by oppressing the liberty of one free City, to seek how to serve their own private respects.

The year following, which was 1530, [year 1530.] Soly∣man with great Solemnity and Triumph,* 10.63 after the Turkish manner, Circumcised three of his Sons, Mustapha, Muhamet, and Selymus, at Con∣stantinople.

Solyman hardly disgesting the dishonour he had before received at Vienna, and oftentimes soli∣cited by King Iohn, for aid against Ferdinand, who with greater stomack than power ceased, not continually to molest him; but most of all prickt forward with the insatiable desire of in∣larging his Empire, after the manner of the Othoman Kings, accounting his Neighbour Princes always his Enemies, and their Dominions the objects of his Victories, and spoil for his Soul∣diers; raised such an Army, as for the greatness thereof might worthily have been a terror unto the World; not so much purposing the prote∣ction of King Iohn, which he in shew most pre∣tended; neither the Siege of Vienna, as was com∣monly bruted; as the conquering of Austria, Ca∣rinthia, Croatia, Styria, and the rest of King Fer∣dinands Dominions, and so afterwards of all Ger∣many. For the accomplishment whereof, he had in his immoderate desire prefixed unto himself the space of three years, which the great Mo∣narchs of Rome could not perform in more than so many Hundreds. It was commonly report∣ed, that the proud Tyrant would many times say, That whatsoever belonged unto the Em∣pire of Rome, was of right his, forasmuch as he was rightfully possessed both of the Impe∣rial Seat and Scepter of Constantine the Great, Commander of the World, which his great Grandfather Mahomet had by law of Arms won from Constantine the late Christian Emperor, whom he slew at Constantinople. And there∣fore both in his common talk and writings, as oft as he had occasion to make any mention of Charles the Emperor, he would proudly, and as it were in disdain term him by the name of the King of Spain, but never by the name of Emperor.

The discord of the Christian Princes, and the great troubles even then arising in Germany about matters of Religion, did not a little en∣courage the barbarous Tyrant to take in hand this great expedition. King Ferdinand certainly advertised,* 10.64 that Solyman was in person himself setting forward with his huge Army, sent unto him three Embassadors; whereof Leonardus Ne∣garola, a noble Gentleman, well learned and skil∣ful in divers Languages, was chief, with rich Presents, and reasonable offers to entreat with him for Peace. Who meeting him upon the borders of Servia, were by him courteously re∣ceived, and patiently heard; yet obtained of him no other answer, but that they should follow his Camp, and attend his further pleasure. The re∣port whereof brought a general fear upon all Germany, but especially them of Austria, in whose fresh remembrance as yet remained the bleeding Wounds of their Country, their Brethren and Friends slain, their Wives and Children led a∣way into Captivity, their Goods and Cattel lost, their Houses and Fields burnt, and thousands of other grievous calamities which they had en∣dured in the late Invasion of the Turks. Charles the Emperor had in very good time a little be∣fore, for a while well appeased the dissention then arising in Germany about matters of Religion; putting them in hope of a free and general Coun∣cil to be holden for the deciding of all such matters; and in a great Assembly of the States of the Empire to be holden at Ratisbon, shew∣ing the greatness of the imminent danger, so puissant an Enemy threatning unto them all the calamities of War, with the manifold mischiefs like to ensue, if they should in so unfit time fall at variance amongst themselves; offering with great resolution, to go in person himself with all his old expert Souldiers, in defence of the com∣mon Christian cause; so much prevailed with the Princes of the Empire, and the Embassadors of the free States, that they highly commended his forwardness, and all other matters for that time set apart, agreed all with one consent, at a prefixed day to send unto Vienna such warlike Forces as they had in any time before set forth for the defence of the Christian Religion, and the Majesty of the Empire.* 10.65 Whereupon he wrote unto Alphonsius Vastius (his Lieutenant General in Italy, and one of the greatest Captains of that age) that he should without delay call together the old Captains, and to levy so many Com∣panies of Harquebusiers as they possibly could; and with them and the Spanish Souldiers to re∣pair forthwith unto him into Austria. He also enjoyned Andreas Auria his Admiral, that he should with like diligence rig up a strong Fleet of Gallies and Merchants Ships, and to go against the Turks Navy into Graecia. At the same time he sent for his choice Horsemen out of Bur∣gundy and the Low-Countries, and many noble Gentlemen and old Souldiers out of Spain; for the guard of his own person he entertained twelve thousand Germans, such as had longest served in his Wars in Italy, over whom com∣manded Maximilian Herberstene and Tamisius, both famous Captains. At the same time Clement the seventh then Bishop of Rome, although his Coffers were greatly emptied by the late Florentine Wars, which had cost him ten hundred thousand Du∣cats; yet to make some shew of his devotion in so dangerous a time, with the great good will he bare unto the Emperor; after he had with grievous exaction extorted from the Clergy a great mass of Mony (whereunto his rich Car∣dinals contributed nothing, as if it had been a thing utterly unlawful for them, in so good a cause to have abated any jot of their pontifical shew in the Court of Rome) sent the young Car∣dinal Hippolitus Medices his Nephew, being then about twenty years of age, a Man indeed fitter for the Wars than for the Church, as his Legate unto the Emperor, accompanied with more good Captains than Clergy-men, and his Coffers well stuffed with Treasure, whose coming to Ratis∣bone was unto the Emperor and the Germans very welcome; for besides that he was a young Gentlemen of very comly Personage, and ex∣ceeding Bountiful, he entertained for those Wars (besides the Company he brought with him) eight thousand Hungarian Horsemen, of all o∣thers best acquainted with the Turkish Wars.

King Iohn understanding,* 10.66 that the formost of Solyman•• great Army were come as far as Sa∣mandria in Servia, thought it now a fit time to wring from King Ferdinand such Towns as he yet held in Hungary; wherefore he sent Aloysius Grittus (whom Solyman had left as a helper for his Estate) to besiege Strigonium, which is a City of Hungary situate upon the side of Danu∣bius, about thirty Miles from Buda, the Castle thereof was at that time holden with a strong Garrison of King Ferdinands; whereunto for all that Grittus laid such hard Siege both by the River and by Land, that the Defendants doubt∣ing how they should be able to hold out, especi∣ally if Solyman should take that in his way, as it was most like he would; sent for relief to Cazzianer a warlike Captain, then Governour of Vienna, and General of all King Ferdinands Forces; by whose appointment certain small Frigats were sent down the River of Danubius, from Possoni∣um, well manned; who suddainly setting upon the Turks Fleet (which so kept the River, that nothing could that way possibly be conveied either in or out of the Castle) should by their unexpected coming open that way. But Grittus having intelligence thereof by certain Hungari∣ans, which though they served King Ferdinand, made no great account to flie sometime to the one part, sometime to the other, as best fitted their purpose; presently resolved to send his Fleet up the River, and by his suddain coming to oppress his Enemies, in like sort as they had thought to have done him. And the more to encourage his Souldiers, he promised great re∣wards to all such as should perform any extraor∣dinary piece of service in that Action; and so having throughly furnished all his Fleet with good Souldiers, but especially with Turkish Arch∣ers, sent them up the River to seek their Ene∣mies; who fearing no such matter, as Men sur∣prised with the same mischief they had prepared for others, were at the first exceedingly dis∣maied; yet considering that they were reason∣ably well provided for their coming (although they yet wanted such help as Cazzianer had ap∣pointed to send them) they thought it a great shame to flie, and therefore putting themselves in order of Battel, came down the River, and with great courage encountred their Enemy. There began a sharp and cruel Fight, many being slain and wounded on both sides; but at last they of Possonium not able longer to endure the deadly shot of their Enemies, and especially of the Turkish Archers, (who with their Arrows sore gauled both the Souldiers and the Mariners) they turned their backs and fled; in which Fight of sixty Frigats which came from Possonium, only thirteen escaped, with Corporanus the General, all the rest being either sunk in the Fight, or else taken by the Enemy, being run ashore and forsaken by the Possonians, trusting more unto their Legs by Land, than their Oars by Water.

Besides this loss of the Frigats, there was slain of the Possonians almost five hundred. After this Victory, Grittus hoping that they in the Castle of Strigonium, despairing now of relief, and fearing the coming of Solyman, would not long hold out, left off to batter or undermine the Castle, (wherewith he perceived he little prevailed) purposing by lying still, and keeping them in the Castle from all relief, to enforce them in time to forsake the place. Thus whilst the divided Hungarians with their own hands in∣considerately sought one anothers destruction, with the ruin of their Country; Solyman the great Enemy of all Christians was ready at their backs to devour both the one and the other, as in few years after he did.

Much about this time the old Spanish Souldiers in Italy, drawn together by Vastius, as the Em∣peror had before commanded, were come to the Alpes. In this Camp, of one sort of Men and other, was above twenty thousand, whereof al∣most the third part was not serviceable; for the old Souldiers enriched with the long Wars in Italy, and the spoil of the rich Country of Lum∣bardy, wherein they had of late been Billited, brought with them all their old gotten spoils and substance, not forgetting so much as their Women, and whatsoever else served their plea∣sure; for carriage whereof they drew after them a great multitude of Carriages and unnecessa∣ry People, all which served for no other use but for the Souldiers pleasure, and to consume Vi∣ctuals. Which their licentious wantonness Vasti∣us desiring to reform,* 10.67 gave strait commandment through all the Camp, That they should leave behind them all such unnecessary Baggage, and appointed what Carriages should suffice for every Company. Whereat the Souldiers began at the first to murmure, and presently after to arise up in Mutiny; for many of the Captains being rich, and disliking of that long and dangerous expedi∣tion, covertly incited the common Souldiers to cry out upon Vastius the General, for their Pay already due. Which thing once put into their heads, and the matter set on foot, quickly grew to that height, that they all with one voice said flatly, That they would go no foot further before they had received their Pay. Vastius although he well perceived that tumult to be raised by some of his Enemies, which sought thereby to lighten his credit, was glad for all that for the present to dissemble the matter, and yielding to the necessity of the time, to content the mutinous Souldiers with one months Pay, promising them their full contentment, at such time as they should come unto the Emperor; and so when he had with much ado appeased that Tumult, he set forward into Germany.

Immediately after the Spaniards followed the Italians, who with such chearfulness offered them∣selves to that service, that every Captain brought with him twice so many in his Company as was expected; so that Vastius (who before doubt∣ful for their forwardness in so dangerous a War, especially in the aid of the Germans, of whom they had in the late Wars received great harms, had by great and earnest perswasions induced divers of the Nobility, and others of the better sort, to enter into that honourable Action, in hope that they would draw after them great numbers of their Friends and Tenants, (as indeed they did) was now glad to send back again many of the common Souldiers, by reason of the mul∣titude; and also to his great discredit, and the offence of many, full sore against his will to dis∣place most part of those forward Gentlemen, whom he had but a little before made Captains, who to their no small charge had gallantly fur∣nished themselves according to their degrees and places; for the Emperor had then appointed what number of Italians he should bring; and also given commandment, That rejecting the rest, he should commit the leading of them on∣ly to those old expert Captains, of whose valour and discretion he had before had good experi∣ence. There were Martius Columna, Petrus Ma∣ria Rubeus, Philippus Torniellus, Ioannes Baptista Castalius, Fab••itius Maramaldus, Pyrrhus Stipcia∣nus, and Camillus Columna, being all Men of great worth, and approved faith towards the Emperor.

In these Italian Companies were fourteen thou∣sand select Footmen, beside many other brave Men who voluntarily resorted from divers places to Vie••na. After these Footmen followed Fer∣dinand Gonzaga with two thousand Horsemen, and certain Troops of Grecians and Spaniards, and with them came many noble Gentlemen out of all parts of Italy, who had before been great Commanders, but now served as private Gentlemen voluntarily without charge or pay; accounting it a great shame to tarry at home as Cowards, and not to be present in that religi∣ous War.

The Emperor also about the same time having taken view of his Horsemen come out of the Low-Countries most excellently appointed, and Shipping his great Ordnance, whereof he had bought great store at Nurembergh, departed down the River from Ratisbone to Lyntz. The River of Dan••bius never carried so many Vessels and Souldiers since the time of the great Roman Em∣perors, as it did at that present; and yet besides them which went down the River by Shipping, the pleasant Banks on both sides were filled with great Companies of Horsemen and Footmen pas∣sing all alongst the River under their Colours, with their Drums and Trumpets sounding, which altogether made the most glorious shew that a Man could well behold upon earth.

In the mean while, Solyman in six and fifty days march come to Belgrade, [year 1532.] thrust over the great River Savus by Bridges made in divers places,* 10.68 an infinite number of his Horsemen into Hungary, and leaving Danubius on the right hand, turning a little upon the left, marched directly towards the rich Country of Stiria, called in an∣cient time Valeria, and now Stiermark. By the way as he went he came to the little Town of Gunza, which one Nicholas Iurischitz (a Man of an invincible Courage) kept with a small Gar∣rison of his own. This Town standeth in a Plain not far from the City of Sabaria, built square, and but of a small compass, not very strongly walled, a poor obscure thing, never famous till now by the great dishonour that the Turkish Emperor Solyman there received. Abraham the chief Bassa (who so absolutely commanded a∣mong the Turks, as if Solyman had received him into the fellowship of the Empire with him∣self) was very desirous to save this Captain Ni∣cholas, for that he knew him to be a Man of great Courage, and was familiarly acquainted with him at such time as he lay Embassador a Con∣stantinople; wherefore he attempted first by gentle perswasions and large offers, and afterwards by most terrible threats, to induce him to yield the Town to Solyman.* 10.69 But finding him so resolutely set down, that he was neither by fair nor foul means, but only by force to be removed out of his Town; he inclosed the same round about with the huge Army of the Turks, and by Mines overthrew the Walls in three places. Which suddain brea••h whilst the Garrison Souldiers most

valiantly defended against the furious Assault of the Janizaries on the South side of the Town, the Bassa planting his Field-pieces upon the Hills on the North side, did from thence grievously annoy the Defendants; who fiercely assailed by their Enemies before, and beaten with the great Ordnance behind, were grievously distressed. Wherewith the worthy Governour somewhat troubled, though not much discouraged, suddain∣ly of Timber and Boords raised up a Curtain twelve foot high, at the backs of his Souldiers, wherewith they were so covered from the sight of their Enemies, that they could not make any certain shot at them, but only at that Curtain at all adventures, not doing any thing so great harm as before; and with desperate and restless la∣bour, in despight of all the Turks great power, repaired the Breaches, in as strong manner as at the first. In the mean time two hundred of the Turks Horsemen stragling from the Camp, and seeking after Booty into the Country as far as Neostat, were by the Hungarian Horsemen in∣tercepted, and all slain or taken; whose heads the Hungarians brought to Vienna, and the more to encourage the Souldiers which daily repaired thither, in token of good luck set them up upon stakes upon the Walls of the City. Then was it certainly known of the Prisoners,* 10.70 that Solyman had in his Camp five hundred thousand Men, and three hundred Field-pieces, which were not of greater bigness but that a Camel might well carry one of them, being taken from the Carriage; for why, Solyman purposing by destroying the Country before him, to draw the Emperor unto Battel; had (as they said) brought no greater pieces of Battery with him. Which report of the Prisoners was also confirmed by the Embas∣sadors of King Ferdinand, whom Solyman gave leave to depart at Gunza,* 10.71 giving to every one of them a Gown of Velvet and a piece of Plate, with Letters unto the Emperor and King Ferdi∣nand his Brother; wherein proudly usurping the Titles of many Kingdoms, he most insolently wrote himself Lord and Sovereign of almost all Countries and Nations. But the effect thereof was, That he was come into Hungary, to revenge the wrongs which they had done unto King Iohn his Friend and Vassal; and would with Fire and Sword enter their Countries, and by the power of God and his great Prophet Mahomet, the fa∣vourers of just quarrels, give them Battel, if they durst meet him; wherefore if they would as valiant and couragious Princes meet him in the Field, he would in one Battel end that quarrel with them, and in reward of the Victory either win or lose the Empire of the World. When So∣lyman had thus a great while lain at the Siege of Gunza, and thereto given divers sharp Assaults, being still with great loss and dishonour repul∣sed, he in the space of four days cast up near unto the Town-Ditch two great Mounts of Fag∣gots and Earth, as if they had been two great Mountains, of such heighth, that they overtopped not the Walls only, but even the highest Towers in the Town (by which wonderful work the greatness of the Turks Army might easily be conjectured;) one of these great Mounts he cast up directly against the face of the Town; and the other at a corner of the same, to Flanker along the Wall; from whence he did with his shot not only beat them which appeared upon the Walls for the defence thereof, but them also which upon occasion went too and fro in the Streets. These Mounts being with incredible celerity brought to perfection, the Town-Ditch filled up, and many of the Defendants either slain or wounded upon the Walls, the Turks gave a most furious Assault at the place which was before shaken with the Mine; against whom the valiant Captain as need was in that extream danger, opposed all the strength he had left. But the Turks still pressing on with there infinite mul∣titude, were got up to the top of the Walls with eight Ensigns, from whence they had repulsed the Defendants; which being all either wounded or wearied, shrowded themselves under the de∣fence of their Penthouses, being neither able nor of courage to make further resistance, so that the Walls were now abandoned, and the Town there left without Defendants; when suddainly such a great clamor was made by the loud out∣cries and lamentation of the Women and Chil∣dren and other fearful People, that the Turks which had recovered the top of the Walls, strucken with a suddain fear, thinking the Town to have been full of Souldiers, stood as Men a∣stonied and dismaied, whereupon the Defendants began again to take courage, and to shew them∣selves; at whose sight the Turks possessed with a needless fear, forsook the Wall, and could not by any perswasions or threats of their Captains be brought on again to the Assault. The Town was that day in all Mens judgments defended by the mighty power of God, and not by the strength of Man. It grieved the proud Tyrant above measure, that so base a Town should so long hold out against all his power, so that often∣times in his rage he would threaten to rase it down to the ground, and not to leave any sign thereof remaining; which he would undoubted∣ly have in time performed,* 10.72 had not Abraham the great Bassa (by whose counsel he was altogether directed) otherwise perswaded him; who wait∣ing a fit time, when his choler was past, told him, that it was not worth his name and great∣ness, to spend his time and forces upon so small a Town of no importance, by rasing whereof he should neither get honour nor profit; for why, no Man would marvel, if he with so puissant an Army should take so small a thing, especially by long Siege, whereby the strongest places are en∣forced to yield; and when he had so taken it, it would be accounted a greater honour for so little a Town to have holden out so long, than for him to have with so great forces in long time con∣strained it; but if it should otherwise fall out, as the chances of War are uncertain, that he should by any occasion be constrained to leave it, he should thereby get no small dishonour; where∣fore it were more wisdom to spare his Souldiers labour in so small a matter, whereof he was not to expect either honour or profit, and for to re∣serve them for his greater designs, and not vain∣ly to spend his forces and time in besieging of so base a Village, from whence he might now de∣part with less dishonour than he could afterwards, when he had proved the uttermost of his forces, and yet in the end glad peradventure to forsake it; wherefore it were more for his honour to raise his Siege, and calling the Governour of the Town unto him, to give him the Town as it were of bounty, than to spend so many good Men as he must needs cast away in the winning of it by force; with these and like reasons the Bassa prevailed so much with Solyman, that Nicholas the worthy Governour of the Town was by a Herald at Arms sent for to come to the great Bassa, Solyman disdaining (as it should seem) to speak with him himself. The Governour being sent for, though he was grievously wounded, and in small hope of life, yet stoutly refused to come to any parley, except he were first well assured both by safe conduct and good hostages for the safety of his person, and that nothing should be exacted

of him, not befitting his Religion and Honour; which stout answer caused Solyman and the Bassa to think, that his strength was not yet so weak∣ned, but that he was still able to hold out the Siege; and thereupon, that he required for his safety was forthwith granted, and two Men of great account sent for hostages for him into the City with Solymans safe conduct.* 10.73 Which being received, the Governour went forth, and was by Abraham the great Bassa honourably received in∣to the Camp, and commanded to sit down by him in his Tent; where he was by him first by the way of courtesie demanded, whether he had recovered his old infirmity wherewith he was troubled at such time as he was sent Embassador unto Solyman at Constantinople? After that, whe∣ther the wounds he had received in the last Assault, were dangerous or not? But last of all, and that which most concerned the matter, upon what hope he alone had so long and so ob∣stinately withstood the mighty Sultan Solyman, when as all his Neighbours round about him had so willingly submitted themselves? saying fur∣ther, That he marvelled much why he reposed any confidence in the lingring King Ferdinand. Whereunto the Governour modestly answered,* 10.74 That he was (thanks be to God) well deli∣vered of his old Disease, and tha•• his wounds were without danger; but as concerning his holding out, he said, that he for his great Wis∣dom knew, that it was the duty of a good Soul∣dier valiantly to withstand his Enemies, and not to be troubled with any evil hap, or discoura∣ged with any chanc•• of War; as for himself, he said, when Mans help failed, he had reposed his full trust in God, by whose power he had been hitherto preserved, which as he well hoped should never fail him at his need; and that King Ferdinand was not so far off, but that he would before it were long be there present with a great Army; wherefore he did not greatly marvel, that he was not relieved before that time, for∣asmuch as many lets and occasions might chance which might hinder the Kings purpose, con∣sidering▪ that fortune always by nature uncon∣stant, was in nothing more like unto her self in her unconstancy, than in martial Affairs. The Bassa wondering at the invincible courage of the Governour, said, That although the great Em∣peror Solyman might now at his pleasure utterly destroy the Town, with all that therein was, yet being by nature of a most honourable and mild disposition, and a great lover of valiant and cou∣ragious Men, had commanded him in his name to give him that Town, and the lives of all them that were in it, as a reward of his Valour shew∣ed in the defence thereof; yet so that he should swear Obedience unto him, and receive some few Turks into the Town, in token that he had yielded the same. The politick Governour know∣ing that of eight hundred valiant Souldiers, he had scarcely a third part left, and them also sore weakned with wounds and want of rest, thought it necessary to make his Peace in the best sort he could; for what could have hapned unto him more wishedly, than with his Honour to keep the Town still, and with the loss of a few plea∣sing words to deliver himself, with so many of his Friends, from extream fear and peril? And so in all his talk shewing no sign of fear, and with great words setting forth the strength of his Garrison (which was indeed brought to an extream weakness) said he was ready at the first to have yielded up the Town, for the old ac∣quaintance he had with him at Constantinople, but was always letted by the Germans and Spa∣niards which were there in Garrison, fierce and cruel Souldiers, whose hard hearts were (as he said) hardly intreated to suffer him at that time to come out of the City into the Camp; where∣fore he could promise to a be Friend to all such Turks as should pass that way, and to relieve them with such things as his wasted Country could afford; and further in token of his sub∣mission, to set up one of Solymans Ensigns in the chief Tower of the City; but as for receiving any Turks into Garrison, in token that he had yielded up the Town, he was willing so to do, but that he was greatly afraid they should be evil entreated by the Germans and Spaniards, who deadly hated the Turks; whereof it was to be thought, that new Wars would eftsoon arise. In conclusion, he so cunningly used the matter, that the great Bassa was contented with this small token of submission, that he should receive in at one of the Gates of the City, one of Soly∣mans Captains with ten Janizaries, which being done accordingly, and they courteously for a while entertained and again dismissed, the great Bassa held himself with that simple submission well contented; when as the Governour had neither German nor Spaniard as then in Garri∣son. So when Solyman had with his great Army lain at the Siege of Gunza by the space of twenty eight days,* 10.75 and in that time to his great loss assaulted the same thirteen times, he rose with his Army, glad of a little fained submission for the safegard of his honour; and leaving Vienna on the right hand, whither most part of the Chri∣stian Army was assembled, took the way on the left into Carinthia, and so came to the River Mura, and from thence to the City Gratia. This turning of Solymans out of the way from Vienna, where he knew his Enemies lay, put all fear out of the minds of the Christians, which they had before not without cause conceived, insomuch, that he but a little before feared as a Prince of great pride and power, shamefully repulsed at the little Town of Gunza, and now shunning his Enemies at Vienna, began to grow into con∣tempt as if he had been running away for fear. Which disgrace the Turks sought by divers ex∣cuses to cover, as that the strong City of Neostat lay betwixt him and Vienna, which could nei∣ther without much difficulty be taken, nor dan∣ger left Enemy behind him; besides that, Win∣ter began to approach, which caused him (as the Turks gave it out) to content himself with the spoil of the rich Countries betwixt the Ri∣vers of Savus and Dravus, and so in good time to ••eturn again to Belgrade. But they which seemed to see farther into the matter, were of opinion, That Solyman understanding by his es∣pials, and secret advertisement from his Friends, that the Princes of Germany had with one con∣sent joyned their Forces with the Emperors, brought out of Italy, Spain, and the Low-Coun∣tries, which at his setting forth he least feared, and that the Christian Army in number great, consisted not of raw Souldiers, but for the most part of such as had been trained up in Wars; Men both for courage and skill nothing inferior to his Janizaries and best Men of War; chose rather to take the spoil of the Country, as he might with safety, than to adventure his Person and State to the hazard of a most doubtful and dangerous Battel.

Whilst these things were in doing, Michael-Ogli by the commandment of Solyman,* 10.76 sent Cason with fifteen thousand of his voluntary Horsemen (who in Solymans expedition against Vienna, had run through the Country of Austria as far as Lyntz) charging him without stay to spoil all the Country far and near which lieth between

Danubius and the Alpes, thereby to learn what he could of the state and strength of the Empe∣rors Camp; and by doing all the harms he could possibly, to leave a most lamentable remembrance of the Turks being in Austria. Cason was of himself forward enough, and desirous of the spoil; but so much the more, for that he was by the former Road into that Country become both famous and rich; wherefore dividing his Horsemen into three Companies not far distant one from another, he suddainly oppressed an infinite multitude of all sorts of People in the Fields and Country Villages as he went; all which he either slew without mercy, or carried away as miserable Prisoners. Thousands of Men and Women tied together in Chains and Ropes, were by the cruel Turks enforced to run as fast as their Horses; the Country Villages were all burnt down to the ground, and in them the poor Children of the Christians, whose Parents were either slain or carried away Captives; so that all the Country every way almost for the space of a hundred and fifty Miles, was covered with Smoke and Fire, within three Miles of Lyn••z; where King Ferdinand then lying, was glad to get himself farther off to Strabinga, where his Brother Charles the Emperor lay. This cruel Turk according to his charge, having with Fire and Sword without compassion wrought all the Wo he could possible upon the poor Christians, and now loaded with the spoil of the Country and multitude of Prisoners, began to return the same way he came, thinking to find Solyman either at the Siege of Gunza, where he left him, or nearer hand at Neostat coming towards Vienna. But he as is aforesaid, rising with small honour from Gunza, and fearing the power of the Chri∣stians, was quite gone another way as far as Gratia, the Metropolitical City of Stiria, stand∣ing upon the River of Mura; which turned to the utter destruction of Cason and all his follow∣ers; for as soon as it was perceived by the burning of the Country all about, that the Turks were come near to Lyntz, the Christian Cap∣tains with their Companies went out of the Camp, some one way, some another, as was thought most convenient for the meeting with these mischievous Turks, which never rested in one place; wherein they used such diligence in taking the passages, that it was not possible they should escape unfought withal. Four Com∣panies of Spanish and Italian Horsemen under the leading of Lewis Cove a valiant Captain, first lighting upon them in a Valley near unto Neo∣stat, and desperately charging them, were by the Turks for most part slain. But Cason perceiving how he was on every side laied by the Chri∣stians in the Vallies betwixt Neostat, Sabaria, and Vesprinium, the night following with more than barbarous Cruelty slew four thousand of the Christians he had before taken Prisoners,* 10.77 be∣cause he should not be hindered by them in his flight; and dividing his Army into two parts, about midnight began to set forward, using the benefit of the night to have escaped from his Enemies out of these Vallies wherein he was en∣closed. One part of this Army led by Ferises taking the way Southward, did with incredible labour cut a way through the thick and over∣grown Woods (a thing thought altogether im∣possible) and so with little or no loss came to Solyman into Stiria. Cas••n with the other part of the Army breaking out of the Valley of Sto∣ramberg, chanced upon the Palatine (General of the Forces sent from the German Princes) who with ten thousand Footmen and two thousand Horsemen, and certain Field-pieces brake the Battel of the Turks, and slew of them a great number; In which conflict Cason his chief Ensign was taken.* 10.78 He fighting most valiantly in the rere∣ward to give others time to escape, was himself there slain; whose gallant Head-piece present∣ed afterwards to the Emperor, confirmed the report of his death. They which escaped from the Palatine, in their flight fell into the hands of Lewis, and the Marquess of Brandenburg, by whom they were slain like Beasts. The Hunga∣rian Horsemen led by Valentinus Turacus, light∣ing upon them which fled from Lewis and the Marquess, had the killing of them for the space of seven Miles; and of all others did upon them the cruellest execution, following them hard at the heels with their fresh Horses, and fiercely insulting upon them in their own Language. Those few dispersed Turks which escaped the fury of the Hungarians,* 10.79 fell into the Hands of the Country People about Vesprinium and the Lake of Bulaton, which came out on every side in hope of spoil, who shewed them small fa∣vour; so that of eight thousand which were with Cason, it was thought not one returned to Solyman.

The Emperor understanding that Solyman was gone as far as Gratia in Stiria, called his chief Captains together into the Castle of Lyntz, to know their opinions, whether it were best to follow the Enemy into Stiria or not. The Cities of Lyntz, Gratia, and Vienna, are situate almost in form of a Triangle; but from Lyntz to Gratia is three good days journey of bad rough way by Horse. Some said it was best to Fight with the Turks in that uneven Mountain Country, where the Turks chief strength consisting in the multitude of his Horsemen, should stand him in small stead, but should be enforced to try the Battel with his Footmen, wherein he was inferi∣ror to the Christians. This Counsel altho••gh it had in it many difficulties, yet for that it pro∣ceeded from the most approved Captain••, so mo••ed the Emperor, that he presently sent A∣pontius a Spaniard (the most famous Captain An∣tonius Leva his Lieutenant) to take view of that passage; who shortly after returned again to Lyntz, bringing word that all the Country as he went was desolate and for fear forsaken of the Inhabitants; but concerning the place of the Enemies above, he could learn no certainty. Whereupon it was by general consent conclud∣ed, that they should all go to Vienna, whither all the strength of the Germans was already assembled, there to take a general view of the Army, and to give the Enemy Battel if he should again return. Some there were of great Cou∣rage which openly disliked of that going to Vienna; saying, that the Emperor should rather in that distress of the Provinces of Sti••ia and Carinthia pursue his Enemy, than turn out of the way to Vienna. But others of greater judg∣ment, whose opinion prevailed, said, It was one thing to invade, and another thing to defend; so that the Emperor might with honour enough encamp himself in the Fields of Vienna, and from thence to expect and deride the base ex∣pedition and vain brags of his proud Enemy, who a far off challenged him into the Field, and then like a Coward durst not come near him.

The Emperor coming to Vienna,* 10.80 and taking a general view of the Army, found therein two hundred and sixty thousand Men, whereof ninety thousand Footmen, and thirty thousand Horse∣men were accounted old expert Souldiers, and of them many whole Companies and Bands, of such as had before been Generals, Captains, Lieute∣nants,

Antients, or other Officers and Men of Mark in other Armies, and now were content to serve as private Men. It was thought that so many worthy Captains and valiant Souldiers, were never before in the memory of Man as∣sembled together into one Camp; for the Princes and free Cities had not sent thither common Souldiers, but their chosen and approved Men; striving as it were amongst themselves, who should send the best. All the flower and strength of Germany from the River of Vistula to the Rhine, and from the Ocean to the Alpes, was by the Princes of the Empire and free Cities either sent thither, or of themselves voluntarily came thi∣ther. A thing never before heard of, that all Germany should as it were with one consent, be glad to take up Arms for their common safety, in defence of their honour and liberty; especial∣ly against People brought out of the furthest parts of Asia, Syria, and Egypt. Beside the great number of Spaniards, Italians, and Burgundians; the Bohemian Camp lay not far off, streng∣thened with them of Silicia and Moravia. There were also some Troops of Polonian Horsemen, not sent thither by publick Authority, but ser∣ving as voluntary Men; King Sigismund winking thereat, who as he was careful not rashly to break the League he had made with Solyman; so lest he should seem careless of the Christian common cause, by notable dissimulation left place for such of his Subjects as would (as if it had been with∣out his knowledge) to shew their Valour in the most honourable War.

The Christian Army ready to receive the Ene∣my,* 10.81 lay in a great Field near unto Vienna, in this Order; Three great Squadrons of Pikemen, standing one Squadron a great way distant from another, were so placed against the Enemy with like and equal Front, that all the Horsemen divided into two parts, might well be received into the great spaces betwixt the three Squadrons; for it was not thought convenient to oppose so small a number of Horsemen in open Field with∣out the Footmen, against almost three hundred thousand of the Turks Horsemen. The right wing of the Horsemen was led by the Emperor himself, and the left by King Ferdinand. Before and behind, and on every side of the three Squa∣drons of Pikes, saving in those places which were left open for the Horsemen, about thirty paces off, were placed twenty thousand nimble Har∣quebusiers ranged in length, and but five in a rank; so that whilst the first discharged, the second, and after them the third, and so the rest readily and orderly coming on, might without let deliver their Bullets upon their Enemies; neither was it thought any disadvantage to place them so thin, for that if they found themselves by the Enemies oppressed, they might easily re∣tire amongst the Pikes, standing fast at hand. Before the Harquebusiers was planted the great Ordnance, whereof, the Emperor had such store. and so well placed, that he could therewith (as with a most sure Trench) have compassed in his whole Army. Only the Hungarians, Men well acquainted with the manner of the Turks fight, chose to lie in the open Field in two great wings, under the leading of their two va∣liant Captains Valentinus and Paulus. Many noble Gentlemen beholding this goodly Army, wept for joy, conceiving a most assured hope of Vi∣ctory, if the proud Enemy durst with all his Forces joyn in Battel.* 10.82 But Solyman, who by all means sought with his great number of Horse∣men to keep the wide and open Fields, certain∣ly advertised both of the Emperors strength and the manner of his lying, got him over the River of Mura, and at Marpurge by Bridges which he made on the suddain, passed over the great Ri∣ver Dravus. And so he which that Summer held almost all the World in suspence, with the doubt∣ful expectation of the success of that War; ha∣ving with all that his huge power wherewith he threatned the World, done nothing at all worth the remembrance, but was in every place either overcome, or else shamefully repulsed; left Stiria, and returned the same way he came, directly betwixt the Rivers of Savus and Dra∣vus, to Belgrade, and so to Constantinople; leaving here and there some remembrance of his bar∣barous cruelty, and still looking behind him if the Emperor were not at his heels; at such time as a few Dalmatian and Croatian Horse∣men did still pursue the tail of his Army. It is reported, that he carried away with him thirty thousand Christians into Captivity, be∣sides many thousands of poor Country People slain by the mercil••ss Turks; but especially by Cason and his Followers; and so to his eternal infamy was twice in the space of a few years driven out of Germany. The Emperor under∣standing of Solymans departure, determined with all speed to return into Italy; although King Ferdinand his Brother most earnestly entreated him before his departure, in so fit a time to im∣ploy those great Forces against King Iohn, who now as it were forsaken of Solyman, might easily with so puissant an Army have been thrust not only out of Buda, but also quite out of the King∣dom of Hungary, wherein he was by Solyman as his Vassal placed. But the Emperor, for that Winter began now to approach, and the Plague was got into the Camp, yea even into his Court, continued in his former purpose of departing into Italy; yet yielding so far unto his Brothers request, as to leave behind him all the Italians, who joyned with King Ferdinands own Forces were thought sufficient for the accomplishment of the Hungarian War.

Over these Italians, one Fabritius Maramaldus was by the means of Alphonsus Victius appoint∣ed General; but no order taken for the pay∣ment of their Wages, whereby the Souldiers might be the more encouraged to take in hand that War, and also kept in obedience. Which think at the first much offended the minds of the other Captains, thinking themselves disgra∣ced by the preferment of Maramaldus, a Man of no greater account than themselves▪ but as soon as it was known abroad, the under Cap∣tains and Officers of the Bands, led with the credit and favour of their old Captains; said plainly, That they would not go into Hungary,* 10.83 except either King Ferdinand would in person go himself, or else one of the great Commanders, Vastius or Leva were appointed for the General; and the Common Souldiers said flatly, that they would ask leave to depart, except they had three months Pay, which they knew well they should never get of that poor King, already brought unto great wants. Vastius to appease this Mutiny, travelled greatly with his Souldiers, perswading them to remember the faith of Soul∣diers, and by their constant perseverance to main∣tain their honour they had got by their chear∣ful coming; telling them, That valiant Souldiers never wanted Pay, furnishing themselves by their Victories with all things necessary from the Ene∣my. And as for Maramaldus their General, they had no just cause to mislike him, being an old Captain of great experience, for courage and policy not inferior to any of the greatest Commanders, and placed by the Emperors own appointment as a Man most sufficient, whose

judgment they ought not in any case to dislike. When Vastius had with these and such like rea∣sons well appeased the tumultuous Souldiers, and was gone out of the Camp into Vienna, to take further order for the remedying of all difficul∣ties; Night the Nurse of sedition came on, whose darkness excluding all modesty and fear, gave further scope and place unto the mutinous Soul∣diers insolency. By chance there was at that time brought out of the City into the Camp very course, hoary, mouldy Bread; which some of the Souldiers having brought, and thrusting it upon the points of their Spears, shewed it unto their Fellows in great choler, railing against King Ferdinand, which in his own Kingdom in the beginning of the War had made no better Provision, but with such corrupt and pestilent Bread to feed them being Strangers, which were only for his defence and quarrel to adventure their lives. And but a little before, a certain Spaniard, being but a common Souldier, coming into the Generals Tent, and casting the like Bread down at the feet of Vastius, bitterly cur∣sing the Emperor and King Ferdinand, had raised a wonderful Tumult; wherefore the Italian Soul∣diers flocking together out of their Tents, gave many hard Speeches concerning their Pay, their Victuals, and the difficulties of the Hungarian War. There one Titus Marconius of Volattera, a Man of a troublesome Spirit, but reasonably well spoken, was by the other Souldiers set up upon a great heap of Saddles, that he might be the better heard, and by divers seditious Cap∣tains requested frankly to speak his mind, so far as he thought concerned the safety and wel∣fare of them all. Where it is reported that he spake unto them in this seditious manner as followeth:

* 10.84And shall the Spaniards (said he) beloved Com∣panions and Fellows in Arms, as you have heard, go into Italy? And to our great hurt again return into their old Wintering places? And that which I am ashamed to say, as notable Guests lie with our Wives? And we Italians as banished Men fight this Winter with Ice and Snow in Hungary? And that forsooth for a most beggarly King, and him also to the Hungarians a Forreigner and meer Stranger, against a natural born Prince, of his Subjects well beloved and strongly backt with the power and wealth of the Turkish Emperor? And that which might justly grieve any couragious mind under the conduct of Maramaldus, who oftentimes blinded with anger and hasty cruelty, hath so furiously thrust us through with his Sword, that he seemeth not more to desire the name of a Captain for any thing, than for the killing and murthering of us now his Souldiers. Nei∣ther can I believe that you, who have oftentimes been Captains and Antients ••our selves, will be so mad, as to serve under a common Captain, without hope of any Pay, of any Provision, of Victory, or re∣turn. Truly it delighteth me not so much to have come hither for the honour of the Italian Name (no more reckoned of than a Rush) although I have eleven times served; as it doth this day ashame me to see th••s shameful end of the War, ended before it was well begun. But in Regal Dignity is no shame, nor equity in rewarding the Souldier; for Kings now adays make account of Souldiers only according to their necessity; this is it alone that giveth us Pay, this is that getteth us love, this is it maintaineth our reputation; all which Peace once by Victory obtain∣ed, leese their Grace. So fareth it with us at this present (Fellow Souldiers) the Emperor and ••is Bro∣ther King F••rdinand, delivered from the fear of a most dangerous War, to ease themselves of this mul∣titude of us, seek to thrust us into Hungary as Beasts to the slaughter, by the spending of our Blood, hoping to purchase unto themselves Victory, and by the loss of us to take no harm themselves, though the Turks and Hungarians should with Sword and Famine ut∣terly destroy us, shut up with the Ice of Danubius, and the Snow of the Alpes. But peradventure you understand not these devices, no more than you under∣stand what this terrible and bloody * 10.85 Come••, shoot∣ing his Beams towards Italy, pretendeth. Verily it is not fatal either to Solyman or Caesar, but rather threatned unto us death and destruction; for they with like counsel full of safety and discretion, would not open any way unto their own destinies, but warily withdrew themselves one from the other, and shunned all the dangers of the Field. Wherefore if it were lawful for them, without any blemish of their Ma∣jesties, so notably to provide to keep themselves out of danger, when as on each side half the World lay as a reward of the Victory, shall not we look to our selves, that we be not thrust thither from whence appeareth no hope of return, but with utter destru∣ction, when as we may do it without ••ffence, and by good right, especially seeing no Pay is offered us. That you see what a goodly end is made of that notable War, wherein only we the Italians, in stead of com∣mendation and reward, reap injury and disgrace; and are peradventure of purpose exiled into Hungary, that this flour of Chivalry being drawn out of Italy, and sent far out of the way, Colonies of Spaniards and Germans may be placed in our steads. Truly it seemeth hard dealing, to be sent out of the way into a barbarous Country, where we shall find all hostility, and no place of refuge to receive us, being distressed. Besides this, we shall also whether we will or n••, feel how heavy and intollerable it will be both to our bodies and minds, to endure the miseries of this Winter and dangerous War; and in the mean time, with no small hearts grief imagine what things our Children, our Brethren, our Kinsmen, yea our Wives, suffer at home of the Spaniards and Germans. Wherefore worthy Companions, it concerneth us more at this time to have a good foresight, than valiantly to Fight. The occasion presented unto us for our safety and welfare, standeth upon a fickle point, it must be done without delay, and we must hie us hence before that the Spaniards truss up their Baggage; and so preventing the Emperors for∣most Companies, come first our selves into Italy; for if we shall stay but a little to consult upon the matter, Vastius and our other proud Commanders will present∣ly be here, the very betrayers of the Italian Blood, who for their own gain and our mischief, have brought us into these straits; who I know will most earnestly entreat us, and with many subtilties seek to seduce us, by offering us great pay, and whatsoever else we shall require; which will all prove but words. But you, if you be Men, refuse to talk with them, as with ••our Common Enemies, or rather in revenge of their old injuries kill them. Here wanteth not in this As∣sembly valiant Men, for courage and integrity of life their betters far, which can lead you forth, order your Battel, and fortunately use this your courage and for∣wardness. Wherefore if you be wise set forward re∣solutely, and good fortune no doubt will attend you in your hast; for the full accomplishment of your desire con∣sisteth in your hast only.

Marconius had no sooner made an end of this mutinous Speech,* 10.86 but the tumultuous Souldiers in every Band began highly to commend and approve the same, and by and by such a con∣fused noise was heard through all the assembly, as useth to rise amongst the discontented vulgar People, ready to rise in Arms; but the Drums presently striking up a March, they made no longer stay, but without delay pluckt up their Ensigns, and forward they go directly towards Neostat. In this tumult, in stead of their old

Captains, which either were not then present, or refused to go with them, they chose others to be their Leaders; who once named by the sedi∣tious multitude, might in no case without dan∣der refuse to take the charge upon them, were they never so unwilling. These were Montebel∣lius, Nerius, Melcarius, Sanctius, and the two Twins of Millan, called Glussani, who drew after them eight thousand Souldiers; the rest partly for shame, and partly for fear, stayed still with Maramaldus their new appointed General. When they were thus gone, Vastius and divers other great Companies hearing thereof in the City, posted after them six miles, and at length over∣taking them, requested them to stay, and not to dishonour themselves with so foul a Fact; telling them that their Pay was ready for them, and omitting nothing wherewith they might have been moved to stay, mingled their pray∣ers with grievous threats; but they resolutely set down, would neither hear nor stay, but as men inraged with fury and their own guilty Conscience, with stern looks discharged some small Shot upon them. Whilst Vastius would there have stayed the Company, and did what he possibly could by threatning and otherwise, to have terrified their Leaders, and to have brought them back, he was oftentimes in dan∣ger to have been slain. In the end he was glad to forsake them, and to return as he came. King Ferdinand by this sudden departure of the Italians, for that time disappointed of all his hope of recovering the Kingdom of Hungary from King Iohn; in great choler wrote unto his Subjects of Styria and Carinthia, whereby the Italians were to pass, That they should shew them no manner of courtesie in their passage; whereupon ensued great hurt on both sides. Yet for all that, these Italians in despight of what could be done, at length recovered Tiliaventum in the borders of Italy, where they disbanded themselves, and returned every man to his own dwelling, leaving King Ferdinand unto his own Forces. The Emperor also breaking up his Army at Vienna, and purposing now as before, to return into Italy, appointed Ferdinand Gonzaga to go formost with the light Horsemen, with whom also he went himself;* 10.87 after him followed Vastius with the Spaniards; two days after came the Cardinal, whose Train was of all the greatest; last of all followed the mercenary Ger∣mans; in which order he returned in safety into Italy.

This was the end of those wonderful Prepara∣tions made by two great Monarchs Solyman and Charles the Fifth, in the year, 1532. which held the World in great suspence with the fearful expectation of some marvelous alteration; and so much the more, for that at the same time appeared a great Blazing-Star by the space of fifteen days. All which for all that, God so appointing, sorted to far less harm than was of most men feared.

* 10.88Now whilst Charles the Emperor was thus in Arms against Solyman in Austria, Andreas Auria by his appointment, with a Fleet of thirty five tall Ships and forty eight Gallies, wherein he had embarked twenty five thousand good Souldiers well appointed, did in the mean time wonderfully annoy the Turks in Peloponnesus. With this Fleet Auria departing from Messina in Sicilia, and passing alongst the Coast of Italy, into the Ionium, near unto the Isle of Zacyn∣thus met with Vincentius Capellius the Venetian Admiral, with a Fleet of sixty Gallies set forth by the Venetians for desence of their Territory; who offered unto Auria all possible kindness, but excused himself, that he could not joyn with him in that War against the Common Enemy, by reason of an old League betwixt the Turks and the Venetians, which Solyman had but a little before renewed. So that at that time the Venetians stood as men indifferent be∣twixt Charles the Emperor and Solyman, offer∣ing like kindness to both, but taking part with neither, yet in readiness to fall out with either, if they should by Sea or Land offer any injury to their State; wherein they bare themselves so indifferent, that it was thought, that they at one and the self same instant advertised Auria, That Hymerales the Turks Admiral lay with his Fleet of sixty Gallies evil appointed, in the Bay of Ambracia, where he might easily be sur∣prized; and gave likewise warning to him of the coming of Auria with a strong Fleet, wish∣ing him in time to provide for his better safety, by retiring his Fleet into some other place of more assurance, which he presently did; for knowing himself too weak, he departed from Ambracia, to the strong Haven of Calcide. Which thing with other like, well considered, might give just cause to any Christian heart, to bewail the State of that time, wherein the Christian Princes being either in mortal Wars amongst themselves, or intangled by Solyman with Leagues of no assurance, omitted the fair∣est opportunity that could have been wished for the abating of the Turks greatness; for if the Venetians joyning their Forces with Auria, had in time pursued the Turkish Admiral, it was like, that not only all Solymans Power at Sea had been utterly discomfited; but also most part of Grecia, mindful of their ancient Empire and Liberty, and then ready to have rebelled, and joyned hands with the Christians, might have been recovered out of the Turkish Thral∣dom; yea and the Imperial City of Constanti∣nople greatly indangered, few or none being left for the defence thereof, beside young Jani∣zaries and effeminate Eunuchs, the heartless Keepers of the Turks Concubines; Solyman him∣self being then far off in Hungary, and having drawn with him the greatest strength of his Empire.

Auria taking his leave of the Venetian Admi∣ral, with much Honour done at Sea on both sides; was shortly after advertised, That the Turks Admiral was fled to Calcide. Wherefore now out of hope to do any good against him, he directed his course to Corone (which is a strong City upon the Coast of Peloponnesus, about twelve miles distant from Modon) with purpose to besiege it; which when he had well viewed, and considered of the strength thereof, he laid Siege thereto both by Sea and Land, battering it most terribly at one time with fourteen great pieces of Artillery by Land,* 10.89 and a hundred and fifty by Sea, so that a more terrible Bat∣tery had not been lightly heard of; for all that, the Turks valiantly stood upon their defence, and manfully repulsed the Italians, which under the Leading of the Count of Sarne assaulted the City by Land. The Turkish Garrisons lying about in the Country of Peloponnesus, did what they might to have relieved the City; who by the valour of the said Count were discomfited, and Zadares their chief Leader slain; whose Head, with others of the slain Turks, were set upon Stakes, to the terror of the Defen∣dants.

At length the Turks wearied with Assaults, and terrified with the thundring Shot which never ceased, and driven also from their greatest strength towards Sea, by the desperate assault of

certain resolute Christians, whom they had now full sore against their wills received as it were into their bosoms;* 10.90 fearing also to want Victual and Powder, if they should longer hold out without any hope of Relief; yielded the City and Castle to Auria, upon condition that they might in safety depart thence with bag and baggage. Corone thus taken, and a strong Gar∣rison of Spaniards there placed, and the Christian Greeks which dwelt in the City sworn unto them, Auria put to Sea with his Fleet, and sail∣ing again by Zazinthus, came to Patras another ancient City of Peloponnesus, which he easily took and ransacked;* 10.91 for the Turks distrusting the strength of the City, had strongly intrench∣ed themselves near unto the Castle; which place also, together with the Castle, they in short time yielded to Auria; covenanting, that they, and especially their Wives, might with their Garments only depart in safety into Aetolia; which was by Auria so precisely performed, that when three thousand of them passed along through the Army of the Christians, ranged on both sides, and some of the Souldiers began rude∣ly to handle some of the Women, and to take from them some of their Jewels, he caused them presently, to the terror of others, to be hanged. Auria leaving his Army at Patras, with commandment to follow him by Land, sailed alongst the coast of Peloponnesus, until he came to the Strait of Naupactum, now called Lepanto, which is the entrance into the Gulf of Corin∣thia, parting Peloponnesus from Aetolia, with a Strait somewhat narrower than the Strait of Hellespont. Upon this Strait stood two Castles, the one called Rhium, upon the coast of Pelopon∣nesus, and the other Molycrum in Aetolia, which Baja••et had wonderfully fortified, and stored with Ordnance for the keeping of that Strait. Auria threatning all extremity unto the Captain of the Castle on Peloponnesus side, if he did en∣force him to plant his Battery, so terrified him, that he without delay yielded unto him the Castle; covenanting only, That he and his Souldiers might in safety depart thence; which granted, and the Turks departed, Auria gave the spoil of the Castle unto his Souldiers which came with him by Sea; whereby he so offended the minds of the other Souldiers which came by Land from Patras, that they were about to have forsaken him. The other Castle upon Aetolia side was not so easily taken, being vali∣antly defended by a Garrison of old Janizaries, appointed for the keeping thereof. Yet in the end by fury of the Ordnance a breach was made, whereby the Christians forcibly entring, slew three hundred of the old Garrison-Souldiers, not taking any one to mercy; the rest fled into a strong Tower in the midst of the Castle, where seeing no remedy but that they must needs fall into the hands of their Enemies, they desperately blew up themselves, and the Tower, with a great part of the Castle, with Gunpowder, in such sort, that it seemed all the Sea coast to have been shaken with an Earthquake; and the Gallies which lay a Bow-shot off, were almost over∣whelmed with stones blown out so far off. The great Ordnance taken in this Castle was valued at 70000 Ducats; whereof certain pieces of a wonderful greatness, with Arabian letters written upon them, were afterwards by Auria brought to Genoa; and in remembrance of the Victory, mounted upon the Bulwark at the mouth of the Haven. All these things thus happily atchieved, Auria strongly fortified▪ the City of Corone, storing it both with Munition and plenty of Victual, committing the defence thereof to Mendoza a valiant Spaniard, with a strong Garrison of Spa∣niards; promising of his own charge to relieve him whensoever he should need, if the Emperor should defer to do it. The Strait of Naupactum laid open, Salviatus with the Gallies of Malta scoured all alongst the Gulf of Corinth, doing great harm unto the Turks which dwelt on both sides of the Gulf, spoiling and terrifying them even as far as Corinth. Not long after, Winter now ap∣proaching, Auria receiving Letters from the Empe∣ror, of Solymans departure out of Hungary, returned with his Fleet loaded with the spoil of the Turks,* 10.92 to Naples, and so from thence home to Genoa.

In the beginning of the Spring following (which was the year, [year 1533.] 1533.) it was rifely reported that the Turks were coming with a great Fleet towards Peloponnesus; and not long after,* 10.93 M••n∣doza Governor of Corone, by Letters advertised Peter of Toledo, Vice-Roy of Naples, That he was both by Sea and Land hardly besieged by the Turks; and that he would to the uttermost of his Power valiantly defend the City, so long as he had any provision of Victual; Wherefore he most earnestly requested, That if the Emperor would have the Town kept, he should in time send him Relief, whereupon the oppressed Gre∣cians taking heart, were like enough to rebel, and to help to expulse the Turks quite out of Peloponnesus. But above all things he forgot not to crave speedy Aid of Auria, and to put him in mind of the faithful promise he had made to relieve him at his need. Upon this news, Charles the Emperor commanded Auria his Admiral,* 10.94 to rig up a convenient Fleet for that Service, pro∣mising forthwith to send unto him twelve Gallies, which he had new built in Spain. He also re∣quested the Knights of Malta to Aid him with their Gallies against that common Enemy▪ Wherefore Auria having with wonderful cele∣rity rigged up thirty tall Ships, and as many Gallies, came to Naples to take in his Souldiers; there the old Garrisons of the Spaniards which for want of pay were risen in mutiny against the great Commander and General Vastius and the Vice-Roy, and had rifled the City of Aversa, and done no little harm all about in the Country of Campania, were again pacified by a pay given unto them, and presently embarked for Corone, under the Command of Rodericus Macicaus their General; at which time also Frederick of Toledo the Vice-Roy's Son, with a Company of brave Gentlemen went aboord, vowing unto the Sacred War that their first Service. The Knights of Malta came thither also with their Gallies. But whilst these things were a doing, Auria to in∣courage them of Corone, for fear lest they despair∣ing of help, should fall to some hard composition with the Turks, sent Christopher Palavicine a re∣solute young Gentleman of an invincible courage, with a most swift Gally to Corone; who by day∣light passing through the midst of the Turks Fleet, safely recovered the Haven, to the great joy of the besieged Christians; and shortly after when he had well viewed all things he was sent for, with the strength and manner of the Enemies lying, and filling the minds of the Defendants with assured hope of speedy rescue, about noon time of the day he suddenly brake out again through the midst of his Enemies, and as it were miraculously escaped in safety, for all that they could do, although they ceased not to give him chace so long as they were in any hope to have overtaken him. Auria departing from Naples, came to Messina, where he certainly informed of the Enemies force both by Sea and Land, with the number of their Gallies, and seeing that the chief hope of relieving of the City con∣siested

in celerity, stayed not for the Gallies he expected out of Spain, but held on his course towards Grecia; for it was told him, that the Enemies Fleet daily increased, by the coming in of the Turkish Pirats; and that Assem-Beg (other∣wise called the Moor of Alexandria, an arch Pirat) was still looked for, in whose good directions the Turkish Captains reposed the greatest hope of their Victory. When he was come as far as Za∣zynthus, he was informed by the Venetians, That Luftibeius Bassa (or rather Lutzis Bassa the Turks great Admiral, and Solymans Brother in law) with Solyman of Acarnania, and the Moor (men for their skill at Sea, of great Fame and Reputation) lay before Corone, with eighty Gallies manned with divers Companies of the old Janizaries; so that it was thought a matter of exceeding peril for him to adventure to relieve the Town, except he took the advantage of some prosperous gale of Wind. Wherefore Auria to have yet more cer∣tain knowledge of the Enemies Fleet, sent before him Christopher Palavicine with one Gally, again to view the manner of the Enemies lying; who passing the Promontory of Acrites, saw all the Turks great Fleet lying in very good order be∣fore the City; and so returned to Auria, con∣firming that the Venetians had before reported, and that the Turks Fleet was greatly increased, and lay ready as it should seem to give him bat∣tel as soon as he should approach the City. For all that, Auria nothing dismaid with the greatness of the Turks Fleet, made no stay, but still kept on his course, and with a fair gale of Wind passing the Promontory of Acrytes, came directly towards Corone.* 10.95 Two great Gallions, of all the Fleet the most War-like Ships, came formost; whereof the one was Aurias's own, which he had built with a wonderful Charge; and the other was of Sicilia, These two great Ships were ap∣pointed by Auria to turn a little upon the left hand; and at such time as the Enemy should set forward from the shore, to cast Anchor betwixt both the Fleets; that as occasion should serve, they might as out of two strong Castles, beat the Turks Gallies with their great Ordnance, wherewith they were for that purpose wonder∣fully stored. Next unto these great Gallions fol∣lowed the other War-like Ships with full sails; after whom came the Gallies in three Squadrons, whereof Salviatus had the leading of the right Wing, which consisted of the Bishop of Romes Gallies and them of Malta; in the left Wing and near unto the Enemy commanded Antonius Auria; and in the middle was Auria himself. At the first sight of the Christian Fleet, the Turks moved not from the shore, but discharged their Ordnance at them afar off, and then begun to set forward and to draw nearer; especially the Moor, who with greater courage than the rest, assailed the side and the rereward of the Fleet; for the Christians keeping on their course right forth to Corone, and turning nothing to the left hand,* 10.96 as was before appointed, seemed as if they had fled; and so much the more, for that the Gallies in the right Wing, for fear of the Turks great Ordnance, did fetch a great compass farther off into the Sea, and many of the middle Squa∣dron and of the left Wing also, had disorderly thrust themselves in amongst the Ships, although they had received little or no harm of the Ene∣mies great shot.

In this confusion of the Christian Navy, the Moor requested Lutzis the Admiral, not to let slip so fair an occasion, wherein the Christian Fleet might easily have been overthrown; but whilst Lutzis doth slowly and considerately set forward, Auria in the mean time had put his Fleet again in order, and with a fair Wind was come to Corone.* 10.97 Two of the Ships by the way falling foul one on another, staid behind, be∣ing not able to keep way with the rest; about which all the Turks Gallies presently flockt, and took the lesser of them, killing all the Spaniards they found therein. Out of this they boorded the greater, and with a bloody fight had won the Forecastle and Wast of the Ship; when Auria, accounting it no small dishonour to have his Ships so surprised at his heels, caused all his Gallies to turn again upon the Enemy, to res∣cue those Ships. The Turks seeing that, and with the Westernly Wind by little and little fallen down so far with the Ships, that they were come within the danger of the sho••t of the Town, be∣gan with great stir to forsake the Ships, and to betake themselves to their Oars, and so in man∣ner of flight withdrew themselves.* 10.98 Whom Auria pursued a good way to Modon, thundring in their Poupes with his great shot, which he li∣berally bestowed amongst them; whilst in the mean time Antonius Auria came to rescue the two distressed Ships. There the Spaniards which but a little before had hardly maintained their close fights, began now as men revived, to shew themselves, and couragiously to make resistance; and they which came with Antonius Auria to their rescue, entring with wonderful celerity on every side, slew and took 300 Janizaries, which with great courage had entred those Ships, and were there left by the sudden depar∣ture of their Fellows. Amongst whom was taken one Iosuphus an old Captain of 1000 Janizaries; to whom Auria after he was come to Corone, gave a fair Suit of Apparel and a chain of Gold, and so set him at liberty without any ransome, thereby to provoke the Turks to the like kind of courteous dealing with the Christians. Assam-beg the Pirate, and the other Captains of the Turks Fleet, wonderfully blamed Lutzis the Admiral, for that he would not then fight with the Christi∣ans, when as he was thereto most earnestly re∣quested both by the Captains and Souldiers in general, and had a fair opportunity of Victory offered at such time as the Christians Fleet was disordered; but he excused himself, saying, That it was given him in special Charge from Solyman the Emperor, That he should in any case respect the safety of his Navy, and not to come to the hazard of a battel. The Turks which besieged the City by Land, upon the approach of the Christian Fleet, forsook their Trenches and fled; at which time Mendoza the Governor sallying out,* 10.99 took great store of Victual and War-like provision which the Turks had for hast left be∣hind them. So Auria to his great honour having driven the Turks from Corone both by Sea and Land, furnished the City with store of Corn, Wine, Victual, Powder, and Shot; and committed the defence thereof to Macicaus and the Compa∣nies of the mutinous Spaniards which he had brought from Naples; comforting the Greeks, and exhorting them, patiently for a while to endure those Calamities of War; telling them that the Emperor would the next Spring make War against the Turks both by Sea and Land in Pelo∣ponnesus, and free them from the Turkish Bon∣dage. And so imbarking the old Garrison of Spa∣niards, departed from Corone, and came before Modon, where he lay as it were braving the Turks Admiral,* 10.100 hoping thereby to draw him out of that strong Harbor to battel. But when he saw that the Enemy could by no means be allured out of his strength, or assailed as he lay, he departed thence to Corcyra, and so back again to Messina in Sicilia.

Within a few days after, Assam-beg the Moor of Alexandria and most famous Pyrate,* 10.101 lying in wait for the Merchants Ships of Venice coming out of Syria with Merchandize, by chance met with Hieronimus Canalis upon the Coast of Crete; where in the night time was sought betwixt them a fierce and cruel Battel; wherein of the Moors thirteen Gallies, four were sunk, three taken, and the rest having lost most part of their Rowers, fled to Alexandria. In this Fight were slain three hundred Janizaries which were going to Caire, and a thousand other Turks; of all them that were taken, there was scarcely one saved, but the Moor himself, who grievously wounded in the Face, for safeguard of his life was glad to disco∣ver himself; for the Venetians maintaining their State by Trade and Traffique, do of all other shew least favour unto Pyrats. When the Moor had made himself known to Canalis, there was great care taken for the curing of his Wounds, and either of them began with notable dissimu∣lation to excuse the matter to other; saying, That they were both deceived by the likeness of the Gallies, and mistaking of their Friends for Enemies; when as for all that, they knew one another right well. For the Moor said, that he took those Venetian Gallies for to have been part of Auria his Fleet; and Can••lis excused himself, by saying, that he mistook him for Barbarussa, who a few years before had surprised three of the Venetian Gallies. Yet the Venetians doubt∣ing how Solyman would take the mater, by their Embassador sought to excuse what was done, as a thing happening by error and mischance; of which excuse Solyman accepted, and said moreo∣ver, that Canalis had done well and Souldier like, to repulse by force the wrong that was offered him. Three of the Emperors Gallies staying be∣hind the rest of the Fleet, were near unto the Promontory Palinurus, upon the Coast of Apulia, intercepted and carried away by Sinam, sirnamed the Jew, a notable Pyrate of that time also.

The Winter following, the Spaniards and Greeks in Corone began to want Victuals, especi∣ally Wine and Flesh; for the Turks had so blocked up the City, that nothing was to be had out of the Country; wherefore the Souldiers re∣quested Macicaus their Governor and General to lead them forth to some piece of service against the Enemy,* 10.102 forsomuch as they were not to hope for any relief elsewhere before April, wishing ra∣ther valiantly to die like men in Fight against the Turks, than to languish within those dead Walls for want of Victual. But Macicaus mind∣ful of his charge, sought by many reasons to dis∣swade them from such purpose, shewing them what an offence it were rashly to depart out of the City committed to their custody, which might be unto them dangerous, although they should speed never so well; and that those wants which they rather feared than felt, would well enough be overcome by sparing and patience; and therefore told them plainly, that he was re∣solutely set down to keep the City for the Empe∣ror, and to indure all hardness, rather than to in∣cur the infamy, That he had forsaken the City, and betraied his Garrison. Yet for all this the matter was so urged by Didacus Touarres and Her∣mosilla, both great Captains, and by the general importunity of the Souldiers, that Macicaus was enforced to yield to their desire, and to promise them to go; yet earnestly protesting, that he did it altogether against his Will, rather enforced than perswaded unto that, whereof he had no great hope of success. Among other that were so forward in this action, was one Barbatius, a most valiant Greek, who could perfectly speak the Turks Language, and of all others best knew the By-waies and secret passages of the Country; he undertook to be their Guid, and by unknown Waies to bring them unto the Enemies undis∣covered in the dead time of the night, when as they feared no such matter.* 10.103 So Macicaus com∣mending the custody of the City to Liscanius and Mendesius, with charge that they should suffer no man to go out of the City after his departure, for fear of giving any knowledge unto the Ene∣my, set forward about ten a clock in the night towards Andrussa, Barbatius being his Guid; who shunning the common beaten Waies, brought them by secret and uncouth Paths that night half the way to Andrussa; but upon the rising of the Sun he brought them into a secret woody Val∣ley, where they rested and refreshed themselves all that day, and setting forward at night, came to Andrussa before day. In this Town, which was of no great strength, lay one Caranus, a warlike Captain with three thousand Footmen, whereof the one half were Janizaries; and in the Suburbs lay Acomates with a thousand chosen Horsemen, with which Garrison the Turks kept all that side of Peloponnesus in awe. Macicaus brought by his Guid unto the place where his Enemies lay, went directly to the Town to have surprised it; Hermosilla in the mean time stand∣ing still with certain Companies of Spaniards over against the place where the Horsemen lay. But this could not be done with so great silence, but that some of the Horseboys being awake disco∣vered them by the fire in their Matches; who first awaked the negligent Watchmen, and after∣wards raised an Alarm in the Suburbs; where∣upon Hermosilla couragiously set upon the Horse∣men, being altogether unready, and slew many of them before they could arm themselves, and set fire also upon the Stables wherein the Turks Horses stood, with the rage whereof many of the Turks perished, with their Horses and Armor. Great and terrible was the noise raised upon the suddain in the Suburbs, but especially of the Horses, which burnt as they stood fast tied in the Stables, or by chance breaking loose, ran up and down with their Tayls and Mains on a light fire; by occasion whereof, an Alarm was raised in the Town, and the Turks got to the Walls be∣fore the Spaniards could enter.* 10.104 Macicaus himself labouring to break in at a Postern, was shot in the Head with a small Shot, and slain; divers o∣thers near unto him were slain also. The Turks perceiving the small number of their Enemies, sallied out upon them, and enforced them to re∣tire to Hermosilla, who had already made great Spoil amongst the Horsemen, by whose skilful direction, the Spaniards retired in so good order, making many stands, with their Harquebusiers all drawn into the Rearward, that such of the Turks as were most forward to pursue them, did by their death cause the rest to make less hast. Acomates with such of his Horsemen as had escaped the Fire, hasted thither also, bringing with him two hundred Harquebusiers, which he had caused his Horsemen for hast to take up be∣hind them upon their Horses; but whilst he sought eagerly to be revenged upon his Ene∣mies, and with too much heat pressed on with the foremost, he was shot in the Body with a Bullet and slain. So the Horsemen which had before received a great loss as they lay in their lodgings, accounting it in their good haps that they were not there all slain, and having now lost their Captain, ceased any further to pursue their Enemies, but returned. The Spaniards and Greeks, although they were wearied both with their long march and evil success, retired still as

resolute men, ready to fight, and so returned to Corone. Presently after, the Turkish Garrison removed from Andrussa to Megalopolis, now called Londarium; after whose departure the Christian Souldiers of Corone came thither and buried the dead bodies of their slain Fellows (which till then lay unburied) and brought back with them the Head of Macicaus their late General, which the Turks had there set up upon a long Pole, which they honourably buried at Corone. Not long after, the Plague began to grow hot in Co∣rone, so much the more grievous, for that it came accompanied with many other hard difficulties. For which causes,* 10.105 the Spaniards as men at once inforced with many extremities, imbarked them∣selves with all the great Ordnance, and such Greeks as would go with them, in certain Ships which came with Corn out Sicilia, and so de∣parted, leaving the Town empty for the Turks to come unto.

It was commonly reported, that the Spaniards left Corone not without the secret consent of the Emperor, which was the rather thought to be so, because that they which forsook the place, re∣ceived thereby no disgrace, and the Emperor himself had offered to give the Town to Clement Bishop of Rome, the Venetians and the Knights of Malta, who all refused to receive it, as loath to be at so great a charge in keeping a place serving for no greater purpose; the very cause why the Emperor was so willing to part with it. Now Clement the great Bishop had by means of Aloysius Grittus made a motion of a Peace, to have been concluded for ten years betwixt Soly∣man and the Christian Princes, and thereupon the Town to have been again delivered unto the Turks; which Peace Solyman was not altogther unwilling to grant, being then wholly bent to invade the Persian King. Ferdinand was also in good hope that his Brother Charles the Emperor, would for the yielding up of that Town have covenanted with the Turk some great matter for his benefit in Hungary, which as was thought would also have been easily obtained. But whilst the Emperor drawn diversly with the conside∣ration of his honour in keeping it, and of his pro∣fit in giving it up, stood too long in resolving, the Town in the mean time was by the Spaniards (their necessity dayly increasing) abandoned, and so left to the Turks for nothing.

Solyman now purposing to turn his forces against the Persians, [year 1534.] of whom he had in the Frontiers of his Dominions received great hurt, especially in Comagene; renewed the League he had with the Venetians, and some other Christian Princes; but of all other his Affairs with the Christians, he was most careful of the interest he had already gotten in Hungary. For it was reported, that King Iohn his Vassal induced by the continual solicitations of his Subjects, was desirous of Peace with King Ferdinand, upon condition that he might quietly enjoy the Kingdom during his life; and after his decease it to remain to King Ferdinand and his Heirs. Wherefore Solyman, that nothing should be there done in his absence without his knowledge, sent Aloysius Grittus the Duke of Ve∣nice his Son (of whom we have before spoken) a man both for the honour of his House,* 10.106 the good carriage of himself, and the special com∣mendation of Abraham the chief Bassa, in great credit with him; with Commission as his Lieute∣nant to be assistant unto King Iohn, in such mag∣nifical sort, as that without him the King might conclude nothing in matters of State, concerning either Peace or War, with any other the Christi∣an Princes. With this proud Commission from the grand Seignior, Grittus entred into Transyl∣vania, then a part of the Kingdom of Hungary (much about the same time that Solyman set for∣ward from Constantinople against the Persian) at∣tended upon with seven thousand persons of one sort and other, among whom were Urbanus Ba∣tianus, and Ianus Docia, two famous Hungarian Captains with their Companies, and many of the Turks Janizaries also. At his first coming, to make his Authority the more known, he sent out his proud command unto the great Men and Governors of the Cities of that warlike Province, charging them forthwith to repair unto him as great Solymans Deputy, authorised by him to hear and determin all the controversies and mat∣ters of State concerning the Kingdom of Hun∣gary. At that time Americus Cihachus Bishop of Veradium, a man of great Nobility and Power,* 10.107 withal singularly well qualified, was Vayvod or Governor of Transilvania, an honour next unto the King; he understanding that Grittus was come into his Province, and making small hast to wellcome him, as one not greatly moved with his coming, or much regarding the command∣ment of Solyman; wonderfully offended Grittus, who desired nothing more than at his first en∣trance to have confirmed the opinion of his Au∣thority in the minds of the Vulgar People by the prest and ready attendance of the Vayvod. But it was commonly bruted, that the stout Bishop upon a Christian Zeal detested the Friendship of the Turks, and could not well brook that they should be too much acquainted in his Province, for fear lest that fruitful Country abounding with Men and Horses, should by one means or other fall into their hands. Grittus was come to Baxo∣via when he understood by many Messengers, that the Vayvod was coming with a great Train, and lay about ten miles off, encamped with divers gallant Troops of Horsemen, in war∣like manner appointed; for the Bishops of Hun∣gary being wonderful rich, were by old custom bound to keep great numbers of Horsemen, which as occasion served they used to bring into the Field against the Turk; accounting it great ho∣nour with their religious hands to defend the cause of Religion. But then especially the Nobility of the Country well appointed resorted on every side, on courtesie to honour and contenance their great Bishop and Governor, at whose command∣ment they were; insomuch as the Bishops reti∣nue made shew of a good Army. Which thing moved Grittus exceedingly, that he should be en∣forced contrary to his expectation to parly with the Bishop in the open Fields, as with an Enemy in sight of all their Followers. Hereof rose en∣vy, a deadly mischief always repining at another mans honour; when as the one swelling with Turkish Pride could not then abide any equal, and the other jealous of his honour, could by no means endure any superior, in such place as he had the Sovereignty of. When these two great men had met together in the open Fields, and there dined more like Enemies than Friends, without any shew of friendship or good will; Grittus in∣wardly chasing at his bare entertainment, covertly threatned to be revenged upon all such as should make so light account of his Authority; and im∣mediately as he departed from the Banquet, taking his Cap from his Head (which was after the Turkish manner made of a high fashion, of rich Sables) and opening it with both his Hands, said, This Cup will not hold two Heads, and therefore it must be fitted to one, and so put it on again. Iohn Docia▪ one of the Hungarian Captains, his Fol∣lowers, who deadly hated the Vayvod (for that he had long time before, for his malepert Speech in a great Assembly, given him a blow with his

Fist) took hold of that Speech of Grittus, as a fit occasion for him to work his revenge: and said, Your honour maketh a fit comparison, neither can this Province contain two equal Governors or Com∣manders,* 10.108 nor you ever enjoy your Power and Autho∣rity, except you do this day with speedy and manly resolution defend both Solymans credit, and your own. You know not this proud Beast Americus, whose Pride and Insolency if you but say the word, I will quickly put down; for he hateth Solyman, he regardeth not the King, and of you he maketh no account at all, for why, he aspireth unto the Majesty of a King, and saith that the Vayvodship of Transylvania well beseemeth a King; for that in this Country Decebaldus the Da∣cian sometime reigned, whom the warlike Emperor Trajan with all the force of the Roman Empire hardly subdued. No man can more proudly or arro∣gantly set himself forth than he, neither more craftily or cunningly dissemble to serve his turn. Indeed he hath for fashion sake presented your honour with a few simple Presents, and given you his Hand also, better known for his Falshood than his Faith; to the intent that when you are once past his Country, he may scoff and jeast at your Decrees; verily he deadly envieth at your Honour and Felicity, and grudgeth in his heart, that you should set down the Laws of Peace and War in Hungary; and whereas he doth mani∣festly aspire unto a Kingdom, he feareth you above all others, lest you should trouble his designs, abate his credit, and chastise his insolency. Verily, he that thus maligneth your happyness, and contemneth your Authority, is not to be suffered, but by good reason to be taken away; thereby at this your first entrance to defend the credit of your Commission, and honour of your Name. For nothing is more dangerous than a faithless Companion, and a secret Enemy, especially when you shall leave him at your back behind you; for when he shall, as occasion serves, shew forth his hidden malice, he shall so much the more slily and desperately endanger your Person. Grittus enraged with his Speech more than before, thought it best to make hast, and to use his Authority to the full; he commended Docia, and promised him in short time to requite his good will towards him, espe∣cially if he would by some notable attempt abate the Bishops Pride. It is reported, that Grittus gave him no other charge, but to take the Bishop that so he might after the Turkish manner have sent him in Chains to Constantinople,* 10.109 and be∣stowed the honour of the Vayvod upon Hieroni∣mus Lascus the Polonian, who in hope of that honourable Preferment unto him promised by King Iohn, had done unto him great and faith∣ful service, as his Embassador both unto Solyman, and also unto the French King. But when King Iohn perceived that he could not conveniently without manifest danger place him, being a Po∣lonian (who could scarcely speak the Hungarian Language) Governor over such warlike People; he as it were enforced by necessity, preferred this Americus the Bishop of Veradium, a man of them both reverenced and feared: Which so grieved Lascus, a man of great Stomach and Ex∣perience, and thereunto excellently learned, that he would never admit of any excuse of the Kings, but alwaies after complained, that he was by the King deluded. Yet for all that, he kept himself within the bounds of Loyalty, and en∣joyed certain Lands and Towns which the King had given him in the Borders of Polmia; and estranged nevertheless from him in mind, was now become one of Grittus his Followers, hoping of his better Preferment by his means unto Soly∣man; and for that cause was not so forward to do the King such service as he had in times past. Now by the commandment of Grittus, a strong Company of Turkish Horsemen, and certain Troops of Hungarians, were delivered to Docia; who secretly departing that night from Baxovia, came suddenly to the Vayvods Camp, having a little before by his Hungarian Spies learned that he lay in the open Fields in his Tent, by reason of the great heat, without any watch or guard attended on only with his Pages and Houshold Servants, as a man without fear; and that all the rest of his retinue lay dispersed in the Coun∣try Villages round about. All which served so well for Docia his purpose,* 10.110 that the Vayvod ig∣norant of his death so nigh at hand (who ra∣ther contemned than feared his Enemies) was suddainly oppressed by Docia his Souldiers; so that whilst he was yet lying in his Bed, and scarcely well awaked by his Chamberlains and the noise of the Enemy; Docia breaking into his Tent, cut off his Head as he lay. All they which lay near, amazed with the suddainness of the matter, fled away for fear, and left their Horses and other things for a Prey to the Turks and other of Docia his Followers. Docia having done so great an outrage, returned to Grittus, pre∣senting unto him the Vayvods Head, which he brought in his Hand by the Ear. Lascus was then present, but altogether ignorant of the mur∣der, who as a man moved with a natural com∣passion in so suddain and horrible a Fact, and forgetting all former grudges (as in like case it oftentimes chanceth) stood as one dismaid, no∣thing rejoicing at the unworthy death of his Ene∣my. To whom Grittus turning himself, said, Lascus, Dost thou not know this shaven Pate, truly it is a great Mans Head, but of such an one as was very ambitious, rebellious, and proud. To whom Lascus replied, Truly though I loved him not, yet I thought it not so whilst it stood upon his Shoulders; disallowing therein the Cru∣elty of the Fact. Which thing Grittus perceiving began to repent him of that was done, and said openly, that although he was worthily slain, yet he could have wished rather to have had him taken Prisoner. The report of this horrible murder once bruted abroad,* 10.111 the Bishops Kinsmen and Friends, yea almost all the People of that Pro∣vince rise up in Arms against Grittus, to revenge the death of the reverend Bishop, whom living they had both loved and feared. Never did any People in revenge of a common wrong; enter into Arms with greater desire, more heat, or quicker speed; so that in few days there were assembled together forty thousand Horse and Foot, under the leading of Stephanus Maylat a Noble Gentleman, who of all other most ho∣noured the Bishop, and in that common grief took upon him as chief, the persecuting of the Authors of such inhumane Cruelty. Grittus perceiving how grievously the matter was taken, with the danger he was in, began to doubt with himself what course were best for him to take. To go forward, and to fall into the hands of the furious People, the same was present death; and to re∣turn and leave the honourable deputation he had with so great expectation of all men taken up∣on him, was unto his aspiring mind no less tor∣ment than death it self. Thus perplexed, he with all speed got himself with his Followers to the strong Town of Mege, in hope to shroud him∣self until such time as the rage of the Country People were either of it self appeased (as it often∣times falleth out in such suddain Tumults) or else he should be relieved by King Iohn, or the Turks Sanzacks which had the charge of the Frontiers of the Turkish Empire. The Towns∣men of Mege seeing Grittus accompanied with so many Turks, shut the Gates against him; yet at length by the perswasion of the two Hungarian

Captains Docia and Batianus, they gave him leave to enter into the base Town, having before re∣tired themselves with all their Substance unto the higher Town, which in manner of a strong Castle commanded the lower. Here whilst Grit∣tus with all carefulness fortifieth the place, and dispatcheth the Messengers unto his Friends a∣broad for Aid; his Enemies with hideous noise and outcries approaching the Town, at their first coming attempted to have scaled the Walls and Rampiers thereof, which thing whilst they disorderly did, with greater fury than discretion, they were easily repulsed, and many of them slain by the Turks Janizaries and Harquebusiers. After which loss, by the direction of Maylat their General,* 10.112 they withdrew themselves out of the danger of the Shot, and incamped on every side of the Town, hoping as the truth was, that their Enemies unprovided of Victual, could not long hold the place, but must of necessity either starve with Famine, or yield it up. In the mean time Grittus resolutely enduring all the calamities of a man besieged, fell sick, and so much the more for that he could hear nothing of any Aid which he expected from his Friends; for King Iohn glad in his mind of the distress of the Overseer, or rather Competitor of his Kingdom; and also knowing that he could not without great discon∣tentment of his Subjects oppose himself against such a multitude risen upon so just a cause; yet for fashion sake sent certain Troops of Horse∣men to his relief; who not altogether ignorant of the Kings mind, made such hast, as men that purposed not to come in time to do him good. As for the Turks Sanzacks of Belgrade and Saman∣dria, they envying at his honour, flatly refused to depart from their charge, to relieve him with∣out express command from Solyman himself; and Lascus (before one of Grittus his chief Followers, but now a beholder of his distress) when he had a little before departed from him to procure him some relief, as he promised, did now in this extremity forsake him also. The Citizens in the upper Town (who a great while had stood looking on from above as men indifferent) per∣ceiving the full resolution of their Countrymen to be revenged, and the difficulties wherewith the Turks were inclosed, assailed them also from the high Town. Grittus thus beset on every side, offered unto the Transylvanians a great Mass of Mony, to suffer him to pass forward into Hun∣gary; but their furious minds more desirous of Revenge than Mony, were not to be moved with any Gold. In fine, he sent rich Jewels to the Governor of Moldavia his Friend, to be ready at a certain hour when he would sally out of the Town, to receive him with certain Troops of Horsemen; so if it were possible to save himself and his Children.* 10.113 Grittus (whether it were upon a doubtful hope, or urged by inevitable destiny) sallying out of the Town at the appointed time, with Solymans Commission in his hand, and mis∣sing of the Moldavian, fell upon Francis Scheden the late Bishops nigh Kinsman, and Maylat his familiar Friend; who furiously running in upon him with tumultuous Speech, violently caught from his Head his rich Cap of Sables, and with his Horsemen took him, being weak with sickness, and making no resistance. His Followers, espe∣cially the Turks, inclosed on every side, were either slain or taken. But Grittus himself being brought to the Generals Tent, beset round with his armed Enemis, and there examined, Why he had commanded the Vayvod to be slain; earnestly pro∣tested, That he never commanded any such thing, and that it was done without his knowledge. Which his answer served not his turn, all the People cry∣ing out against him with one voice, that he should as a sacrifice be offered unto the Vayvods Ghost. Whereupon he was by Maylat delivered again to Francis Schenden to be executed,* 10.114 who without de∣lay caused his Head to be struck off. The No∣bility and the Vayvods Kinsmen (after the man∣ner of that People) dipped some part of their Garments in his Blood, the longer to keep in mind the remembrance of the Revenge. This was the shameful end of Aloysius Grittus the Duke of Ve∣nice his Son, Solymans Deputy in Hungary, with whom he was in such credit as never was any Christian, abounding in Wealth and worldly Fe∣licity; but climing too fast up the evil staved Ladder of Ambition, suddenly fell and never rise more.* 10.115 The Executioner stripping his dead Body, found about him so may precious Stones and Jewels as were valued at forty millions of Ducats. And not long after, Lascus sent for by the King to Buda, was straitly examined upon torture concerning Grittus his Commission and purposes, and was in great danger of his life; but at last by the intercession of Sigismund King of Polonia, he was set at liberty, and so fled out of Hungary unto Sigismund his Court in Polonia, after he had long time wearied himself, and adven∣tured his life in the Hungarian State. Docia the Author of this Tragedy, was by the furious Peo∣ple afterwards rent in pieces, and so perished.

The same time that Grittus went from Constan∣tinople into Hungary,* 10.116 Solyman the Turkish Empe∣ror dreading no danger out of Europe, took in hand two great Expeditions both at one time, the one by Land into Asia against the Persians, and the other by Sea into Africk against the Moors; promising unto himself in his inordinate desires, the Monarchy of the whole World in short time, if he might subdue these two great Nations whom he had already in hope devoured. But forasmuch as all cannot be told at once, which was at one time in divers places so far distant done, omitting for a while the Expedition made in person himself against the Persians, we will first declare what he did by his Lieutenants a∣gainst the Moors. Hariadenus, sirnamed of the Christians Barbarussa (who succeeding his elder Brother Horruccius in the Kingdom of Algiers in Africk, had by many Victories so inlarged the Kingdom before gotten by his Brother, that his Name and Power was now become terrible both to the Christians and wild Moors, and his fame grown great in the Turkish Court) was the chief Author and perswader of Solyman to in∣vade Africk. But it shall not (as I think) be far from our purpose here briefly to rehearse by what means those two Mytilene Brethren, basely born, crept out of a small Galliot unto the Majesty of great Kings; that herein they which come afterwards may also admire the wonderful changes and chances of these world∣ly things, now up, now down, as if the life of man were not of much more certainty than a stage Play.

These two Brethren, Horruccius and Hariadenus,* 10.117 born at Mytilene in the Island of Lesbos, weary of the poor and base estate they led at home with their Father, a Renegate Grecian; stealing a little Galliot, committed themselves and all the hope of their good fortune to Sea, where by chance they consorted themselves with Camales, a most famous Pyrat of that time; under whom Horruccius the elder Brother, for his forwardness became a Captain; and growing rich by many Purchases, and also strong with Gallies and Slaves which he had at sundry times taken; and at last consorting himself with Haidin Sinam the Jew, Salee, and other less Pyrats (which afterwards

became men of great fame and account) over whom he commanded as an arch Pyrat, came seeking after purchase as far as Mauritania. At which time Selymes King of Iulia-Caesarea, which now we call Algiers, was in Arms against his Bro∣ther Mechemetes, Competitor of the Kingdom; who aided by the Numidians, now commonly called Arabians, put his Brother in great doubt of his Estate. Selymes glad of the coming of Hor∣ruccius and the other Pyrats his Followers, with a great Mass of Mony paid before hand, induced Horruccius and the rest to take upon them the defence of him and his Kingdom against his Brother; which thing Horruccius so happily per∣formed, (especially by the means of his Har∣quebusiers, as then no small terror to the wild Moors and Numidians) that in short time he re∣pulsed that savage People, and set Selymes at peace in his Kingdom. Horruccius being a man of a sharp wit, and by nature ambitious, noting in the time of his service the Kings mild and simple disposition, void of all distrust; and that the naked Moors were no Souldiers, but a light and unconstant People, alwaies at variance among themselves; and that the wandring Numidians living barely divided into many factions, were easily by reward to be won, or by force constrain∣ed; suddenly falsified his faith, and villanously slew Selymes the King, as he was bathing himself, mistrusting nothing less than the falshood of the Pyrat; and in the same hurl murdring such as he thought would withstand his desire, and with Bounty and Cruelty overcoming the rest, so wrought the matter, that he was by general con∣sent chosen King of Algiers. Thus of a Pyrat be∣come a King, he shortly after by Policy surprised Circello (a famous City about sixty mile distant from Algiers) by his Souldiers sent thither in the habit of Merchants. After that, he by his Bro∣ther Hariadenus (no less valiant than himself) troubled all the Mediterranean Sea from Algiers with his Gallies,* 10.118 and all his Neighbours; himself by land with daily incursions, leaving nothing untoucht, which might by force or policy be had; so that his power daily encreased, men of service continually resorting unto him, as the chief man in all those parts. Not thus contented, he to enlarge his Kingdom, drave the Spaniards out of ••ug••a, a City famous both for the great Trade thither, and for the Mahometan School sometime there kept; at the taking whereof he lost his right Hand with a Shot, and instead thereof ever after used a Hand of Iron, wherewith he obtained many worthy Victories against his Ene∣mies; for near to Algiers he overthrew an Army of the Spaniards, with Diego de Vara their Gene∣ral. And shortly after, at such time as Hugo Mon∣cada returning out of Italy with the old Spanish Souldiers landed in his Country, he enforced him again to Sea; where he with all his expert Soul∣diers either perished by shipwrack, or driven on shore, were slain or taken Prisoners by Horruccius, and thrust into his Gallies. At last having in sundry Battels overcome the King of Tremissa, Charles the Emperor his Confederate, and thrust him out of his Kingdom, he stirred up both the Christians and Numidians against him; so that coming to take Ora and Portus (two strong Holds kept by Garrisons of Spaniards sent thither to aid the King of Tremissa) he was by them and the Moors at the first repulsed,* 10.119 and afterwards quite overthrown; where most part of his Army being slain or taken Prisoners, he with a few of his Friends sought to save themselves by flight over the desart Sands; and seeing himself hard∣ly pursued by his Enemies, scattered many pieces of Gold upon the Sands as he fled, thereby to have staied their hasty pursuit; but they more desirous of him than of his Gold, followed so fast, that at last they overtook him, and without further delay struck off his Head, which was af∣terwards sent into Spain, and carried upon a Launce through all the Towns and Cities a∣longst the Sea Coast; to the wonderful rejoycing of the People, unto whom he had in former time done great harm.

After the death of Horruccius,* 10.120 Hariadenus infe∣rior to his Brother neither in Courage nor Mar∣tial Prowess, by the general consent of the Soul∣diers took upon him the Kingdom of Algiers. He, made Heir not only of his Brothers King∣dom, but of his Vertues and haughty Thoughts, and of the surname also of Barbarussa, began forthwith to aspire unto the Empire of all that part of Africk; accounting what he had already gotten, too little and too base to answer his de∣sires. Wherefore he entred into Arms, and be∣came a terror both to the Moors and Numidians; holding Peace with some, and Wars with others, as best served his purpose; and with his Gallies robbed and spoiled the Coasts of Spain, Sardi∣nia, and the Islands Baleares; Fortune so favour∣ing him in all his enterprises, that he became both famous and fearful to his Enemies.* 10.121 He slew Hamet, a great Commander among the Nu∣midians, and chased Banchades and Amida, two of their greatest Princes, out of the Country; and with like fortune at Sea, overcame Hugo Moncada, a famous Spaniard, who sore wounded, had much ado to save himself by flight, when he had lost divers of his Gallies. He also in Bat∣tle at Sea overthrew Rodericus Portundus, Ad∣miral of Spain; in which fight the Admiral with his Son were both slain, and seven of his Gallies taken; in token of which Victory, he sent part of the rich spoil there taken, with the Admirals Ensign, as a Present unto Solyman; whereby he became famous in the Turks Court; but much more, after he had repulsed Auria from Cercen∣na, and taken two great Genoway Ships which were coming to Auria loaded with Men and Mu∣nition; the loss whereof filled the City of Ge∣noa with much sorrow. All things sorting thus according to his desire, and his name become no less terrible in Spain, Italy, Sicily, and the Islands of the Mediterranian, than it was in the greatest part of Africk; Solyman grieved with the loss of Corone, Patras, and the Castles upon the Straits of Lepanto, taken from him by Auria, Himera∣les his Admiral being shamefully put to flight, by the Counsel of his Bassaes, but especially of Abraham the chief Bassa,* 10.122 sent Embassadors unto him to Algiers; offering him the greatest honours of his Court, and to make him Admi∣ral of all his Fleet, if he would forthwith re∣pair unto Constantinople; for why, he was the on∣ly man in all mens judgments, who for his years and great experience at Sea, as well as for his invincible Courage and Glory of his late archieved Kingdom, was to be compared with Auria, and to be opposed against the Christian Fleet. Sinas a great man in Solymans Court, was with this Embassage sent, and speedily tras∣ported to Algiers by Mangalis, a famous Pyrat, then Governor of the Rhodes; who at his land∣ing, was honourably received by Barbarussa, and audience given him. Barbarussa understanding the cause of his coming, was exceeding glad thereof, presently conceiving no small hope of obtaining the Monarchy of Africk, if he might once come to Solymans presence, and at large shew unto him the state of Africk, and power of the Christians, with their continual discord amongst themselves. Wherefore without further

delay committing the protection of his Son Asa∣nes (then about eighteen years old) and the Government of his new gotten Kingdom to Ramada and Agis, two of his nigh Kinsmen and assured Friends, of whose Fidelity he doubted not; he with forty of his own Gallies in most warlike manner appointed, set forward with So∣lymans Embassador towards Constantinople; where by the way he met with a Fleet of Genoway Ships bound for Sicily for Corn, which after a sharp and cruel fight he took and burnt. After that, landing by night in the Country of Elba, not far from Naples, he suddenly surprised Rhium a rich City; where loading his Gallies with the Wealth thereof, and carrying away with him all the Inhabitants into Captivity, he ar∣rived at Constantinople in the year 1533, where he was by the great Courtiers brought to Soly∣man,* 10.123 of whom he was joyfully received, if it were but for the Presents which he gave him; which were fair Boys and young Maidens sumptuously apparrelled, Eunuchs, and wild Beasts of Lybia, as Lyons, Leopards, and such like. But after he had certain days discoursed at large with the great Bassaes, of the State of Africk, the strength of the Christians, and how the Wars were to be managed, he was after∣wards by them seldomer sent for, and offering himself into their Company, was hardly admit∣ted; for Envy (the inseparable Companion of growing honour) had quickly overtaken him in the Court, so that many men letted not openly to say,* 10.124 It had not been the fashion of the Otho∣man Kings, to prefer Pyrats (the worst kind of Thieves) to the honour of their great Admiral; and that there wanted not, neither ever would want men both vertuous and valiant in the Turks Court, which could with great honour maintain and augment the glory of the Turkish Empire both by Sea and Land; whereas he had against all right and conscience, by shameful Treache∣ry intruded himself into another mans Kingdom in Africk, and there persecuted the Mahometan Princes and People, being of no Religion him∣self, as one that was born of a renegat Greek, and from his youth lived as a merciless Pyrat, and common Enemy of Mankind. By which Speeches Barbarussa perceived in how evil time Abraham Bassa his best Friend, and by whose means he was sent for, was absent from Court; who at that time was gone to Comagena, and wintered at Aleppo, with purpose (as Solymans Forerunner) with the first of the next Spring, to pass over Euphrates against the Persian. After long suit, and much expectation, Solyman ans∣wered Barbarussa by Ajax and Cassimes two of the great Bassaes,* 10.125 That all the matter concern∣ing him should be referred to the discretion of Abraham the chief Bassa, for that he was by his Counsel especially sent for into Africk; where∣fore if he did expect any thing, he should re∣pair unto him in Syria, that according to his grave judgment all things might be ordered. Barba∣russa thus rejected into Syria, although he well perceived that it tended to his no small disgrace; yet in hope by sufferance to obtain another Kingdom, seemed contented with the answer, and resolved forthwith to take upon him that long and painful journey;* 10.126 which the old King lustily performed, and so posting by Land through Asia the less, and travelling over the Mountain Amanus, then covered with deep Snow came in dead time of Winter to Aleppo in Syria, where he was honourably received by the great Bassa, and heard at large, to his so good con∣tentation and liking, that he deemed him of all others the fittest to command the Turks Power at Sea; and to that purpose writ commendato∣ry Letters in his behalf to Solyman; wishing him for his sufficiency to place him as the fourth with the other three Bassaes of his Counsel. After Barbarussa was again arrived at Constantino∣ple with these Letters,* 10.127 and that it was once known how effectually the chief Bassa had com∣mended him to Solyman, it was a wonder to see how on a suddain the face of the Court was changed upon him, every man either for Friendship or Flattery began now to speak of his praises, and to extol his worthiness; who was now in all mens mouths but Barbarussa? so great was the Power and Authority of the chief Bassa, that being absent, yet was his approbation of all men ac∣counted, sufficient to prefer whom he pleased; and his Letters Laws to the rest of the Court. Barbarussa had brought with him from Algiers, one Roscetes the Elder Brother of Muleasses King of Tunnes,* 10.128 who wrongfully driven into exile by his younger Brother, had lived certain years at Algiers, but now by the perswasion of Barba∣russa was come with him to Constantinople, to crave aid of Solyman, against the oppression of his Bro∣ther. Him Barbarussa oftentimes shewed unto the great Bassaes, and in his discourses with them concerning the Conquest of Africk, set him out as a most fit instrument for subduing of the King∣dom of Tunes, as a man whom the People more affected than they did Muleasses the Usurper. After long deliberation and consultation had with the Bassaes concerning the invasion of A∣frick, Barbarussa now admitted unto the presence of Solyman, in these or like words perswaded him to that War, for the entrance whereunto we have thus far digressed.

What thing the Priests with loud voice use to pray for,* 10.129 at such time as the Othoman Emperors enter into the Temple to pray, the same thing do I also wish unto thee most mighty Solyman; which is, That thou shouldst remember thy Progenitors by Iustice and Religion to have got for thee this Empire, than which, more magnificent and richer the Gods have not given to any; Fortune hath never deceived them that trod that way, and thou hitherto hast so traced their steps, that thou hast easily surmounted their Fame and Glory, administring Iustice to thy Subjects; and inflamed with the hope of eternal praise, making con∣tinual War against the Enemies of our Religion, the true office of a zealous Prince. By this means is Belgrade taken, Rhodes won, the King of Hunga∣ry slain in Battel, Germany twice harried and burnt, so that Charles, whom the Christians would make equal to thy self in power and valour, with the great aid almost of all the Christian Nations, terrified with the noise of thy Army, shunned battel. But forasmuch as Empires, be they never so large, or Victories be they never so glorious, can either satisfie the great∣ness of an heroical mind, or glut the same with glory; thou hast therefore sent before thee thy victorious En∣signs against the Persians and Parthians, that those Nations who have wickedly fallen from our Rites, purified as it were by thy sacred Arms, may be again reclaimed to the antient Rites of our Religion. But be this unto thy greatness most honourable to attempt, and glorious to perform; let it only be lawful for me now grown an old man in the midst of Arms and dangers, to declare what is expedient, and briefly to open such things as I have by long experience learned to concern the augmenting of thy Fame and Empire elsewhere. Neither would I have you to take this as presumptuously spoken of me; for Fortune hath enough, yea more than enough favoured my designs, whom from a poor cottage and bare hope, she hath promoted to glorious Victories, great Riches, yea unto the Title and Majesty of a King. But unto these things the Gods

could give me nothing better, than to be called for of thee, and sent for, in Counsel to discourse of matters of greatest importance; wherefore my advice shall be unto thee faithful, and with experience confirmed; which although it be all that it seemeth old men can do, yet in my sound Body remaineth such strength, that I dare both promise and perform unto thee my good service at all assaies both by Sea and Land. For unto this only course have I bent my self day and night from my youth, following the purpose and coun∣sel of my valiant Brother Horruccius (who to ex∣tend the bounds of our Religion, pers••cuted the Chri∣stians both by Sea and Land) desiring nothing more, than that thy Fleet and Power might once be joyned with my Forces and direction, and so under thy good hap, to be either a Commander, or else commanded; forasmuch as it grieveth me not to be commanded by my betters. Of which my desires if the Gods shall make me partaker, the Spaniards shall shortly be driven quite out of Africk, thou shalt hear that the Moors are gone over into Spain, to repossess the Kingdom of Granado; that Tunes and Numidia are at thy com∣mand; and not to speak of Sardinia and Corcyca, that Sicilia is ours; which once taken, we shall starve up Italy, and on every side distress it with our Fleet being now weak and brought low by the discord of the Princes, and that part thereof both towards Sicilia and Macedonia ready to submit it self upon any con∣dition, so it might cast off the Spanish yoak. Think not, that either that Strength or Unity is now in Italy, which was when thy great Grandfather Mahomet having taken Hydruntum brought a great fear, not upon Italy only, but upon other the Christian Nations also; for by the good success of that War, which all the Christian Princes could hardly withstand, he had undoubtedly taken the City of Rome, and so accord∣ing to right and reason, again united the Empire of the East and of the West, as they were before in their ancient glory. But he suddainly left the World, rapt to Heaven, that he might leave to thee (according to the appoinment of the fatal Destinies, and revolutions of the Heavens) this work of absolute perfection. And yet my purpose is not, by putting thee in hope of so great and rare a Triumph, to interrupt or hinder thee for turning thy power into the East, against thy old and irreligious Enemies, deserving all extremities; for thy Navy shall be sufficient for me, whereof thou shalt have no need in thy Wars so far within Land; that whilst thou art conquering Asia, Africa the third part of the World may in the mean time be brought under thy subjection also. Where before all other things, Muleasses is to be driv••n out of Tunes; a man of insatiable Covetousness, unstaied Lust, horri∣ble Cruelty, hated both of God and Man; who having by Treachery slain eighteen of his Brethren, or that which worse is, cruelly burnt out their Eyes, doth so reign alone, that he hath left him neither Kinsman nor Friend. For being as unthankful as perfideous, he hath murdred all his Fathers Friends, who with great travel had preferred him to the Kingdom, so to make short payment for so great desert. With this Beast we must have to do, whom whilst no man loveth, all men wish to perish. The Numidians trouble him with dayly invasions, whose injuries the infamous Coward endureth with such shame and reproach, that it should seem he had rather to suffer them than re∣venge them. And yet this effeminate Dastard hold∣eth in Chains many valiant Turks, and acknowledgeth not your Imperial Name, whereunto all men on every side sue for grace; and which is not to be suffered, exceedingly favoureth the Spaniards of Tripolis, to the intent that Agis and Moses, two valiant Turkish Captains; may be driven out of the City▪ This wild Beast disarmed of his Claws and Teeth▪ we shall easily destroy; if it be but for that we have with us Roscetes his Brother; whom the Numidians wish and long for; him must we use, if it be but for a shew, so shall the thing we desire, be without Blood effected, as soon as we shall but present our selves before the Gates of Tunes. Then shall it be at your pleasure, to appoint whom you will have to govern the Numidian Kingdom; it shall be unto me glory enough, when the greatest part of Africk conquered, shall be peceably delivered into your hands at your return with the Triumphs of Persia. But by the way as I return, I assure you upon mine own repute, so to use the matter, that the Christians shall also have good cause to bewail their calamities; and if I hap to meet with Auria, he shall have small cause to rejoyce of the mischief he hath done; for him alone I challenge to persecute, as my proper and peculiar Enemy, both for the remembrance of the harms we have received at his hands, and for the despight I have at his fame; who once taken out of the way, the Seas shall be open only to you and your Fleets. And believe me, he that shall be able to command the Seas, shall easily also sub∣due the Kingdoms by Land.

But Solyman, who after the manner of wise Princes, used well to consider, and afterwards with ripe Judgment to resolve of such matters as he had with attentive ear hearkned unto; com∣mending Barbarussa for his forwardness in his ser∣vice, for that time brake up the Counsel.* 10.130 Not long after, a Decree was made, according to Abraham the great Bassaes advice, That Barba∣russa should be joyned as fourth with the other three chief Bassaes of Solymans Counsel, and be made great Admiral; so that all the Islands, Ports, and People all alongst the Sea Coast through out Solymans Empire should be at his command, and that it should be lawful for him to take up such Mariners and Souldiers for service at Sea, as plea∣sed him in what place soever. This being so∣lemnly proclaimed, Solyman with his own hand delivered him a Scepter and a Sword, willing him, by worthy deeds to perform what he had promised. After which, Ajax and Cassimes the two great Bassaes, with the Captain of the Ja∣nizaries, brought him with exceeding Pomp, from the Court to the Navy; at which time was car∣ried before him all the tokens of his new ob∣tained honour. And towards the maintenance of that War at Sea, he had delivered unto him out of Solymans Treasures, eight hundred thou∣sand Ducats, and eight hundred Janizaries.

Barbarussa sped of that he desired, staid not long after at Constantinople, but departing out of Helespontus with eighty Gallies and certain Galliots, shaped his course towards Italy, leaving Amura∣thes (a Sea Captain) with twelve Gallies to transport Solyman and his Army, ready to set forward against the Persian, over that narrow Sea into Asia. Who after he had so done, overtook Barbarussa at Methone, who holding on his course to Africk, and suddainly passing the Strait betwixt Italy and Cicily, brought a great fear upon both the Countries;* 10.131 but passing by the Bay of Hip∣pona alongst the Coast of the lower Calabria, he set upon the Town of Saint Lucidius called in ancient time Tempsa; which although it stood upon a Rock and was reasonably well walled; yet such was the violence of the Turks As∣sault, that it could not be defended but was taken, with so much more hurt to the Inhabi∣tants, for that the Maior of the Town, to keep the People from flying away, had lockt up the Gates on the other side of the City, from the Enemy. From thence he with rich Spoil and many Prisoners went to Citarium, where he had learned of his Prisoners, a Fleet of Gallies was in building. This Town forsaken of the Inha∣bitants for fear, he took without resistance, ran∣sacked it, and burnt it, where he also fired seven

Gallies not yet altogether finished. But after he was come with his Fleet as far as the Island Capri, within the sight of Naples, such a terror was struck into the minds of all that dwelt alongst that Coast, That it was thought, if he had landed and gone directly to Naples, the Neapolitans would for fear have abandoned the City. But holding on his course, he came to Prochita, which he took and rifled; so passing by the Port of Cajeta, (which he might easily have taken) he came to Spelunca, a Town in the hithermost part of the Kingdom of Naples. They of the Town dismaied with the suddain arrival of so great a Fleet, yielded the same without resistance. The Enemy entring the Town, took twelve hundred Prisoners. Pele∣grinus a chief man amongst them of Spelunca, was fled into the Castle; him Barbarussa com∣manded to yield, which if he would presently do, he promised to let him go free; but if he should stand upon his defence, he threatned in short time to make him repent his foolish hardiness, with the utter destruction both of himself and the Town. The fearful Gentleman without delay came out of the Castle, and fell down at his feet; who ac∣cording to his promise gave him his liberty, and with rare courtesie restored to him his Wife, his Son and Niece, whom he had taken Prisoners; who received them with many tears falling from their Eyes for joy.

The same night also two thousand Turks came from the Fleet, through the rough and bushy Mountains, to the City Fundi, ten miles distant from Spelunca, in the uttermost Borders of the Kingdom of Naples, conducted as was thought by certain Italians of that Country; who a few years before taken at Sea, and overwearied with the heavy burthen of the Turkish Slavery, had re∣volted to the Mahometan Religion. But such was the suddainness of their coming, and their celerity in entring the City,* 10.132 that Iulia Gonzaga the Paragon of Italy, and the chief prize which they sought after, had scarce time to get to Horse half naked, and so with much difficulty to escape into the Mountains. It is reported, that Barbarussa (which thing he himself after∣wards seemed not to deny) moved with the fame of her incomparable Beauty and wonder∣ful perfection, desired exceedingly to have taken her as a Present for Solyman. The Citizens were for most part either slain or taken Prisoners by the Turks, who loaded with the Spoil of the City, returned again to the Fleet. Another part of Barbarussa's Fleet came to Tarracina, which the Turks took forsaken of the Inhabitants, who for fear were all fled into the Mountains, except some which for age or sickness could not shift for themselves, whom the Turks slew, and spoiled the Churches. Barbarussa thus scouring along the Coast of Italy, and news thereof daily brought to the City of Rome,* 10.133 struck such an exceeding ter∣ror into the minds of the Citizens, that it was verily thought if he had come a little further to Ostia, they would generally have forsaken the City. But he having well performed his promise made to Solyman for vexing the Christians, and before resolved of a greater matter he had to do; when he had watred at Pontia, passed over into Africk with such celerity, that he was arrived there before it was thought that he was departed from the Coast of Italy. For Barbarussa to de∣ceive Muleasses King of Tunes, and to take him unprovided, had given it out, that he would burn and spoil the Coasts of the Christian Coun∣tries, especially of Italy, Liguria, and Spain, in re∣venge of the harm done by Auria at Corone and Patra••. Which thing Muleasses the rather believed understanding his proceedings upon the Coast of Italy. The Venetians having also at the same time at great charges prepared a great Fleet, did in some part lessen Muleasses fear, That Barbarussa would imploy his Forces for Africk; for then what should the Venetians have needed to have made so great and chargeable a preparation? But that which above all other things brought him into security, was for that he had by secret Espials certainly learned, that his Brother Ros∣cetes was kept at Constantinople, as a Prisoner at large, under safe keeping; which made him to think, that Barbarussa's Forces were not prepa∣red against him; for he knew that he could not be impugned, or his State more indanger∣ed by any other means, than by producing the competitor of his Kingdom, to whom his guilty Conscience doubted, that both the Citizens of Tunes and the Numidians were for most part well affected.

This Muleasses of whom we now speak, and whom hereafter we shall by occasion often re∣member,* 10.134 was lineally descended of the ancient King of Tunes; who without interruption of discent, or mixture of forreign Blood, had by the space of nine hundred fifty four years mighti∣ly ruled the great Kingdom of Tunes, from Tripo∣lis to Bugia, almost eight hundred miles alongst the Mediterranean, and into the Main as far as the Mount Atlas; and for the long continuance of their State, and largeness of their Kingdom, were worthily accounted the most reverend and mighty amongst the Mahometan Kings of Africk. His Father Mahometes, when he had with much glory, and more pleasure, reigned two and thirty years, perceiving the end of his life to approach, had purposed to have appointed Maimo his eldest Son (whom for his hasty aspiring he then held in¦durance) to succeed him in his Kingdom; but overcome with the importunity of Lentigesia his Wife, a Woman of a haughty spirit, who had by reward made a strong faction in the Court for her Son Muleasses, he altered his former purpose, and appointed him his Successor; by whom (as it was thought) the small remainder of his own old years was shortned; Maimo the right Heir of the Kingdom in Prison, presently murthred; seven∣teen of his other Brethren unmercifully executed: and three other, Barcha, Beleth, and Saeth, with more than barbarous cruelty with a hot Iron of their sight deprived; only Roscetes the second Brother, and Abdemelech, escaping the hands of their unatural Brother, fled to Morhabitus a great Prince amongst the Numidians; whither also their Brothers malice persecuted them, seeking by many practises to have taken them away, and at last for a great sum of Mony to have had them delivered into his hands. Which Mo∣ny the Numidian received, but suffered the di∣stressed Princes, as if they had escaped against his Will, to flie further to another Numidian Prince a Friend of his, called Benticses; where Muleasses by like practises as before, sought to have destroyed them, or to have got them into his own power. Thus chased by their Brothers endless malice, from Prince to Prince, and place to place, they for their more safety fled at last to the City of Biscaris, far into the main Land; where Abdemelech as one weary of the World gave over all, and betook himself to a solitary life, and became a melancholy Mahometan Monk. But Roscetes courteously entertained by Abdoll•• Prince of that City, found such favour in his sight, that he gave him his Daughter in mar∣riage, and long time honourably maintained him as his Son in Law, with such carefulness, that for fear of Muleasses practises, he was seldom per∣mitted to eat any other Meat but such as the

Prince or his Wife had before tasted of. Mule∣asses thus reigning and raging, and yet not con∣tented with the death of so many of his Brethren, proceeded further, and murdred divers of their Children also. He caused also the Manifet and Mesuar,* 10.135 men of greatest Authority in all the Kingdom, his Fathers grave Counsellors, and his chief Friends, by whose means especially he had aspired unto the Kingdom, to be cru∣elly tortured to death, fearing their Greatness; or rather as some thought, grieving to see them live, to whom he was so much beholden, and therefore rewarded them with such sharp pay∣ment. And by the instigation of Lentesia his Mother, caused divers of his Fathers other Wives and Concubines to be shamefully murdred, en∣veighing oftentimes against his Father, that as an effeminate Prince, had for his pleasure main∣tained two hundred Wives and Concubines in his Houses of delight, by whom he had begot so many Sons Competitors of the Kingdom, that he had left him (as he said) a laborious and end∣less piece of work, to destroy so great a brood. Roscetes aided by his Father in Law and the other Numidian Princes,* 10.136 to whom the name of Mule∣asses, both for his cruelty against his own Blood, and injurious dealing against his Neighbours, was become odious; passing over the River Bragada with a great Army, near unto Tunes met with Muleasses his Army, conducted by Dorax a va∣liant Captain, Brother to Lentigesia, where in a sharp conflict he overthrew his Brothers Army, and enforced Dorax with them that were escaped out of the Battel, for safeguard of their lives to flie into Tunes. Roscetes pursuing the Victory, came and presented his Army before the Gates of the City, in hope that the Citizens (whom he knew for the most part to hate the usurping Ty∣rant) would upon the sight of him, in right their King, with so great an Army, raise some tumult in the City, and let him in. There he lay by the space of twenty days, still expecting some innovation; in which time the more to alienate the minds of the People from Muleasses, and to shew how unable he was to protect them, he burnt and destroyed all the Olive and Fruit Trees, which grew most plentifully and pleasantly all alongst the Country, from the ruines of old Carthage, to the Walls of Tunes; which was unto the Citizens, whose greatest Possessions lay there, a most heavy and lamentable spectacle. But Muleasses had so attempered their minds with fair speeches and large promises of recompensing every man to the full, for all such harm as they should sustain for his Brothers fury in the Country; and be∣side that, had the City in such strong possession by reason of his Souldiers, that the Citizens either would not or could not revolt to Roscetes. The Numidian Princes weary of that long and vain expectation,* 10.137 according to the levity of that Na∣tion, accounting it no shame after Victory once gotten to depart, began one after another to shrink away to their own dwellings, perswading Roscetes also to provide for himself whilst he had time, and to attend his better fortune. Where∣fore he fearing to be betraied by the Numidi∣ans, or circumvented by his cruel Brother, fled to Barbarussa, then reigning at Algiers in great glory, where he was honourably entertained; and there remained until s••ch time as by his perswasion he went with him as is afore••aid to Constantinople, to crave help of Solyman, by whom ••e was derained in safe custody; although it was in policy given out by Barbarussa, that he was in the Fleet, and that he should by Solymans power be restored to his Fathers Kingdom at 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

This was the state of the Kingdom of Tunes, at such time as Barbarussa with Solymans great Fleet, contrary to all mens expectation,* 10.138 suddain∣ly departing from the Coast of Italy, landed in Africk at Biserta, a famous Port of the Kingdom of Tunes.* 10.139 They of Biserta weary of the govern∣ment of Muleasses, and of themselves desirous of change, as soon as they heard the name of Roscetes, forthwith drave out their Governor, and received the Turks into the Town. For Barbarussa had before sent certain of Roscetes his familiar Friends ashore, which bare the People in hand, that he was in the Fleet, but not able to come yet on shore, for that he was (as they said) Sea-sick, and troubled with an Ague. Bi∣serta thus possessed by Barbarussa, he presently departed thence, and sayling by Utica, thirty miles distant from Biserta, and so keeping alongst the Coast, and passing the Promontory of Car∣thage, came before Guletta, a strong Castle with∣in the Bay of Tunes, so placed upon a Strait,* 10.140 that it commandeth all the passage by Sea unto the City of Tunes. Before this Castle, Barbarussa in token of Friendship, discharged all his great Ordnance, which they of the Castle answered with like; but being required to deliver it up to Roscetes, they said it should be alwaies at his command that ruled in the City of Tunes. The News of Roscetes his supposed coming, flying swiftly by land from Biserta to Tunes, and the great Fleet once discovered, set all the City on an uprore; for the Citizens were in great ex∣pectation of their new King, both for the love of Roscetes, who had alwaies shewed himself to be of a mild and bountiful nature; and also for the hatred of Muleasses, whose tyrannous and co∣vetous Government they thought they had too long endured. Neither was he ignorant what report ran of himself, and how he had lost the hearts of his Subjects; which was evidently to be seen in the eyes and countenances of the chief men of the City. And that which more increased their hatred, was for that he had not according to his promise to them in time of di∣stress, made them any recompence for their good∣ly Houses and Olive Gardens, destroyed in the Country by Roscetes in the former Wars; where∣fore at such time as he came now out of the Castle, and in the greatest Assembly of his People, began to perswade them to play the Men, and to continue constant in their obedience, pro∣mising unto them such reward as they knew he was never able to perform, they all departed, and left him alone; yea some of them under the colour of Friendship, and amongst them Ab∣dabar, then Mesuar (which was chief Officer next unto the King) perswaded him to give place to his hard fortune, and forthwith to flie,* 10.141 for by chance at the same instant it was in every mans mouth, that the Turks were even at hand; which thing caused Muleasses, forsaken of his Sub∣jects, of himself fearful, and worthily doubting to be betraied, to flie in such hast out of the City, that he left behind him both his Treasure and Jewels, which afterwards came into the hands of his Enemies. The first that revolted was Abezes, a man of great Authority; and Fetuches, Captain of the Castle; both renegate Spaniards. Fetu∣ches presently after the flight of Muleasses, brought out Roscetes Wife and Children, whom Muleasses had long time kept in prison, and to welcome their Father, placed them in the Kings Royal Seat. Abezes also forthwith advertised Barbarussa of Muleasses departure, and with what longing the People exepected their desired King; wishing him without delay to repair unto the City; and for a Present sent him a goodly Barbarian Horse,

richly furnished, and divers others for his other chief Captains. Hereupon Barbarussa without longer stay set forward with five thousand Turks,* 10.142 which he had already landed, and coming to the City, was of the Citizens joyfully received. But after long looking, when they could no where descry Roscetes their supposed King, and heard nothing but the name of Solyman and Barbarussa, doubled and redoubled by the Turks in their Mi∣litary acclamations, as they marched through the City towards the Castle; they began to distrust, as the truth was, that in stead of their new King whom they so much desired, they had received the Turkish Government, which they utterly de∣tested. Which suspicion once confirmed by cer∣tain of Roscetes his Friends (whom Barbarussa had brought with him of purpose to delude the People) who grieved to see the ruin of their na∣tive Country, spared not for fear of the present danger to tell their Friends and Acquaintance as they went,* 10.143 That they did in vain look for Roscetes, whom they had left in bonds at Constantinople; it was a wonder to see, how suddainly the minds of the People were changed, how speedily they ran to their Weapons, and how furiously they assailed the Turks, now fearing no such matter, and were not as yet all got into the Castle. The chief Lea∣der of the Citizens in this tumult, was Abdahar the Mesuar; who but a little before upon the coming of the Turks, by augmenting the danger, and the unfaithfulness of his Subjects, had per∣swaded Muleasses to flie; but now perceiving himself deceived of his expectation for the coming of Roscets, and repenting of that he had one, sought by all means to drive out the Turks, and to recal Muleasses. And the more to animate the People, as he stood on high, from whence he might best be heard, he cried unto them with a loud voice:

We are most villanously betraied (worthy Citizens) for Roscetes, whom we expected for our lawful King, lamenteth his misery in Chains, in Prison at Constan∣tinople; and we, except we presently play the men, and valiantly fight for our Liberty, shall for ever serve as Slaves to these foreign and merciless Pyrats. The present danger of our Estate telleth us, that we must presently and without delay take the occasion of∣fered. Wherefore let all men that mean not to serve as Slaves, and to be bought and sold as Beasts, take up Arms against the faithless Turks. I my self will be your Leader; let us therefore all with one consent, with heart and hand revenge this shameful Treachery, defend our Country and Liberty with the ancient honour and liberty of the Numidians.

There was now no time to stay, every man had betaken himself to his Weapons; Muleasses was again sent for, who yet staid in the Suburbs, expecting what should happen; many of the Turks were slain before they were aware, or feared any thing; all the City was filled with outcries and clattering of Weapons; the number of the Citizens was such, as might easily have expulsed the Turks, had they been but reasona∣bly armed, or well conducted, which in a matter so suddain, and with men altogether ignorant of service, was not possible. Yet they, armed with fury, and encouraged with the multitude of them∣selves, swarmed up as thick as was possible one of the Bulwarks of the Castle, which they knew was easiest to be gained, where the Turks had set up one of their Ensigns; and with the mul∣titude of their Darts and Arrows so overwhelmed the Turks, that they were glad to forsake the place, and to retire farther into the Castle to a place of more strength; from whence and all alongst the curtain of the Wall, they without intermission discharged their great Artillery and small Shot amongst the thickest of the naked Moors, making of them a wonderful Slaughter. Barbarussa although he was a man of an invincible courage and great experience, all his life time well acquainted with desperate dangers (the dreadful steps of aspiring minds) yet surprised with the suddainness of the Assault, shut up in a place whereof he yet knew not the strength, and not provided of Victual for three days, was with the due consideration of these difficulties, not a little troubled; which his care was by the disordered fury of his Enemies, and known valour of his own Souldiers greatly diminished; especially when he saw his own men still fighting, as men full of hope and courage, and the Moors as men half dismaied with the wounds and slaughter of their Friends, ready to retire. How∣beit, by the coming in of Muleasses and Dorax,* 10.144 the Assault twice before given over, was again at both times renewed, with no less desperate Fury than at the first, and the Turks hardly charged. In this dangerous Assault Halis of Maliga, a Re∣negate Spaniard, but a most expert Souldier, turning himself to Barbarussa, said,

If thou wilt save thine honour, and hold this Fort, we must sally out upon this Enemy, which having never seen a set battel, but only acquainted with light skir∣mishes, will not be able to endure our charge at hand, but shall in a moment know the price of their foolish hardi∣ness; who as Brain-sick men could neither indure the government of their cruel King, ne yet thankfully re∣ceive the authors of their deliverance and liberty.

This motion of the Spaniard, confirmed by the general approbation of the chiefest Captains, Bar∣barussa commanded Halis the Author of that Coun∣sel▪ with certain other Captains and their Com∣panions, at one instant to sally out at two Ports of the Castle; which they so resolutely performed, that in short time a wonderful number of the naked Moors lay dead upon the ground.

Abdahar the Mesuar himself, was there shot through with a Bullet and slain; whereupon the Assault was quite given over, the Moors retiring by Companies back into the City, and the Turks still pursuing them; where in the Streets for cer∣tain hours, was fought a most cruel and bloody Battel. At last the Citizens overcome,* 10.145 forsook the open Streets, and betook them to the refuge of their Houses; not so careful of their King, as of themselves, their Wives and Children. And Halis with the rest, wearied with the slaughter of his Enemies, and overcome with labour, heat, and thirst, returned with Victory unto the Castle. It is reported that there was above 3000 of the Citizens slain that day, and thrice as many hurt. Muleasses thus discouraged,* 10.146 and utterly de∣spairing to recover the City, hardly escaped his E∣nemies hands, by the good help of his Uncle Dorax, with whom he fled over the River Bagrada, and came in safety to Constantina (called of old time Cyrtha) the ancient Seat of the Numidian Kings, but then a part of Dorax his Dominion; where he was honourably maintained and protected until the coming of Charles the Emperor into Africk. The night ensuing this Battel, and the flight of the King, was restless both to the Citizens and the Turks, each of them for fear of other standing upon their strongest Guard.

The next day,* 10.147 the Citizens discouraged with the loss of so many of their Kinsmen and Friends, and having no King now for whom they should fight, craved pardon of Barbarussa for their rash attempt, excusing it by the name of Loyalty

to their ancient Kings; offering to submit them∣selves unto him with all faithfulness. Which their offer he willingly accepted, knowing that he was not able to keep that place with his Souldiers three days, for lack of Victual; so that all his hope and Victory gotten, might easily be overthrown and brought to nought, if the Citi∣zens moved either with desperation or desire of Revenge, should joyn with the other Numi∣dian Princes, and besiege him in the Castle. Whereupon a general Peace was granted, and by solemn Oath on both sides confirmed, where∣by the Citizens expresly bound themselves to the Obedience of Solyman, and to Barbarussa as his Lieutenant. All things thus set in order in the City of Tunes, and new Magistrates and Officers by him made, he laboured by all means to win unto him the Numidian Princes; which when he had easily brought to pass by Gifts and Rewards with those needy Princes, of them∣selves prone enough upon light occasions to make or break the Bonds of Friendship, he sent Asan-aga an Eunuch, and Halis the Spaniard, with the Janizaries, and certain pieces of great Ordnance; to take in the other Cities of the Kingdom of Tunes; which they in short time performed, being in all places peaceably re∣ceived, only the City of Carvenna held out a while, yet afterwards for fear of further harm received the Turks Garrison. But to leave Bar∣barussa King of Algiers and Solymans great Ad∣miral, thus possessed of the Kingdom of Tunes; and Muleasses in exile at Constantina, until he be again restored unto his Kingdom by Charles the Emperor, as shall be hereafter declared; let us again return to the Wars at the self same time undertaken by Solyman in Person himself in Persia, perswaded thereunto (as we have before said) by Abraham the great Bassa. Of whom a few words, that they which shall hereafter live, may in him as in others, see in what slippery place they stand, and what small assurance they have, which forsaking God, run headlong after these worldly vanities, and swelling with the Favours of great Princes, are in a moment when they least fear any such fall, suddenly over∣thrown, and become the miserable Spectacles of mans fragility in the height of their supposed bliss.

* 10.148This great Bassa called of the Turks Ibrahim, of us Abraham, was born in a poor Country Village near unto Perga, a Town in that part of Epirus which was called Buthrotia; who in his Childhood was taken from his Christian Pa∣rents, by such as by Authority did take up the Tribute-Children of the Christians for the Turkish Emperor. A Tribute of all Tributes most grie∣vous. He was of Countenance amiable, of Fea∣ture comely, active of Body, well spoken, plea∣santly conceited, and sharp of Wit; so that he in shorter time than was thought possible, to the admiration of many, learned both to speak and write the Arabian-Tongue, and other Languages used in the Turks Court, and could skilfully play upon sundry kinds of Instruments. And being yet a Boy, served Scanderbassa, a man of great Authority and Power, in the time of Sely∣mus the Emperor, in whose Service he was in∣structed in the Mahometan Religion; but giving himself to all manner of curiosity and neatness, he was wonderfully favoured by the great Lady his Mistress, and by her commended to her Husband Scanderbassa, as a fit Page to temper his melancholy and wayward disposition, with his pleasant conceits and devices; wherein the Tetrical Bassa finding him to excel, gave him as a rare Gift to Solyman the Son of Selymus, his Grandfather Bazajet yet living; who took in him such pleasure,* 10.149 that the old Emperor caused him to be brought up in the Court, in all Princely Qualities with Solyman (who was of like years unto him) as his Companion and Playfellow. Where he so framed himself unto the young Princes disposition in all points, that he was of him always exceedingly beloved, and afterwards promoted to all the Honours of the Court, and made one of the Bassaes;* 10.150 giving unto him in Marriage the only Daughter and Heir of Scanderbassa his Master, then dead, with an exceeding great Dowry. And after that made him Governor of Caire; where he had not long remained, but he was again sent for to the Court, as the man which gave thereunto life, without whose Company Solyman was as one half dead. At length he made him Visier, which is the chief of all the Bassaes, and President of his Coun∣cil, the greatest Honour in the Turkish Empire next unto the Emperor himself. And to honour him yet more, he delivered him his private Signet, wherewith the Turkish Emperors never used to trust any but themselves; he might at his pleasure grace and disgrace whom he would, in Court or elsewhere. What he commanded was done, and whatsoever he did was taken for well done. He might without the Emperors knowledge give any Office, yea the Government of whole Countries and Provinces unto his Favo∣rites; his credit with the Emperor was so great, that he did what he list, and no man durst pre∣sume to ask any reason why. And to say all at once, he wanted nothing of the Majesty of an Emperor, but the name only; in stead whereof, he was commonly called the great Commander of all the Emperors Forces. His house in Con∣stantinople was of all other most stately, wherein was daily to be seen such a multitude of his gallant Followers, and such a world of Wealth and Royal Furniture, as that it might be worthily compared with the Palace of a great Prince. Neither was he partaker of Solymans Counsels in his weighty matters of State only, but of his se∣cret Delights and pleasures also; if he were pre∣sent, all was well; if he were away, nothing pleased; to be short, he so possessed this great Emperor, that men commonly said, The Soul of Solyman lived in Abraham. Whereat many of the great Men of the Court secretly repined; but especially Solymans Mother, and Roxolana his fair Concubine, whom of all Women he held dearest.

This great Commander,* 10.151 which might at all times be bold to speak what he thought unto Solyman, sought many times in his private Dis∣courses betwixt them two, to perswade him to forbear to use his Forces any farther against the Christians, over whom he had sufficiently already triumphed, and to turn them upon the Persians, by whom he was daily injured. Alledging to him, that the Germans were a strong and War∣like people; who as they both in Language and Manners differed from the Hungarians, so were they always at variance with them, and there∣fore much cared not though they were by him subdued; but if he should begin to invade any part of their Country, he should then soon see that invincible Nation with their United Forces up in Arms, ready to make strong Resistance. And to provoke Charles the Emperor (of all the Christian Princes the mightiest) were not good, who of himself was able to bring into the field most puissant Armies of valiant Souldiers out of his own Dominions; besides the wonderful Con∣course of most resolute Men out of all parts of Christendom, which would not spare to lay

down their lives at his Feet in that War; which was of them accounted most Religious. Yea what strength both of Horse and Foot might be raised and brought to the battel by the two Brethren Charles and Ferdinand, only might (as he said) even then he plainly perceived, when as they valiantly defended Vienna, besieged by us with great Power. Neither did Charles afterward, as it seemed, and as the Christians commonly vaunt, fear to have adventured the fortune of a main battel with you; who although I doubt not but he should have been overcome by you so great a Monarch with so puissant an Army, a thing peculiar to your own good Fortune; yet I cannot deny, but that the Victory against such expert and resolute Souldiers, so strongly armed as their manner is, must have been bought with a great deal of our blood. These things in my opinion may reasonably per∣swade you to let the Christians alone, by Civil Wars to weaken one another, that so afterwards they may become a prey unto us without any danger of ours. So that in my judgment the Persian War is to be taken in hand, rather than the Wars in Germany, and especi∣ally for that you have sufficiently enlarged the bounds of your Empire Westward, which you have extended even unto Nations very far distant. So that it is now a great matter to defend so much as you have already gotten; and therefore partly for the difficulty for the defending thereof, and partly upon an honour∣able contempt, according to the infinite bounty of your heroical Inclination, have thought good to bestow whole Kingdoms upon strangers, yea half your Enemies. Wherefore how much more glorious shall it be now upon just occasion to seek for that which joyneth unto your own Confines; and may therefore easily be united unto your own Empire: if you according to the ex∣ample of your Grandfather and Father shall force your self to drive that accursed and abominable Race of Ismael out of Asia. For it shall be a great glory unto the name of the Othoman Kings for ever, if you shall after your wonted manner zealously respect the cause of Religion; a Work of incomparable Fame, if the Authors of a most detestable Superstition shall by you be chased quite out of Asia. For what more just or honourable cause can there be to make War, than to profess your self the Defender of the Divine Precepts of our great Prophet Mahomet, against the wicked and irreligious Impugners thereof? And by the way to revenge and utterly to destroy the Capital Ene∣mies of your Ancestors; which was the last prayer of your Father Selymus. Can you endure them which Rule so insolently, that they account every one that is near them their Enemies and Prey, and dare also with their pilfering Invasions provoke your Self, living contented within the bounds of your own Empire, in peace both in Europe and Asia? and they (forsooth) such as have by most horrible wrong crept into the Royal-Seat of the most lawful and noble Kings de∣scended of the blood of Usun-Cassanes? who after their wonted manner still live by Rapine and Robbery? Believe me, Noble Emperor, if you shall upon a zeal to your Religion with your Victorious hand take away this stain and plague of Asia, there shall undoubtedly be erected unto you so glorious and magnificent a Trophy in the midst of Persia, as may be compared, yea preferred before the Triumphs of your Victorious Father Selymus. For it is not so much to have de∣stroyed the Mamalukes (by condition Slaves) and the proud Sultans of Egypt and Syria, as to have sub∣dued the Persians, famous in antient time for their Martial Prowess, who so oftentimes vanquished by Alexander of Macedon, gave unto him the name of Great. Solyman, prickt forward with many such Discourses, daily sounded in his ears by the Bassa, began to yield to his perswasion. Whereof Abraham himself greatly rejoyced; for it was thought of many, that he did never in heart renounce the Christian Religion, but was only in outward shew a Turk, and in heart a Christian. Which was the rather conjectured, for that he marvellously favoured and protected the Christi∣an Merchants, furthered by all means the Leagues of the Christian Princes with Solyman, and la∣boured always to turn his Forces from them upon the Persians. And the more to whet him forward, the Bassa had cunningly insinuated into his acquaintance one Mulearbe of Damasco, a man in that time famous in Constantinople, for the opinion the people had generally conceived of his Holiness and Profound Knowledge in the secret causes of things, and the Art of Magick; using him as a Prophet to fill the ambitious mind of Solyman, with assured hope of prospe∣rous Success, which thing the hypocrital Wis∣ard, after the manner of such Deceivers, slily performed, prophesying unto him all happiness in so Religious a War, and so much (as he said) pleasing God. This the Bassaes purpose was much furthered also by Ulemus a noble and vali∣ant Persian, who having married the great Persian King Tamas his Sister, was revolted from him to Solyman, fearing to be called to account for the Extortion wherewith he had grievously oppres∣sed the Countries whereof he had the Govern∣ment; and being wonderfully countenanced in Solymans Court by the great Bassa, did after the manner of disloyal Fugitives perswade Solyman by all means he could to take that War in hand, discovering unto him the Power, State, and Strength of the Persian Kingdom (which he could well do) and plotting unto him the easiest way for the conquering thereof, offering also unto him the uttermost of his devoir.* 10.152 So Soly∣man filled with the vain hope of the Conquest of Persia, yielded fully unto the perswasions of the great Bassa, and gave out his Commissions into all parts of his Empire, for the raising of a mighty Army for the performance of so great an Enterprize; commanding all his Captains and Men of War to be ready at the City of Nice in Bithynia at a certain day appointed. Which his purpose,* 10.153 although it was mightily impugned by his Mother, and fair Roxolana his best be∣loved, as that which altogether proceeded from the Bassa; the one alledging, with what evil success his Grandfather and Father had before him attempted that same War; the other assail∣ing him with her passionate affections; but both of them indeed repining at the credit of the Bassa, and in their hearts disdaining, that so great a Monarch should at the pleasure of his Servant be led up and down the World so far from their Company; for which cause they did what in them lay to have overthrown the pur∣pose of Abraham, and to have altered Solymans former determination. But so strong was the Bassaes credit with his great Lord and Master, that all these great Ladies Devices and Prayers were as Womens affectionate passions rejected, and the Bassaes counsel (to their no small grief) in all things regarded.

The time appointed being come,* 10.154 and all things in readiness, Solyman sent Abraham the Bassa, and Ulemas the Persian, before him into Syria with a strong Army, to be ready with the first of the Spring to invade the Persian King. Which thing the Bassa gladly took upon him, and coming into Syria, wintered with his Army at Aleppo; whither Barbarussa came unto him for his Letters of Credence to Solyman, as is before declared. The Spring now approaching, Abra∣ham sent Ulemas the Fugitive Persian Prince be∣fore him with the light Horsemen, the fore∣runners of his Army, into Mesopotamia as his Guid, because the Country was unto him best known;

following not far after himself with all his Army. And marching still forward in that manner, came at length without resistance unto the famous City of Tauris in Armenia the greater, called in ancient time Echathana, as is probably by some conjectured; a great and rich City, but unwalled and of no strength; where the Persian Kings, for the pleasantness of the place, and freshness of the Air, used commonly to be re∣siant in the heat of the year. From whence Tamas the Persian King was as then absent, busied in Wars with Kezien-bassa, a Prince of the Cora∣sine Hircanians;* 10.155 so that the Citizens of Tauris destitute of all help, yielded themselves and the City unto the Bassa at his first coming. Tamas the Persian King understanding what had hapned at Tauris, drew near with his Power, warily expecting to have taken the Turks at some advantage, and so by policy to have defeated his Enemies, whom he was too weak to meet with in plain battel. Which thing the wary Bassa well perceiving, for more assurance by speedy Courriers advertised Solyman of the taking of Tauris, and of the Enemies purpose, request∣ing him with all speed to repair with his Army to Tauris. Solyman was then come far on his way with a great Army, not by the way of Ancyra, Sebastia, Amasia, the borders of Trape∣zond, and so over Euphrates at Arsenga, into Arme∣nia, as his Father Selymus had done before him, because that way was thought longer and more troublesome; but quite another way, on the right hand from Nice in Bithynia, to Iconium, and by Caesaria to Malathia, where is the notable passage over the River Euphrates, bursting out by the Vallies of the Mountain Antitaurus, from whence the Plains of Mesopotamia (then part of the Persian Kingdom) begin to open themselves; through which Country Solyman marched peace∣ably with his Army, paying the poor Country people for whatsoever he took; and so in four and fifty days march, came from Nice in Bithy∣nia, to the City of Coim in Armenia the greater, which is supposed to be built in the ruines of the famous and ancient City of Artaxata. But hearing such News as is aforesaid from the Bassa, he doubled his march, and so in short time after came and joyned his Forces with the Bassa at Tauris.* 10.156 Tamas (who yet daily expected the coming of the Georgian light Horsemen) under∣standing that Solyman was coming against him with a World of men, thought it not good to abide the coming of so puissant an Enemy, but with delay to weary him out, that drew such a multitude of people after him; and by taking of him at all advantages, to cut off his people, spent with long travel, wanting Victual, and falling into divers Diseases; as it commonly chanceth to populous Armies in strange Coun∣tries, where the change of the Air, with the in∣evitable necessity always attending upon a great Army, most times causeth grievous and contagi∣ous Diseases. Wherefore Tamas to shun the coming of Solyman, retired further off into Sul∣tania,* 10.157 about six days journey from Tauris. Where∣of Solyman having knowledge, departed from that rich City without doing any harm therein; following after Tamas into Sultania, to joyn battel with him if he could possible; leaving behind him for hast, a great part of his Carri∣ages and Baggage, with five hundred Janizaries, and three of his Sanzacks with their Companies. The City of Sultania was in ancient time one of the Royal Seats of the Persian Kings, but ru∣inated by the Scythian Tamerlane, retained no shew of the ancient Majesty, but only in the Churches by him spared. Near unto this City Solyman lay incamped many days, expecting that the Persian King (in revenge of the injuries to him done, and for the safeguard of his Honour) should at length come out of the Mountains, and shew himself in plain Field, and give him bat∣tel. Which was a thing so far from Tamas his resolution, upon the due comparing of his own strength with his Enemies, that he retired in such sort, that Solyman could by no means learn what was become of him, or which way to follow him.

The Country near unto the City of Sultania,* 10.158 wherein Solyman lay incamped at large, is on every side invironed with huge Mountains, whose tops are to be seen afar off, always co∣vered with deep Snow; these Mountains were in ancient time called Nyphates, Caspius, Coathras, and Zagrus, taking their beginning no doubt from Caucasus the Father of Mountains; and joyning one to another, some one way, some another, do divide most large and wide Coun∣tries. Whilst Solyman in those vast and plain Fields most fit to fight a battel in, expected the coming of Tamas, such a horrible and cruel Tempest (as the like whereof the Persians had never before seen at that time of the year) fell down from those Mountains (which was so much the more strange, for that it fell in the beginning of September) with such abundance of rain, which froze so eagerly as it fell, that it seemed the depth of Winter had even then of a sudden been come in; for such was the rage of the blustring Winds, striving with themselves as if it had been for Victory, that they swept the Snow from off the tops of those high Moun∣tains, and cast it into the Plains in such abun∣dance▪ that the Turks lay as men buried alive in the deep Snow, most part of their Tents being overthrown and beaten down to the ground with the violence of the Tempest, and weight of the Snow; wherein a wonderful num∣ber of sick Souldiers and others of the baser sort which followed the Camp, perished; and many others were so benummed, some their Hands, some their Feet, that they lost the use of them for ever; most part of their Beasts which they used for carriage, but especially their Camels, were frozen to death. Yea Solyman himself was in great danger to have been overwhelmed in his Tent, all the Tents round about him being overthrown with the violence of the Tempest. Neither was there any remedy to be found for so great mischiefs, by reason of the hellish dark∣ness of that tempestuous night, most of their fires being put out by the extremity of the Storm; which did not a little terrifie the super∣stitious Turks, as a thing accounted of them ominous. And that which troubled them no less than the miseries of the Tempest, was the fear of the Enemy, whose sudden coming they deadly feared; until that after so tedious a night, the Sun breaking out the next morning, with his chearful beams revived many, before ready to give up the ghost for cold, and gave comfort unto them all in general, by discovering the open Fields clear of their feared Enemies. It was a dreadful thing to have seen what misery that one night had brought into the Turks Camp; the ground lay almost covered with Bodies of the dead, and many lived but so, as that they accounted the dead more happy than themselves. Many of the Turks vainly thought, that horri∣ble Tempest was brought upon them by the Charms and Inchantments of the Persian Magici∣ans; whereas it was undoubtedly by the Hand of him who bringeth the proud devices of Princes to naught.

Solyman troubled as well with the strangeness of the accident, as the loss he had received, after he had a little refreshed his discouraged Souldiers, rose with his Army, and took his way on the left hand into Assyria; Ulemas the Persian per∣swading him thereunto for many causes, but espe∣cially by putting him in hope of the taking of Babylon; for that Mahometes, a Friend of his, was Governor thereof. But he when the matter came to proof, was not to be won either by Pro∣mise or Reward, to betray the City. Where∣fore Solyman resolved to take it by force; nei∣ther did his Fortune fail him therein; for as soon as Mahometes understood that Ulemas was at hand with the Forerunners of the Turks Army, and that Solyman with all his Power was coming after, (who as he thought would never have come so far;) he not provided to withstand so mighty an Enemy, and not be∣loved of the Citizens, fled out of the City. Soly∣man coming,* 10.159 in short time after was of the Baby∣lonians received without resistance. The City of Babylon, commonly called Bagdat, rose out of the ruines of the old City of Babylon, so much spoken of in holy Writ; from whence it is not far distant, standing upon the River Tygris, which not far beneath falleth into the River Euphrates. In this famous City is the Seat of the great Calyph, the chief Mahometan Priest, whom all the Mahometan Princes have in great Reverence, and hath an old Prerogative in the choice and confirmation of the Kings of Assyria and the Sultans of Egypt; of which Calyph, Solyman according to the old superstitious manner, re∣ceived at his hands the Ensigns and Ornaments of the Assyrian Kings, and with great bounty won the hearts of the people; and thereupon resolved to spend that Winter there, billiting his Army in divers places of that fertile Country. The other Cities of Assyria and Mesopotamia also, namely Caraemida, Meredinum, Orsa, and Asan∣cesa, hearing that Solyman had without resistance taken Babylon, yielded themselves and received his Garrisons. Yet the fame thereof was so great, that Embassadors came unto him as far as Ormus, (a City in the mouth of Euphrates where it falleth into the Persian Gulf, famous for the great Traffique out of India thither) suing unto him for Peace. Thus the ancient City of Baby∣lon,* 10.160 with the great Countries of Assyria and Mesopotamia, sometimes famous Kingdoms of themselves, and lately part of the Persian King∣dom, fell into the hands of the Turks, and be∣came Provinces of the Turkish Empire, in the year, 1534. Where Solyman after he had spent that Winter in great Joy and Triumph, according to the manner of the Turkish Government, placed a great Commander, which they by a proud Name call the Beglerbeg, (which is as much as to say, the Lord of Lords) and under him divers others for the Government of these Countries, by parts, which they call Sanzacks, who are ever at the Command of the Begler∣beg. Whilst he thus wintered at Babylon, he caused Ashender Zelibi (which is to say, Alex∣ander the Noble) his great Treasurer for the Wars, to be hanged, for that he had unfaith∣fully dealt in his Office, and confiscated all his Goods.

* 10.161Tamas hearing that Solyman was gone to Baby∣lon, returned to Tauris; of whose speedy coming the Janizaries and other Captains there left by Solyman understanding, fled in hast out of the City, leaving all such things as were committed to their custody, fo•• a prey unto the Persian Soul∣diers.

[year 1535.] Solymans Army being mightily increased by the coming into him of the great Bassa of Caire, with the Sanzacks of Alexandria, Iudea; Syria, and Comagena; by the perswasion of Abra∣ham and Ulemas, the Spring now well come on, departed from Babylon again towards Tauris, with purpose either to draw Tamas to battel, or else to his eternal infamy, before his face to sack that his regal City. But Tamas advertised of his coming, and knowing himself too weak to give him battel, forsook the City,* 10.162 and fled into the Mountains of Hircania; destroying all the Coun∣try before him as he went, and carrying away the Inhabitants, leaving nothing to relieve the Turks Souldiers, if they should pursue him. Solyman understanding that Tamas was again fled, sent Ulemas with all the choice Horsemen of his Army to overtake him if it were possible, and to fight with him. But when he had fol∣lowed him two or three days Journey, and still found the Country desolate as he went, yield∣ing neither Forrage for his Horses, nor Relief for his Men, and saw no hope to overtake the King; he began as a provident General, to fore∣cast the extremities like to befal in his return through those desolate Countries with the Ene∣my at his heels; and thereupon in time retired back again to Solyman, declaring unto him what had hapned. Who fretting in his mind, that the Persian King was not to be drawn to battel, marched forthwith to Tauris, entring it without resistance, the Citizens submitting themselves unto him; whose lives spared, he gave that rich City for a prey to his Souldiers, who left nei∣ther House nor corner thereof unransacked, abusing the poor Citizens with all manner of Insolency; every common Souldier without con∣trolment fitting himself with whatsoever best pleased his greedy desire or filthy lust. Tamas had in this City a most stately and Royal Pa∣lace;* 10.163 so had also most part of the Nobility their sumptuous and rich Houses, which by the commandment of Solyman were all rased down to the ground, and the greatest part of the best Citizens and beautiful Personages of all sorts and condition, at his departure thence carried away Captives. Solyman contenting himself to have done the Persian King this disgrace, in spoiling this his rich and Royal City, returned again towards Mesopotamia, destroying the Countries all the way as he went, killing the very Beasts and Cattel, thereby the more to impoverish the Persians, wishing to leave nothing unto them but penury and misery. He was scarcely past Coim and the Calderan Fields (famous for his Fathers Victory against Hismael) but that cer∣tain Troops of Persian Horsemen were in the tail of his Army, and had taken away some of his Baggage, and slain divers of the sick and stragling Souldiers, and with their often Skir∣mishes did not a little trouble his whole Army. Besides that, it was noised through all his Camp, That Tamas himself was coming after him with a greater Power of Horsemen, taken up in Hi∣beria, Albania, Parthia, Media, and Armenia, and would be at their backs before they could get out of Armenia; for which cause he appointed the two great Bassaes of Caire and Syria (for so they were called) and Ulemas the Persian, with 18000 good Souldiers to follow him in the Rereward of his Army, to receive and re∣press the sudden Assaults of the Persians, if need should require; and so still kept on his March, until he was come to Amida, now called Cara∣emida, an ancient City of Mesopotamia. In the mean time Tamas the Persian King was returned to Tauris with a mighty Army, in hope there to have suddenly surprised his Enemy, surcharged

with the pleasures of so rich a City; but find∣ing him gone, and beholding the miserable spoil and desolation he had made in the City; moved with Indignation, he resolved to pursue him whither soever he were gone, and was now on his way as far as Coim. Where understanding that Solyman was gone so far before, that he was hardly to be overtaken; and finding the noble Gentlemen in his Army unwilling in their heavy Armor to undertake such a pursuit, as could not be performed without the wonderful toil of themselves, and most assured loss of their goodly Horses; alledging, that they were pro∣vided to fight a battel, and not to travel so long a Journey (all which, Tamas now that his choler was over, knew to stand with good reason) he changed his former determination, thinking it best there to stay and not to follow the pursuit of his Enemies any further; until that Delimenthes one of his Noblemen (always more forward than the rest) offered with five thousand chosen Horse∣men to overtake some part of the Turks Army, and to do on them some good service. Which his offer Tamas gladly accepted, commending him greatly for the same, promising him most honourable Reward; and so in hast sent him away.

* 10.164He forthwith taking the well known and nearest way, used such Expedition, that he was in hope to overtake the Rereward of the Turks Army (marching not far now before him) about the foot of the Mountain Taurus, as in deed it fell out at a place called Bethlis. This Bethlis is a famous Town in the Confines of the Persian Kingdom, where it bordereth upon Mesopotamia, standing in a pleasant Valley, by which runneth a little River falling out of the Mountain Anti∣taurus; and had a Castle kept with a Garrison of Persians. In this Valley the two Bassaes of Caire and Syria (conducted by Ulemas) think∣ing they had now been past all danger of the Enemies pursuit, staid with the Rereward of their Army to refresh their wearied Souldiers, upon certain knowledge, that Solyman with the rest of his Army was already come in safety to Amida in Mesopotamia. And therefore lay as men secure, without any suspicion of the coming of the Persians, whom they had not so much as heard any thing of in long time before. But Deli∣menthes using most faithful and diligent Espials of that Country people, by that time he was come within one days journey of Bethlis, understood certainly where the Turks lay, weary of their long travel, as men without fear, keeping little or no Watch in their Camp: Whereupon he determined in the dead time of the night fol∣lowing to assail them in their Camp; and by secret Messengers gave knowledge both of his coming, and of this his purpose, to the Captain of the Castle of Bethlis; requesting him at an appointed hour upon sign given, to be ready to sally out with his Garrison upon that side of the Turks Camp which was towards the Castle. Which his venturous designment was so furthered both by the darkness of the night,* 10.165 and the abundance of rain which fell at the same time, as if it had been wished for; that he was got with all his resolute Followers within the Turks Camp, before they were aware of his coming; where the Persian Souldiers as Wolves amongst Sheep, did such speedy execution amongst the sleepy Turks, that the two great Bassaes and Ulemas had much ado to get to horse and save themselves by flight. And such was the fury of the Persians, and the greatness of the sud∣den fear increased by the darkness of the night, that the Turks not knowing which way to turn themselves, or what to do, were slain by thou∣sands, some sleeping, some half waking, some making themselves ready to fight, and some to fly, few of all that great Army escaped the Sword of the Persians. Of the five great San∣zacks which were in the Army, three were slain, and one taken. Eight hundred Janizaries seeing themselves forsaken of their Chieftains, laid down their Harquebusies and other Wea∣pons, and yielded themselves upon Delimenthes his word. The fierceMountain people also, who in former time had suffered great injuries of the Turks, after the death of Aladeules their King, had now joyned themselves to the Persians, and notably revenged their Wrongs; to whose share all the Baggage of the Turks Camp fell for a prey. It might then well have been said of the Turks▪ which the Poet speaketh of the night wherein Troy was sackt:

Quis cladem illius noctis, qui funera fando Explicet?—

The slaughter of that night was so great, that it is of the Turks until this day accounted amongst their greatest losses; and the Victory so welcome to the Persians; that in Memorial thereof they kept that day (which was the thirteenth of October) as one of their Solemn Holidays for many years after. Delimenthes re∣turning all bloody with the slaughter of the Turks, and loaded with their Spoils, was of Tamas joyfully received, and honourably re∣warded.

This Overthrow reported to Solyman by the two great Bassaes and Ulemas,* 10.166 as men that had hardly escaped Ship-wreck, so daunted his proud conceits, that he resolved in himself to return home, and no further to prosecute that unfor∣tunate War; the evil event whereof, his Mother (as he said) had more truly presaged, than had the cold Prophet Mulearabe; but secretly in mind displeased with Abraham the great Bassa, by whose perswasion he had taken in hand that dangerous Expedition. By the way as he went he was met at Iconium by Barbarussa and Sinan Bassa sirnamed the Jew, a man for his skill at Sea in reputation next to Barbarussa. These two great Personages lately come from Algiers to Constantinople with the remainder of his Fleet, met him so far by Land, to shew their joyful∣ness for the Conquest he had made of Mesopo∣tamia and Assyria, and to excuse themselves for the loss of the Kingdom of Tunes; which won by Barbarussa in the beginning of the Persian War, was before the ending thereof again wrung out of his hands by Charles the Emperor, and re∣stored to Muleasses, as shall be hereafter declared. They with great humility declared unto him the whole process of that War, and with what Success they had endured the force of Charles the Emperor himself in Person; shewing plainly unto him, that there wanted neither valour in the Souldiers, nor direction in them the Com∣manders, but only Fortune, which as it mightily reigneth in all mens actions, so especially in mat∣ters of War. Solyman graciously accepted of their excuse, and courteously took them up, pro∣strate at his Feet, commending them for their valour in their evil haps, in a Plot so well by them laid, more than he did the Victory of others, got by good Fortune, not grounded upon any good reason; willing them to be of good chear, saying, That that he would in short time find occasion for them to recompence that dis∣grace, and again to shew their approved valour. After long travel he came to the Strait of Bosphorus, where Abraham the Bassa going before him, had in token of Triumph caused the Shore all along

the place where he should go aboord the Gally provided for his Transportation, to be covered with Persian silk for him to tread upon; from whence he passed with much Triumph over to his Palace to Constantinople.

* 10.167Envy, the fatal and cruel Companion of Prin∣ces immoderate favours, had with her prying Eyes quickly discovered in Court Solymans changed countenance upon the great Bassa, and began now to shew her gastly Face. They which before were most ready to do him all Honour possible, yea to have laid their hands under his Feet, sought now by all secret means to work his Disgrace and Confusion. But of all others, the two great Ladies, Solymans Mother and the fair Roxolana, ceased not by daily Com∣plaints to incense Solyman against him; the Mo∣ther, for that he had by his perswasion, con∣trary to her mind and her superstitious Obser∣vations, drawn her Son into the dangers of the Persian War; and Roxolana, for that he most honoured and sought the Preferment of Mustapha, Solymans eldest Son by another Woman; where∣as she above all things laboured by all subtil means to prefer Bajazet her own Son to the Empire, after the death of Solyman his Father; which her designment she perceived to be much crossed by the Credit which the Bassa had with her Solyman, and therefore did what she might, both to bring him out of Favour, and to work his Destruction. But that which most impared his credit with Solyman, was the common report raised of him by his Enemies, That he being in heart a Christian, did in all things favour the Christians, (a thing most odious among the Turks) and had for that cause craftily per∣swaded Solyman to take in hand the unfortunate Persian War. And that which more increased the suspition, was, That he about that time had caused one Mark Nicholas a Venetian Merchant (who had not without suspicion of some, often∣times come unto him with Letters and secret Messages whilst he lay at Babylon) to be taken in the night, and murdred at Constantinople, and cast into the Sea, because he should not discover any thing that might be hurtful unto him. Abraham thus brought in disgrace with Solyman, was (after the manner of the Turkish Tyranny) bid to a Solemn Supper in the Court about the fourteenth of March, after which time he was never more seen. It is reported, That after Sup∣per Solyman fell into a great rage with him, charging him bitterly, That he had misgoverned the State, inverted his Treasures to his own pri∣vate use, and as a Traytor, had secret Intelligence with the Christian Princes his Enemies▪ for proof whereof, Solyman with stern Countenance shewed him his own Letters, which had by chance been intercepted; oftentimes asking him in furious manner, If he knew not that Hand, if ••e knew not that Seal. All which, the Bassa lying prostrate at his Feet humbly confessed, and with many Tears craved of him pardon.* 10.168 But his hard heart was not by any prayers to be moved▪ for the same night as he was slumbring upon a Palate in the Court, overcome with heaviness, an Eunuch cut his Throat with a crooked Knife, which Solyman for that purpose had delivered unto him with his own hand. He was murdred sleeping, because Solyman had in former time o•• his favour solemnly sworn unto him, That he would never kill him whilst he lived. By which Oath, the great Mahometan Priest said, He was not so bound, but that he might kill him sleeping, for as much as men by sleep deprived of sense, are for that time not to be accounted as living, but as dead, mans life con∣sisting altogether (as he said) in lively actions. It is reported, that after Solyman had looked upon the dead body, and bitterly cursed the same, he caused a great weight to be tied unto it, and so cast it into the Sea. His Treasure and Goods, which were almost infinite, were the next day all seised upon for the Emperor, and a small por∣tion thereof appointed for his poor Wife to live upon. His death was no sooner known, but that the vulgar people devised of him infamous Songs, and slanderous Reports, as of a Traytor most justly condemned; and in further despight, with mire and stones defaced the Trophies of the Hungarian Victory, which he had in a stately manner erected before his sumptuous House in Constantinople. This was the woful end of Abra∣ham the great Bassa, who whilst he stood in favour with his Prince, was of all others accounted most fortunate, wanting nothing but the name of the great Sultan; but after falling into dis∣grace, became the scorn of Fortune, and the lamentable Spectacle of mans fragility. He was murdred the fifteenth day of March, in the year 1536.

How the Kingdom of Tunes was by Barbarussa (the Turks great Admiral) taken from Muleasses,* 10.169 we have already told; but how the same was again taken from him by Charles the Emperor a little before the return of Solyman out of Per∣sia, remaineth now to be declared. It was com∣monly reported, and not without just cause fear∣ed, that Barbarussa, possessed of the Kingdom of Tunes, and supported by the Power of Solyman, would the next Summer, not content himself with the Spoil of the Coasts of Spain, Sardinia, and Italy, as he had in former time, but with all his Forces invade Sicilia, the Granary and Storehouse of Italy, and from thence attempt to Conquer the Kingdom of Naples, which it was thought he in his immoderate desires had longed much after. To repress this his barbarous Inso∣lency, and to work the safety of the Frontiers of the Christian Kingdoms (much subject to the Rapines of the Turkish Pirates) Charles the Em∣peror resolved in Person himself with a puissant Army to pass over into Africk, whilst Solyman was yet buried in the Persian Wars, and by force of Arms to dispossess the Tyrant of his new gotten Kingdom of Tunes. For the accomplish∣ment whereof,* 10.170 he caused Souldiers to be levied in all parts of Spain, and came down to Barce∣lona with eight thousand Footmen and seven hundred Horsemen, far sooner than was by any man expected; amongst whom were many of the Nobility of Spain, with their Followers most gallantly appointed; but especially Ferdinand of Toledo, Duke of Alva; whose forwardness in that honourable Action, with the desire he had to re∣venge the death of his Father Garzias, slain be∣fore by the Moors at Girapolis, gave great hope even then unto his Country-men, That he would in time prove a worthy Chieftain, as indeed he afterward did.

In the mean time Andrew Auria the great Ad∣miral,* 10.171 unto whom only for his approved fide∣lity and long experience the Emperor had fully communicated what he had with himself before purposed, had with wonderful diligence and celerity rigged up a great Fleet of Ships and Gallies so furnished with all manner of War∣like Provision, as might well have sufficed a great Army; whereunto he joyned also his own Fleet of seventeen Gallies and three Galleasses, wherein he had imbarked the Flower of Genoa and Liguria, who with exceeding chearfulness had voluntarily offered themselves to follow him their old General in that Sacred Expedition.

With this great Preparation Auria came to the Emperor at Barcelona. Thither came also Lewis the King of Portugals Brother (whose Sister Isa∣bel, Charles the Emperor had married) with 25 Caravels, Ships which the Portugals used in their Indian Voyages, amongst whom was also one huge Galeon; all Ships well appointed and fit for Service, wherein were embarked 2000 Portugals, beside Mariners; there also arrived sixty Sail of tall Ships sent out of Flanders and the Low-Countries; wherein were a great number of condemned persons, whose lives were spared that they might serve in the Gallies. Unto this War Paulus the Third of that Name, then Bishop of Rome, sent ten Gallies under the Con∣duct of Virginius Ursinus; the great Master of Malta sent thither his Fleet also. At the same time that all this preparation was in making in other places, that worthy Chieftain Alphonsus D' aualus Vastius, whom the Emperor had ap∣pointed General of all his Forces at Land, had hy the Emperors Commandment taken up five thousand new Souldiers in Italy, which were led by Hieronimus Tutavilla, Count of Sarne, Frederick, Caracte, and Augustine Spinula, all famous Cap∣tains. The old Spanish Garrisons which lay in Lombardy, the Emperor commanded to be strait∣ly looked unto, that none of them should leave their places to go into this new Expedition, but to remain there still under their General Antonius Leva; which worthy Captain although he would fain have had him with him, as of all his great Commanders the best; yet he thought it good to spare him, both for that he was much troubled with the Gout, and also for that it was necessary (as he thought) to leave such a valiant Captain with his Garrisons in the Country, so near unto the French and Swissers, whom he durst not so well trust as to disfurnish that Country either of so great a Commander, or of the wonted Gar∣risons. At the same time Maximilian Eberstein, an old Commander,* 10.172 came to Vastius with eight thousand Germans, over the Tridentine Alps to Millain, and so to Genoa; amongst whom were divers noble Gentlemen, who then as voluntary men served of their own charges. With these Germans and the five thousand Italians, Vastius embarked himself at the Port called Portus Vene∣ris, in Liguria; having before perswaded them, with patience to indure the tediousness of the Sea, and to comfort themselves with the hope of the Victory in Africk; where they should fight in the Quarrel of God, and for the Em∣peror, who did never forget his religious and valiant Souldiers. So sailing alongst the Coast of Italy, he came to Naples, where the Vice-Roy and divers other of the Nobility had of their own charges, every man according to his devo∣tion or ability, built or furnished some one Gally, some more, for that Service. It was a wonder to see with what chearfulness the Gallants and lusty Youths of Naples, and all that part of Italy, came and offered themselves unto Vastius; so that it seemed there was none left behind in Naples; for he had with singular courtesie so won the hearts of the old Souldiers and lusty Youths of that Kingdom, that both the one and the other thought it a most honourable thing to adorn, the one their before deserved Pensions, and other their first entrance into Martial Affairs, with the participation of so notable a Victory. But whilst every man was thus busied in setting for∣ward, certain mutinous Souldiers (weary of the Sea, and fearing the dangers of so long a Voy∣age) began to cast many Perils, to find fault with their small Wages, and to discourage the multitude, perswading them with seditious Speeches to forsake their Colours, and to run away; for redress whereof, Vastius caused the Authors of that Mutiny to be taken and thrust into Sacks, and in the sight of the whole Fleet to be cast into the Sea. So Vastius departing with his Fleet from Naples, came in few days to Pa∣lermo in Sicily. The Emperor also loosing from Barcelona, came to the Port of Mago in the Island of Minorca, and from thence to Caralis in Sardinia, whether Alphonsus Vastius was a little be∣fore come with all his Fleet out of Sicily. Not long after, the Emperor, now that all his Forces were come together, passed over from Sardinia into Africk, and with a fair Westerly Wind put into the Port of Utica, which is of the Sea-faring men called Farina.* 10.173 In the entring where∣of, the Admiral Gally, wherein the Emperor himself was, by great mischance struck upon a Sand, and there stuck fast; which so much trou∣bled the Emperor, for that his Father Philip had by like mishap been like to have been cast away upon the Coast of England, as he was sailing out of the Low-Countries into Spain; howbeit, by the good direction of Auria she was quickly got off the Sand again, and entred with the rest, to the great rejoycing of the whole Fleet. So presently departing again from Utica, and sailing alongst the Coast, he doubled the Promontory of Car∣thage, yet famous for the ruines of that proud City, and came to Anchor before a Castle, which of a Well beneath it, is called by the name of Aquaria, or the Wat••r-Castle. The Moors, who from the Hills of Utica, or their Watch-Towers, had taken view of the Christian Fleet, and of the Course it held, advertised Barbarussa,* 10.174 That the Christians were coming against him with an innumerable Fleet; for there was of one sort and other almost 700 Sail, whereof 82 were great Streamers, which gallantly garnished with Flags and Gallies, made a shew of more than indeed they were, and wonderfully terrified the Enemy. But that troubled Barbarussa most, that he was by Messenger upon Messenger certainly inform∣ed, that the most mighty Christian Emperor Charles was in Person himself in the Fleet, with such a world of people, that it should seem he had left none in Spain and Italy that were able to bear Arms. Which News was brought by cer∣tain Mahometan Slaves, who getting loose in the Gallies, had in the night swome ashore, and re∣ported the certainty of the Emperors coming; for the proud Turk, a great Contemner of the Christian Forces, never thought that the Empe∣ror would have adventured his Person unto the dangers of the Sea, and chances of War, especially in an unknown, barren and scorching Country, but would rather have attempted to do something by his Lieutenants; or else by Auria his Admiral seek to surprize some base places alongst the Sea-coast, but not to come directly for the regal City of Tunes; in which opinion he was chiefly confirmed by Aloysius Praesenda, a Gentleman of Genoa, who taken at Sea, was kept as Prisoner at large in Tunes; of whom Barbarussa had learned many things con∣cerning the State of Italy, the manner of the Christians, and strength of the Emperor; crafti∣ly feeding him with the hope of liberty, if he would truly declare unto him such things as he desired to know. Wherefore now in his rage he caused him to be brought before him;* 10.175 charging him bitterly, that he had craftily and perfidiously told him lyes for truth, concerning the Emperor, and therefore commanded him to be forthwith executed. When he had thus with the unworty death of a guiltless Christian, somewhat mitigated the grief of his light belief,

he forthwith began to cast with himself how he might best withstand his puissant Enemy. And first of all calling to counsel his Sea-Captains, in whom for their approved valour he reposed most confidence, he shewed unto them, that they as valiant men, acquainted with the dangers attending upon honourable Actions, were not to doubt of the Victory, forsomuch as he saw it as good as already gained; for the same reasons for which he had before perswaded himself, that the Emperor (if he had not been half mad) would not have undertaken so desperate and doubtful a War.

* 10.176For who is there (said he) that knoweth this Country (not to speak of our own Forces) which would not reasonably think our Enemies should in short time know the price of their ambitious desire and rash attempt? which in a most unseasonable time of the year, the days being now at the longest, and the Sun in his greatest strength, are come to fight in a Country scortched with heat, and altogether without water; where the very sand which riseth with every blast of Wind, flying into their Eyes and Faces, shall no less trouble them than their Enemies? Shall we think that they, which as I hear for most part are fresh-water Souldiers, and surcharged with heavy Armor, can easily march forward, or retire, or yet keep their ground, as the divers occasions of battel shall require; when as the deep and hollow burning sand up to the mid leg, will not suffer them to keep any order of Array? How shall they be able by any means to abide the force of our Turkish footmen, or the often charging of the nimble Numidian Horsemen? And if they be so many of them as they say there is, where can they get Victual to feed such a multitude, if we do but protract the War? Assuredly (most valiant and couragious Chieftains) we shall erect a most rare and incomparable Trophy in this Country of Africk; when as Charles the rich and great Em∣peror of the Christians shall either here be slain in battel, or else fall into our hands as a most rich prey. For mine own part, I will notably provide, that you shall want neither Weapons, Victual, or Aid, during the time of this War: I will open the old Armories, broach my Store, and bring forth my Treasures. The Numidian Princes now our Friends, I will without delay entertain with great pay, and such Presents as shall be to them most welcome. As for the Citizens of Tunes, you know how easily they are to be kept in Obedience, and brought on against the Enemy for a small pay, and hope of reward. But this one thing is it that I most earnestly require of your approved va∣lour, That you most valiantly defend the strong Castle of Guletta, as the most assured defence not of this City only, but of the whole Kingdom; and especially of our Navy which there lieth in safe Harbor; for that piece will our Enemies with all their Forces first assail. Wherefore, as worthy Men never to be vanquished, keep that for Solyman and me; so that it being vainly attempted by our Enemies, and resolutely defended by you, the Christian Emperor there failing of his purpose, and shamefully foiled; shall now begin to despair, not of the taking of the City of Tunes, but of his own return and safety.

When he had thus said, the Sea-Captains answer∣ed with one consent, That they would most willingly and chearfully perform whatsoever it should please him to command; and in confir∣mation thereof, promised him not to do any thing which beseemed not most valiant and resolute Men.* 10.177 Amongst these Sea-Captains, Sinan of Smirna a Jew, who had lost his right Eye, was both for his age and long experience in Mili∣tary Affairs, of greatest account; next unto him was Haidinus of Cilicia, for his furiousness in fight sirnamed of the Italians Caceiadiabolo, and Salec of Ionia, which two had before in a great Battel at Sea, slain Rodericus Portendus great Ad∣miral of Spain, and taken his Son Iohn Prisoner, and seven great Gallies; after these, was Tabac∣ches of Laodicea, and Giaffer, a valiant Captain of the Janizaries; all which were notable Pyrats, and then Men of great fame. The strong Castle of Guletta standeth in the bottom of the Bay of Carthage, upon a point of the Land▪* 10.178 where the Sea by a narrow Strait runneth on the East side of the Castle into the Lake of Tunes, which be∣ing in a manner round, is about twelve Italian miles over. But now that Castle is parted from the Main of the West side also, by the Sea that way let in; which chargeable Work was by Barbarussa begun, but given over again by him; perswaded by some, That the Sea coming in that way, would in short time fill up the Lake with sand; but was afterwards for all that, per∣fected by others. So that now it standeth in the manner of an Island, in the mouth of the Lake, divided from the firm Land by two narrow strait passages; the one on the East, and the other on the West; yet so, that it commandeth both. This Castle Barbarussa had before strongly fortified both with Men and Munition, as the Key of that Kingdom, but now upon the coming of the Emperor, he put into it his most expert and resolute Captains before named; well foreseeing, that in the defence thereof rested the safety of his Navy which then lay within the Lake, as in a most sure Harbour; and also the greatest hope he had for the holding of the City of Tunes, whereon depended the whole State of that Kingdom. The Emperor lying at Anchor with all his Fleet near unto the shore, gave general Commandment, That his Souldiers should with as much speed as was possible be landed with the long Boats; which was so orderly done, that the Moors terrified with the hideous cry of the Souldiers, making toward Land, and not able to abide the showers of small Shot, were easily beaten from the shore, whither they were come down in great multitudes,* 10.179 and so suffered the Christian Souldiers to land quietly. The first that landed were the Spanish Companies, after them the Italians, and last of all the Germans, whom Vastius General of the Army caused pre∣sently to encamp themselves; straitly command∣ing, that no man should straggle from the Camp farther into the Land, until the Horsemen and great Artillery were all landed. The Emperor himself bearing Victory in the chearfulness of his Countenance, landed also. In the mean time certain Companies were sent out by the General, to view the places nigh hand, and to seek out the Cisterns and Fountains of fresh Waters thereabout, which sometime served the famous City of Carthage, with whom the Moors, but especially the Numidian Horsemen, a swift, sub∣tle, and painful kind of Souldiers, oftentimes and in many places suddenly skirmished; and though they were but naked men, yet taking all the advantages they could of the places to them well known, with their Arrows and Darts furi∣ously assailed them unawares, and overloaded with Armor, sparing no mans life that fell into their hands. Among whom was Hieronimus Spi∣nula a Ligurian Captain, who overthrown by a Numidian Horseman, had his Head cut off, and carried away by the same nimble Horseman, before he could be rescued. The like mishap befel Fredericus Carectus a noble Gentleman, who going with Vastius to view the places there∣abouts, was fast by his side suddenly slain with a

small shot. All which nimbleness and fierceness of the Enemy, could not for all that stay the Emperor, but that he would needs with a small Troop of Horsemen, in Person himself take view of the places thereabouts, even in the sight of the Numidian Horsemen, which were in every place to be seen pricking up and down the Country in Troops; although he was many times requested by his grave Counsellors, to leave that Service for his inferior Captains, and not to expose himself to so great danger both of his Person and of the common safety. Vastius had now brought on the Army near unto the Castle of Guletta, still casting up a rolling Trench as he came nearer thereunto, thereby to keep his men out of the danger of the Enemies shot; which work was not done only by the Pioneers and Gally-Slaves, but by Souldiers of all sorts; yea many of the Captains themselves laid their hands to the Spade and Mattock; for why, the Empe∣ror was there a continual Beholder, and chear∣ful Commender of every mans labour and for∣wardness, and the busie Enemy was ever ready to take the advantage, if any thing were by neg∣ligence omitted, oftentimes sallying out even unto the very Trenches of the Christians, there giving unto them proud words of defiance. When the Army was to be martialled, and every Commander to be appointed to the place of his Charge in this Siege of Guletta; the Count of Sarne (a man famous both for the honour of his house, and for the good Service he had lately done against the Turks at Corone) re∣quested of Vastius the General, to have the charge of the Mount nearest unto the Castle; which as it was a place of most danger, so was it also of greatest honour. Whereat the old Spaniards (af∣ter the manner of their proud nature) much re∣pined. Upon the top of this Mount, the Count set up his rich Tent in the eye of the Enemy, and there lay with the Italian Companies over whom he commanded. He had not there lien long, but Salec, one of the Turks famous Pirats, with certain Companies of the Garrison-Souldiers, sal∣lied out of the Castle directly upon the Mount whereon the Count lay; and by making shew as if he would desperately have assailed the same, raising a great Alarm against the Italians;* 10.180 yet so as after certain Vollies of Shot discharged on both sides, he began to retire as if he had been thereto constrained. Which thing the Count perceiving, being a man of greater courage than direction, in great rage with bitter words re∣proved certain of the Captains, whom he per∣ceived not so forward in pursuit of the Enemy as he would have had them; and in his fury ran down from the Mount, the rest for shame fol∣lowing him, and overtaking the Enemies slew divers of them. The crafty Pirat now seeing the Count drawn out of his strength into the plain ground, and perceiving himself strong enough to encounter him, suddenly turning himself about, said unto his Souldiers; The ad∣vantage you wished to have of your Enemies is now offered, they are now in your danger; wherefore now shew your selves valiant men, and suffer not one of these proud fresh-water Souldiers to escape alive or unwounded. Which he had no sooner said, but they presently made a stand, and so hardly charged them from whom they but even now seemed to fly, that the Italians not able longer to indure the fight, betook themselves to flight. The Count himself with Belingerus his Kinsman, fighting valiantly in the foremost of his Com∣panies, was slain; many others indured the same fortune; others flying back again to the Mount, were slain there by the Turks; who resolutely entred into the Trenches with them so far, that they carried away with them the Plate and Riches of the Counts Tent. Neither was there any of the Spaniards which lay nearest unto them, and might easily have rescued them, that would once stir out of their places to help them; for it is reported, that they were nothing sorry for the overthrow of the Italians, forasmuch as the Count had so arrogantly craved of the General the most honourable place,* 10.181 which he so evil held. His head and right hand were cut off, and sent by Salec to Barbarussa. This Overthrow much grieved the Italians, whom Vastius comforted with chearful Speeches; imputing all that loss, nei∣ther to the valour of the Enemy, or cowardise of the Italians; but only to the rashness of the Count, whom he said worthily to have paid the price of his inconsiderate forwardness. But the Spaniards he sharply reproved as merciless men, which up∣on so light an occasion had given cause for the Italians to have them in distrust. The Turks in the mean time by the often shooting off their great Ordnance, shewed the joy they conceived of this Victory.

It oftentimes so falleth out,* 10.182 that whilst men laugh at their Neighbours harms, their own is not far off; and so it fell out with the Spaniards; for Tabacches another of the piratical Captains, shortly after sallying suddenly out of the Castle in the dawning of the day, was got up to the top of the Trenches wherein the Spaniards lay, before they were aware of his coming, and there slew some as they lay asleep, some idly sitting fearing no harm, others, as they were arming themselves; and with their sudden Cry, caused the rest which lay near unto that place, shame∣fully for fear to fly out of their Trenches; where the Turks taking such trash as they there found, and having slain and wounded many, amongst whom was one Mendosa a Captain, and carry∣ing away with them the Ensign of Sarmentus which stood upon the top of the Trench, re∣turned with Victory. The alarm raised in the Army was such, as that the Emperor himself came running to the place in his Armor, severely reproving them of cowardise, which had forsaken the place; and grievously offended with them which had kept such negligent watch against such an Enemy, as was not for wiliness, agility, and cou∣rage, to be slightly regarded of the best and most expert Souldiers. This disgrace of the Spaniards well comforted the Italians, to see the old Soul∣diers no less overtaken in their neglience, than they had been in their unadvised forward∣ness.

This Tumult appeased, Vastius called into his Tent and Colonels and chief Captains of the Spa∣niards, and spake unto them in this manner:

Friends (said he) elsewhere always valiant,* 10.183 who together with me, have by your invincible prowess gained unto our Emperor many most glorious Victories; you seem unto me at this time to have need to be called upon, and to be put in remembrance of your wonted and approved valour; for as far as I can see, the remembrance of your ancient Fame, is in you grown altogether cold, your hands are become faint for fear; and that which I am sorry and ashamed to say, you are grown I know not how, altogether out of order, and heartless, shewing no courage for the sub∣duing of these naked Pirats. Yesterday (as many say) you smiled at the unskilful and unfortunate forward∣ness of your friends, which they bought dear; but to day they worthily laugh at your degenerate careless negligence; so that it concerneth you in Honour, to blot out this so foul and publick a disgrace, by some not∣able and worthy Exploit. Wherefore I exhort you,

and I straightly charge and command you, that with all speed you prepare both your minds and weapons for the atchievement of some new honour; so that if the proud Enemy shall again presume to come forth and as∣sail your Trenches, you shall forthwith break out upon him, and beat him back again even to the Gates of Gu∣letta. Perhaps good fortune will so attend your vali∣ant and resolute pursuit, that you may together with their disordered men, enter some of their Rampiers, wherein we see their whole hope consisteth; which if it shall otherwise fall out than is hoped for, yet shall you by this your notable devoir wonderfully content the Emperor your Soveraign, and me your General, and withal, cover your late dishonour.

Whereunto they all answered, That they would so bear themselves against the Enemy, as that he should not desire greater courage or contempt of danger in men desirous of honour and com∣mendation.

It was not long, but that the Turks incouraged with their former success,* 10.184 after their wonted man∣ner sallied out again, conducted by Giaffer Cap∣tain of the Janizaries, a man of exceeding Cou∣rage and Strength of Body; who with the Jani∣zaries and certain Companies of Moorish Archers, about the noon time of the day issuing out of the Castle, assailed the uttermost Trenches, ho∣ping in that broiling heat to find the Christians in their Stations negligent and unprepared; wherein he was nothing deceived; for the Spaniards that burning hot time of the day, kept such negli∣gent Watch, that Giaffer with his Janizaries and Archers, was got up to the top of the Rampiers, and there discharged their Shot and Arrows upon the Christians in their Trenches, before they were well aware of his coming. But upon the striking up of the Drum, certain Companies of Harquebu∣siers brake out upon them in two places at one instant, as Vastius had before commanded; whom he seconded with a Company of Halba∣diers, keeping in readiness his Squadrons to rescue his Harquebusiers, if they should be inforced by the Enemy to retire; and in that order expected the event of the skirmish, which was most vali∣antly maintained on both sides. For the Janiza∣ries, although they were inforced to give ground, yet (as men not used to flie, and standing upon the honour of their order) withstood the Chri∣stians with no less resolution than they were by them charged; until that Giaffer their Leader, de∣sperately fighting among the foremost of the Ja∣nizaries,* 10.185 was at once shot in with two Bullets, and slain; whose dead Body the Janizaries labouring to carry away, indured a most cruel Fight, many being on both sides slain upon his dead Carkass; yet at length they were inforced to flie, and so fiercely followed by the Spaniards, that they of Guletta, when they had received in the foremost, shut out almost a fourth part of their own men, for fear the Christians should together with them have entred the Castle. Didacus Abila, one of the Spanish Ensign-bearers, advanced his Ensign upon the top of one of the Enemies Rampiers, and was there slain, but his Ensign saved by one of the Souldiers of the same Band. The Christi∣ans received more loss in their Retreat, than they had in all the Fight; for the Turks from their Rampiers then dischaged their Shot as fast as they could upon them, which they could not before do▪ without the like danger to their own men mingled amongst them. This days work well abated the pride of the Turks, and gave good hope to the Christians, that the Castle would without any great loss be gained; for being near unto it, they perceived it not to be so strong as they had supposed.

The Emperor having spent a few days in con∣sultation about his farther proceeding, and pre∣paring of things for the Siege, resolved without further delay with all his Forces to assa••lt the Castle, perswaded thereunto by many reasons; first, by the chearfulness of his own Souldiers, and the Courage of his Enemies sore daunted in the last skirmish, which he was loath they should again recover by the coming of new Supplies; besides that, he was informed, that divers Companies of the Numidians were coming to Tunes, enter∣tained by Barbarussa, whose strength was like dayly to encrease; but that which moved him most to hasten the matter, was, for that his men began to grow sickly in his Camp, being all the day time scorched as it were with the fervent heat of the Sun, and well near starved in the night with cold and exceeding Dews wherewith they were commonly wet to the skin; neither was there either good Water, or fresh Victual by any means to be had in that sandy and barren Soil, for the relief of the sick, other than that was brought out of the Fleet; for all the Water there∣about was most unpleasant and exceeding brac∣kish, so that both sick and whole were glad when they could get a Crab to quench their ex∣tream Thirst; although the Emperor did what he might to remedy these extremities, and much relief was in good time sent both from Sicilia and Naples; the Bisket also in the Ships, espe∣cially in the Spanish Gallies, was grown hoary and unwholesome. Wherefore he began to place his Battery about the fifteenth of Iuly, which was defended all alongst with Gabions, and Casks filled with Sand, for that the Country Soil in that place yielded neither Earth nor Turf to do it. Auria appointed to batter the Castle by sea, divided his Gallies into three Squa∣drons which orderly succeeding one another, should by turns beat the same: his great Ships rid at Anchor, and out of their Forcastles thundred with their great Ordnance. And Vastius at Land had divided the Army into three Battels; Spa∣niards, Italians, and Germans, every station by themselves, in such sort, as that they might in∣differently be partakers both of the danger of the Assault, and of the glory of the Victory. There was never strong place in the memory of man (since Guns,* 10.186 that fatal Engin were first invented for the destruction of mankind) assailed with greater force, greater preparation, or industry. The great Ordnance in manner of a great Earth∣quake, so terribly roared and thundred, that the Earth seemed not only to tremble and quake un∣der mens Feet, but even by and by to rent in sud∣der and swallow them up; and the Sea which was even now quiet and calm, began to rise aloft, and to rage and fome as if it had been in a great Storm; at which time the Air became thick, and the Skie darkned with the smoke of the great Ar∣tillery; from the break of the day until Noon,* 10.187 the roaring Cannon and Culverin never ceased; so that the Vamures were beaten down, the Castle made assaultable, and the Walls so shaken, that in many places the Turks Cannoniers, together with their Cannon lay buried in the ruins thereof. Which thing perceived, they which were before appointed to give the first Assault, upon signal given by the Emperor, presently upon the ceasing of the great Artillery assailed the Breach, and others with their scaling Ladders scaled the Walls; which was done with such Courage and resoluti∣on, that the Turks when they had done what they possibly could for the defence of the place, by casting down Darts, Wild-Fire, and such like things upon the Christians as they were climbing up; at length as men despairing longer to hold

the place, and overcome with a greater Fortune, turned their Backs and fled. Sinan and the rest of the Captains by a wooden Bridge, fled out at the further side of the Castle, into the Main, and so alongst the left side of the Lake by Land to Tunes, not looking behind them for haste; which way most part of his men followed him also. The rest were either slain or driven into the Lake, where seeking to save their lives by swiming, they were either slain in coming to Land, by the Spa∣nish Horsemen, or else in their swiming shot at pleasure by the Harquebusiers, so that all the Lake was as it were covered with the dead bodies of the Turks and Moors. The Emperor with small Shot thus gained the Castle of Guletta,* 10.188 with all the warlike Provision therein, and with it all Bar∣barussa his great Fleet and strength at Sea, which he for the more safety had before put into the Lake; which as it was unto the Emperor a thing most pleasant, so was it unto Barbarussa and his Pyrats the greatest grief and loss possible, having at once lost all their power at Sea, which but a little before was no small terror to all the Fron∣tiers of the Christian Countries and Islands in the Mediterranean.

Barbarussa troubled and terrified with so great a loss,* 10.189 with a stern and scornful Countenance received the Jew and the rest of the Captains fled from Guletta, reviling them bitterly in his rage, and calling them faint-hearted Cowards, which had in so short a time given over so strong a place. Whereunto Sinan answered for them all, in this sort:

Hairadin (said he) so long as we were to fight with armed men,* 10.190 we did as thou well knowest, and our Enemies cannot deny, what well beseemed us and thy magnificent Fortune. But when we are to with∣stand the Divel and his infernal Furies, which came against us with Flames of Fire, and Earthquakes, things of extream terror and danger; it ought not to seem strange unto thee, if we sought to escape the un∣couth Fury of the immortal Enemies of mankind, to do thee service in thy better Fortune, in defence of this thy City and Kingdom. Neither do we account it any disgrace to have escaped that danger, as men that mind again to fight; out of which thou, a most ancient and expert Commander (if I may frankly speak unto thee the truth) if thou hadst been there present, wouldst have accounted it no dishonour, but very good discretion to have escaped in safety.

Barbarussa repressing his fury, began in a more temperate manner to request them every one par∣ticularly, as valiant and couragious men to stand fast unto him in that War against their Enemies the Christians; telling them, that he well hoped, that after the great supply of the Moorish Foot∣men and Numidian Horsemen were once come (which were now at hand) the Enemy should not long rejoyce of the taking of Guletta. After that, he forthwith converted all his study and en∣deavour, to prepare such things as were needful for the War, bringing forth his Treasures, and bountifully bestowing the same amongst the Moors and Numidians, thereby to confirm the Friendship of such as well affected him, and with his new bounty to win the hearts of such as yet stood doubtful.

In the mean time Muleasses the exiled King, with a small retinue of his Friends and Followers came from the farthest part of Numidia,* 10.191 into the Emperors Camp; the Emperor sitting in a Royal Seat in the midst of his Pavilion, whereunto Muleasses, was admitted, with a Mitre upon his head, in a Garment of green and blew changea∣ble Silk; he was of a tall and manly Stature, of Colour tawny, but so Squint-eyed, that he seem∣ed spitefully to look upon them whom he be∣held; whom after he had kissed the Emperors right hand, and had set himself down with his Legs gathered close under him, upon a Carpet spred upon the bare ground, after the manner of his Country, he by an Interpreter spake unto the Emperor as followeth:

Thou art come in Arms into this Country,* 10.192 and art now almost Conqueror of the same (thrice mighty Emperor) provoked thereunto not by any desert of mine, for that our different Religion so required; yet as I verily think, not without the appointment of the most high God, whom both thou and I do with like Devotion worship, to take revenge of the most per∣fidious and cruel Tyrant and Pyrat, the mortal Enemy of mankind; whom I foresee as good as already van∣quished, now that Guletta is taken, and his Navy sur∣prised. So that I hope he shall in short time by thy re∣venging hand, at once receive the just Guerdon of all his former Villanies; which shall be so much the more to my comfort, for that I hope the Fruit of thy rare Fe∣licity and glorious Victory will redound in great part to me, being restored by thee into my Fathers Kingdom; which I as a poor exiled Prince most humbly request of thy Iustice and Bounty. For it shall be unto thee a thing most honourable and profitable, if thou shalt receive into thy protection me, a King Royally descended of a most ancient Progeny, strengthned with the great Ally∣ance of the Numidians and Moors. Neither do I re∣fuse either to pay thee Tribute therefore, or to acknow∣ledge my self Vassal unto thee the Christian Emperor. Of which my Fidelity there can be no greater assurance, than the thankful remembrance of so great a benefit received; which shall never remain unforgotten of me and my Posterity, even for that especially, that I detest and abhor the name of an unthankful man; and do well by experience find, how much my state may be confirmed, and the minds of my People to me as∣sured, by thy Garrisons so near at hand in Sicilia and Sardinia.

Whereunto the Emperor answered, That he was come over into Africk to be revenged of the injuries which Barbarussa had many times done upon the Frontiers of his Dominions,* 10.193 and to root out the Pyrats, of all others most mischievous; which his good purpose had by the goodness of Christ his Saviour taken so good effect, that he doubted not in short time by the taking of Tunes to obtain a perfect Victory; which once gained, he would then kindly grant him all things which should stand with the convenience of his Affairs, and the use of his Victory; so that he would not falsifie his Faith, which he might justly suspect, if he reposed not a special trust, that the re∣membrance of such a benefit would for ever remain in his heroical mind; and was further assured, that the same power which should restore him his Kingdom of courtesie, could also take it from him again, if his unthankfulness should so deserve.

Muleasses in the presence of the Emperor used such a gravity and grace in his speech and gesture,* 10.194 as well declared, that he had nothing forgotten his former estate; but towards the General and the other great Captains he used all manner of Courtesie, so that he rid up and down with them gallantly mounted, mannaging his Horse, and charging and discharging his Launce with such agility and skill, as shewed him to be a very good Horseman, and of great activity. At other va∣cant times he would subtilly reason with learned men, after the manner of Averois, of the nature of things, of the Motion of Heaven, and Power of the Stars. By the Emperors commandment

he had a Tent appointed for him, and honoura∣ble allowance for his Diet. Vastius and the rest of the chief Commanders of the Army used him with all honour, and at such time as he was de∣sirous to see the Camp, courteously brought him into all places of it, that he might himself see what Mounts they had in short time cast, what abundance there was of great Artillery, what strong Watch and Ward was kept, what a num∣ber there was of brave and warlike Souldiers of divers Nations, differing much one from another in Language, Countenance and manner of Fur∣niture; and further demanded, Whether that puissant Army which the Emperor had brought over to his great good, were in his Judgment sufficient to subdue the Enemy? Where above all things Muleasses wondred at the number and or∣der of the great Ordnance; and next unto that, at the wonderful plenty of things to be bought and sold in the Market place, and at the modest quietness of the Souldiers in buying the same. Not long after, the expert Captains by diligent enquiry learned of him many things well ser∣ving for their better proceeding in that War, especially of the disposition and strength of them of Tunes,* 10.195 of the situation of the City, of the na∣ture of the Walls, and fortification of the Castle, of the Wells and Cisterns in the Suburbs, and what Strength the Moors and Numidians were of, which Barbarussa had entertained. In con∣clusion, he assured them (as afterwards it fell out) that Barbarussa would never trust to the strength of the Walls, which would easily be overthrown with the great Artillery; but would in a great bravery with Ensigns displaied bring all his Forces into the Field, of purpose to terrifie the Christi∣ans with the sight of the multitude of his rascal Souldiers, and to break their array with his Nu∣midian Horsemen, who with hideous and terri∣ble cries, after the manner of that Nation, would not fail to assail them; and yet for all that would never bring into the Battel his Turkish Footmen (in whom he reposed his greatest confidence, and whom he desired most to spare) but would as a crafty and subtil Turk, by opposing of the Moors, whom he held in small regard, trie by their blood what might be done without the danger of his own men. But as he told them, nothing could be more strange unto the Moors his Countrymen, or that they were more afraid of, than in a set battel to fight with that Enemy, whose Squadrons coming orderly on in glistering Armor with long Pikes, might scorn and easily overthrow the naked Archers of the Moors, and the unarmed Numidian Horsemen; and that our men should find nothing more grievous or trou∣blesome, than the scortching heat of the Sun, and the Thirst rising thereof; which might easily be remedied by plenty of Water, which by Slaves and small Boats might easily be brought in Casks and Bottels from the Fleet alongst the Lake, and so distributed amongst the Army; although not far from the Walls of the City were certain old conduit Heads which would yield them great Plenty of Water, if the malicious Enemy did not to his own hurt and others, poyson the same. These things orderly reported to the Emperor, confirmed the hope he had before conceived of the desired Victory; so that wholly bent there∣upon, and carefully forecasting all things, he re∣solved forthwith to depart from Guletta, and with all his power to besiege Tunes.

But whilst he was preparing things necessary, ordering his Souldiers, and discovering the Ene∣mies purposes, his Souldiers had dayly divers skir∣mishes with the Numidians; so that once the skirmish was like to have come to a just Battel; which began in this sort; The Moors had planted certain Field-Pieces amongst the Olive-Gardens, wherewith they shot continually into the Camp; for removing whereof, the Emperor leaving the Italians, with certain Companies of the old Ger∣man and Spanish Souldiers, for the keeping of his Camp and Trenches, went forth with his Horse∣men and the rest of his Army; sending before him Montegius, General of the Spanish Horsemen, who for most part were but raw Souldiers, such as were of the Noblemens ordinary Servants and Follow∣ers, not before acquainted with the Wars.* 10.196 These light Horsemen with divers Fortune skirmished a while with the Enemy; but when they saw themselves to be hardly charged, and Montegius their General grievously wounded, they turned their Backs, and in the sight of the Emperor shamefully fled to the Men at Arms, which were coming after them. The manner of the Ene∣mies Fight was, to give at the first a fierce and desperate Charge, and upon the encounter given, of purpose to retire, avoiding thereby the sud∣dain force of their Enemies, and by and by to turn again upon them with a fresh charge. The Emperor seeing the Flight of his light Horse∣men, came on couragiously with his Men at Arms; by whose coming in and valiant encoun∣ter the Turks and Moors were put to flight, and the Field-Pieces wherewith they had before an∣noyed the Camp, taken. In this Skirmish the Emperor in person, as he stood foremost in his armed Troops, gave the sign of Battel himself, by crying with a loud voice, Saint Iames, Saint Iames, whom the Spaniards take for their Patron; and so charging the Enemy,* 10.197 performed the part not only of a couragious Chief••ain, but of a re∣solute and valiant Souldier also; rescuing with his own hand Andreas Pontius a noble Gentleman of Granado, whom unhorsed and sore wounded, the Enemy was ready presently to have slain, had not the Emperor by his coming in saved him; de∣serving thereby the Oken Garland, which the Ro∣mans by the name of Civica Corona, gave as an honour to such as had in Battel saved a Citizen.

About the same time it fortuned, that thirty thousand Moors came upon the suddain to have surprised a little Tower standing upon a Hill near unto the ruins of old Carthage; wherein the Em∣peror had placed certain Souldiers for the keeping thereof, because it was near unto his Camp. Be∣fore these Moors went a Numidian Priest, who bellowing out certain superstitious Charms, cast divers Scrols of Paper on each side the way, wherein he cursed and banned the Christians; and now they had with Fire and Smoke brought the Christians in that Tower to great extremity, when the Emperor himself coming to their rescue with certain Companies of Horsemen and Footmen, slew the conjuring Priest, with others, and put the rest to flight. The discomfiture of the Spanish Horsemen caused many men to think, that if the Emperor should come to a set Battel with the Enemy, he should find his Horsemen too weak, both for that they were but few in number, and not to be compared with the Nu∣midians. For which cause, and divers others,* 10.198 certain of the Emperors grave Counsellors, but none of the best Souldiers, wished him not to proceed further in that dangerous War, but with speed to return out of Africk, for as much as he had won honour enough by the taking of Geu∣letta, and the surprising of the Enemies Fleet; whereby he had to his immortal praise, and the common good of Christendom, delivered all the Frontiers of the Christian Countries in the Me∣diterranean, from the danger and fear of those most cruel Pyrats; besides that, the Flix began

to rage in his Camp, whereof m any of his Soul∣diers fell sick and died dayly. Whereas on the contrary part, the mighty Numidian Princes, such as were Muleasses old Enemies, were re∣ported to come in dayly to the aid of Barbarussa. These unseasonable Speeches the Emperor thought good to repress betime; reasoning against the authors thereof with great gravity, as against men who with more fear doubted of the success of things, and the event of the Victory, than beseemed them, whom for their constant reso∣lution, and good opinion conceived of their dis∣cretion, he had chosen to be of his most secret Counsel.

Saying, That he desired not of them that their needless and dishonourable labour,* 10.199 wherein they should shew themselves more careful of his person than of his honour; forasmuch as those things which they now al∣ledged should have been said before the War was taken in hand, now by good hap half ended; before he ever passed over into Africk. For he might (as he said) have rested quietly in Spain, and have easily neglected and rejected the injuries done upon the Sea Coasts, and the complaints of his Subjects; but he was (as they well knew) for most urgent causes come thither; where∣as he was resolved to satisfie the expectation of the world with a notable Victory; or if God should otherwise ap∣point, there to end his days with honour. Wherefore he willed them to cease further to flatter him that was no way dismaid, or to possess the minds of his valiant Souldiers with a vain forboding fear, and with reso∣lute minds, together with him their Chieftain, against the next day ••to expect what the fortune of the Field should appoint for the full accomplishment of that War. For he was (as he said) set down to give the Enemy Battel; or if he refused the same, to batter the Walls of Tunes, not doubting but that God would stand on his side in so good and so godly a quarrel.

* 10.200The Emperor leaving a sufficient Garrison in the Castle of Gule••ta, commanded the Breaches to be repaired, and the great Ordnance there taken to be laid upon Carriages, which before after the old rude Sea fashion lay bound in great unweldy pieces of Timber, with Iron Rings fast∣ned thereunto, and could not handsomely be handled or removed to or fro. After that, when he had caused the Country to be viewed all about, which betwixt the Olive Groves and the right side of the Lake giveth a direct passage unto the City of Tunes; he set forward with his Army in so good order, that he still marched as ready to fight, for fear of the Policies and sud∣dain Assaults of the Enemy. On the left hand marched the Italians next unto the Lake; on the right hand the Spaniards near unto the Olive-Groves, which in the manner of a great Wood ran alongst the Country, from the ruins of Car∣thage, almost to the Walls of Tunes; in the midst betwixt both marched the Germans; next unto them followed the great Ordnance; and after it, the Carriages of all the Army. In the Vaungard was Vastius, whom the Emperor had made Gene∣ral of the Army, and especially for that day; in the Rearward was the Duke of Alva with cer∣tain Troops of chosen Horsemen; in the middle of the main Battel was the Emperor, and by his side Lewis his Brother in Law the King of Por∣tugals Brother. The Italians were conducted by the Prince of Salerne, the Spaniards by Alarco an ancient Captain, and the Germans by Maximi∣lian Eberstein. But the Emperor in his Armor ceased not to ••ide from Squadron to Squadron, with chearful countenance and full of hope, re∣counting unto them the former Victories which they had gotten for him; and telling them, that he did that day expect of them a most honoura∣ble days service, forasmuch as they were to fight against the naked Enemies of the Christian Re∣ligion; wherefore they should with resolute minds set down themselves to endure the Weight of their Armor, the painfulness of the March, the heat of the Sun and Sand, and the teediousness of the Thirst arising thereof; until they might joyn Battel with their Enemies, where they should undoubtedly by the goodness of God (in whose quarrel they fought) obtain the Victory; in the mean time they should with patience overcome all difficulties, comforting themselves with the undoubted hope of a most rich Prey, which they were to expect of the Spoil of a rich Ci∣ty. Whereunto every Squadron answered with a great shout, that he should not trouble himself with those matters which he had before re∣hearsed, but to assure himself, that they his Soul∣diers would most patiently endure all extremi∣ties, and not deceive the expectation he had con∣ceived of their wonted valour, but by valiant Fight to make him Emperor, not of Africk but of Asia also.

Now Vastius had withdrawn two Companies of Harquebusiers out of the Spanish Squadron, to skirmish with the Moors who continually ••ol∣lowed in the tail of the Army; whom, by those Harquebusiers and certain Troops of Hor••••men deputed to that purpose, the Duke of Alva nota∣bly repulsed in the Rearward.

The Army was now come unto the Cist••rns of fresh Water,* 10.201 which Muleasses and othe••s which well knew the Country, had before told them of; which as soon as the Souldiers almost fainting un∣der the weight of their Armor, with the scortch∣ing heat of the Sun, and extremity of Thirst, descried afar off; they for desire they had to quench their Thirst, forthwith forsook their Co∣lours, and disorderly ran as fast as they could to those Cisterns; Vastius the General, to the ut∣termost of his power labouring in vain both by fair means and foul to have staid them; who saw by that disordredness of the Souldiers, a great ad∣vantage offred unto the Enemy, which then was not far off. But when the General could neither with words or blows prevail any thing with them, the Emperor himself was glad to hast thither, with his Presence and Authority to have kept them in order; yet such was the force of their intollera∣ble Thirst, that neither the sight of the Empe∣ror, nor all that he could do, could remedy the disorder; some fainting in the Sand for lack of Drink, and some other for greediness ready to burst their Bellies at the Fountains; so that the Emperor was fain with his Truncheon to beat them away. Amongst the rest, one Sullius Cicero of Arpinas, a famous Captain, died at the Cistern side with drinking too much. This extremity for want of Water seemed justly to have hapned unto them, forasmuch as Vastius the day before had by general Proclamation through the Camp, commanded that every Souldier should carry with him a Bottle of Wine or Water at his Girdle; al∣though he caused so much Water as he conve∣niently could, to be carried in great Casks for the common relief of the Army, whereof the Germans had the greatest part; some almost rea∣dy to give over for Thirst,* 10.202 were glad to get a draught of cold Water of their Fellows which had it, for two Ducats.

This disorder being with as much speed as was possible reformed, and the Army again brought into order,* 10.203 the Emperor held on his march to∣wards the Enemy; for Barbarussa with a won∣derful multitude of Horsemen and Footmen; and a number of Ensigns (the instruments of vain

fear and foolish bravery) gallantly displaied after the manner of the Moors, was come about three miles from the City, and with certain Field-Pieces (as Muleasses had foretold) went about to have broken the Battel of the Christians; which Pieces although they were oftentimes discharged, yet did they but little or no harm by reason of the unskilfulness of the Cannoniers. Vastius in like manner, and for like purpose had commanded the great Ordnance to be brought into the Front of the Battel; but perceiving what time and toil it required to have it done (for that it was drawn but by strength of men, and the Wheels of the Carriages sunk deep in the devouring Sand, and the Shot and Powder which the Mariners and Gally-Slaves carried altogether upon their Shoulders, came but softly on) he suddainly changed his purpose, and told the Emperor, That he thought it not best to stay for the great Ar∣tillery in that chearfulness of his Army when every man desired Battel, but to commit all to the Valour of his resolute Men, and his own good Fortune, which ever favoured his noble attempts; lest whilst we stay (said he) too long upon our great Ordnance (which do not always serve to great purpose in suddain Battels) our Ene∣mies gather Courage in the time of this our un∣necessary delay; and this exceeding chearfuul∣ness of our Souldiers (the most sure token of undoubted Victory) by deferring of time grow cold. Whereunto the Emperor, desirous of Bat∣tel, and filled with good hope, joyfully answered; Vastius, if thou so think it good (which I also like well of) in Gods name give the signal. That shall I by and by do (said he) but first it is reason that you which sway and command a great part of the World, learn at this time to obey him, whom to his great charge and shame, you, laying aside the Imperial Majesty of your self, have for this day made General and Commander of so mighty an Army; wherefore (said Vastius) I will now use my Authority,* 10.204 and command you, sith I may not so request you, to depart from this place, and to get you into the midst of the Battel near unto the Ensigns; lest by some unlucky Shot, the whole estate of the Army be brought into extream peril by the danger of one mans life. Whereat the Emperor smiling, willed him to fear no such thing; saying moreover, That never Em∣peror was yet slain with a Gun. For all that, he departed out of the place as he was commanded, and went into the middle of the Battel. Where∣upon the signal of Battel was by the sound of the Trumpet, and striking up of the Drum, present∣ly given, and the Enemy (with more haste than the extream heat of the day required) furiously charged by the Emperors Horsemen, who to avoid the danger of the great Artillery, made all the haste they could to come to handy blows. In the foremost of these Horsemen was Ferdinand Gonzaga, a most valiant Nobleman, who then served the Emperor without charge; he being somewhat before the rest, at the first onset slew with his Launce a great Captain of the Moors, and presently with his Sword so troubled them that were next, that he opened a way for them that followed him, to break into the Enemies Bat∣tel. The Harquebusiers also discharged so fast up∣on the Enemy, that three hundred of them lay dead upon the ground before the joyning of the Battel; which the rest of the Footmen seeing, forsook their great Ordnance and fled back to Bar∣barussa. Who long endured not the force or sight of the Christians; but grinding his Teeth for sor∣row and grief of mind,* 10.205 turned his Horse, and with his Turks retired into Tunes. For now that his designs had in the beginning taken so evil success, he thought it not best to adventure all in one Battel; knowing right well, that the Em∣perors Army could not long endure the inconve∣niences of the intollerable heat and want of ma∣ny things, especially of fresh Water; which fed him with hope, that he should out of these his Enemies distresses pick some fit occasion of ad∣vantage, if he could but a while defend the City of Tunes. The Numidians and Moors, who in great Troops and Companies had alwaies hovered about the Emperors Army, without doing any thing worth reporting, retired themselves into the Suburbs, Gardens, and other places near unto the City.

The Emperor glad of the flight of his Enemies, which were thought to have been in number an hundred thousand, encamped with his Army that night in the same place where they before lay; determining the next day to batter the Walls of Tunes. In the mean time Barbarussa, surprised with an exceeding fear, and distracted with ma∣ny cares, and now become more cruel than him∣self, had in his mind purposed a fact full of ex∣ceeding and inhuman Cruelty;* 10.206 which was at once to have killed all the Christian Captives in the Castle of Tunes; fully resolved to put the same in execution, had not Sinan the Jew disswaded him from that most execrable fact; protesting such a practise to be unseemly for a man of his Valor, famous for his many Victories, and car∣rying with him the Majesty of a King; whereas he would shortly after wonderfully repent him for doing so shameful a fact; the doing whereof, What was it else (as the Jew said) but a mani∣fest demonstration of his extream fear and despe∣ration? which two things were most dangerous to him, that was to maintain so doubtful a War, and would much deface the glory of his former life; wherefore he should do well to beware, that by the fame of such a most horrible fact, he did not provoke Solymans heavy displeasure against him; who devoid of all human Cruelty, had used both to detest and revenge such outrages. Wherefore he should suffer the Christian Captives to live bound in their fatal Chains, so long as it were their Fortunes; who being well kept, and unarmed, might shortly after serve him to good purpose, and could no way without most certain danger move themselves, if they should unadvised∣ly lust after their unlucky Liberty; for by them, the expected Victory could neither be given to the Enemy, nor taken from him, or yet so much as hindred. At which speech the Tyrant was ashamed, and so sparing the lives of the poor Wretches, went out of the Castle, into the greatest Church of Tunes, whither he had caused to assem∣ble all the chief men of the City, to tell them what he would have done for the defence of the City, and now by perswasion to e••courage them to fight; from whom, as men by him holden in distrust, he had but a little before the coming of the Christians, taken all manner of Armor and Weapons.

Whilst Barbarussa was thus busied, the most joy∣ful and happy day appeared to those miserable Captives, by fortunes change no less black and dismal to the Turks and Moors. For that hai∣nous purpose of the cruel Tyrant could not long be covered or kept secret; so that a constant re∣port of a danger so imminent, was run through the whole Castle, even into deep Dungeons; by the compassion of certain manumised Slaves, who detesting the savage Cruelty of Barbarussa their Master, and touched with Devotion, had in Heart returned to their old and true Christian Religion; incouraging by secret Speeches the chief of the Captives with whom they were acquainted,

to lay hand now upon their liberty. Amongst these well minded Men was one Francis a Spaniard, whom Barbarussa had from his youth brought up as his Minion, having him always in great e∣steem by the name of Memis; and another called Vincentius Catereus of Dalmatia an Eunuch.* 10.207 These two adventuring a most memorable and godly attempt, set open the Prison doors, and gave Instruments unto the poor Prisoners, ready to take the occasion offered; who boldly starting up, brake off their Chains and Gyves, and so by the great goodness and mercy of God, about six thousand poor naked Christians, armed with that came first in hand, but especially with stones, brake forth suddainly upon the Turks that were in the Castle. Ramadas a renegate Spaniard Captain of the Castle, stirred up with unexpect∣ed and terrible noise of so many Prisoners break∣ing their Irons, with a few Souldiers whom he had suddainly called unto him, ran to the Castle Gate, where one of the Prisoners (a lusty young Man of Sicilia) had with one of the Bars of the Gate struck down one or two of the Warders, and having bolted the Gate, was become Master thereof; him Ramadas slew, and opening the Gate, made way for himself and his few fol∣lowers, with whom he went to Barbarussa, to carry him the news of that his hard mischance. But the Christians now loosed from their Bands, and having suddainly slain divers of the Turks, possessed themselves of all the Castle, brake open the Armory, and so seising upon the Kings Treasure, Armor, and Provision, from a high Turret gave signs of Victory to the Christian Army by smoke and false fires made with Gun∣powder; and lastly by displaying of Sarmentus his Ensign, which (as we have before declared) was by Tabacches taken from the top of the Trenches at the Siege of Guletta. These signs al∣though the Christians in the Army could not well perceive, as being too far off; yet by the Fugitives which came oftentimes out of Tunes to the Emperor and Muleasses, they were both per∣swaded, that some great Tumult was risen a∣mongst the Enemies. Wherefore the Emperor sent two of his Captains with their Companies, who going as near as they could to the City and the Castle, should discover what the matter was, In the mean time, Barbarussa almost mad for anger, in his fury blaspheming his vain Gods, and bitterly cursing and banning the Jew, for dis∣swading him from killing the Captives, came to the Castle Gate, with tears standing in his Eies pi∣tifully requesting the late Christian Captives (which then stood upon the top of the Walls and the Gate, with Weapons in their hands) that they would forthwith let him in, faithfully promising them their liberty, with a general and free Par∣don for all that they had done. But they mind∣ful both of their former and present Fortune, and moved with just hatred, cast stones at him, and with many opprobrious words rejected his request; so that he inraged with sorrow and madness, shot at them with his own hand, and seeing all past remedy, and the City not possible now to be kept, shamefully betook himself to flight. After him followed the Turks, in number seven thousand, with purpose to flie to the City Hippona, now called Bona, famous for the Bishoprick of the reverend Father and great Divine Augustine. For there (as in a most sure Harbour) had Barbarussa left fourteen Gallies in the Lake near unto the City▪ to serve his turn whatsoever mischance should happen; but the Tackling, Sails, Oars, and Ordnance, he had laid up in the Castle fast by, which were kept with a Garrison of his own.

The Emperor understanding that Barbarussa with his Turks was fled,* 10.208 came with all his Ar∣my unto the Gates of Tunes, where the Magi∣strates of the City were ready to submit them∣selves unto him, and to deliver him the Keys of the City; only requesting of him, that he would keep his Souldiers incamped without the City, and not to seek the utter spoil and ruin thereof; promising, that the Souldiers should want nothing that was there to be had. Muleasses also careful of the safety thereof, earnestly intreated the Em∣peror in the Citizens behalf. But he, although he was of his own honourable disposition ready enough to have granted what they requested; yet for that he did, not without cause, doubt of the Moors Fidelity, and that the payment of the Mony which they of Tunes had by Muleasses promised for the payment of the Souldiers wages, was by them craftily delaied, expecting still the uttermost devoir of Barbarussa, he could not by any means be perswaded to promise them any certainty of their safety▪ moved also so to do by the discontented Speeches of his Souldiers, who spared not to say, That they should be hardly and unkindly dealt withal, if after so long travel and so much pains taken both by Sea and Land, they should be defrauded of the re∣ward of the Victory, sith nothing but only the hope of the present spoil did relieve and feed them, being poor and miserable, having scarce Clothes to cover their nakedness, and their Bodies spent with long labour and thirst; so that the Moors of Tunes, Enemies of the Christian Reli∣gion, and the perpetual receivers of most hor∣rible Pyrats, might worthily rejoyce of the Chri∣stian Victory; and the Conquerors themselves for ever bewail their own calamities and mise∣ries. Whilst the Emperor stood thus in doubt what to resolve upon, Vastius with a small Com∣pany came to the Castle Gate, and was with wonderful joy received by the Christian Cap∣tives. But as he was viewing the Wealth and Provision laid up in the Castle, a Ligurian Cap∣tain discovered unto him where certain Treasure lay hid; for Barbarussa had there cast into a Well thirty thousand Ducats sowed up in Bags, which Vastius getting easily out, obtained them of the Emperor of Gift, as he whose good service had well deserved them.* 10.209 The Castle thus won by a most rare chance, and the Captives taking the spoil thereof, the Souldiers could no longer be stayed, but that they entred into the City by heaps, running after the spoil into every part thereof; the Citizens fearing no such matter, and calling in vain upon the faith of Muleasses; the old Souldiers at the first entrance slew many. The Spaniards and the Italians sought most after the spoil; but the Germans desiring more to glut themselves with the Mahometan Blood, fil∣led all places with dead Bodies, without regard of Sex or Age, so that the prophane Temples of their vain Prophet, swam with the Blood of them that were fled into them. Which furious exe∣cution continued until such time as the Em∣peror moved with the pitiful request of Mule∣asses, caused proclamation to be made, That no Man should upon pain of Death hurt any Citizen, or take any Prisoners; yet for all that, it could not otherwise be, but that many young Men and Women were by the Mariners (which were come to the spoil of the City) carried a∣way to the Fleet.

Muleasses for a little Mony redeemed divers which he knew, out of the hands of such as had them Prisoners; amongst others, one of his Wives, whom he sometime held dearest, was ran∣somed for two Ducats. The Emperor entring

into the Castle, commended the Captives, who were the occasion of that speedy Victory; and giving to every one of them Mony, set them at liberty, promising unto them Shipping and Pro∣vision to bring them home every Man into his own Country. Unto the two manumised Ser∣vants of Barbarussa,* 10.210 which were the Authors of breaking the Prison, he gave Mony and Appa∣rel, and afterwards learned of them many things concerning Barbarussa his purposes, and secret disposition. In the spoil of the Castle, Muleasses lamented the loss of three things especially; first, the ancient Arabian Books containing the inter∣pretation of the Mahometan Law, and the Acts of the Kings his Predecessors; the loss whereof, Muleasses (in the hearing of P. Iovius, out of whom this History is taken) said (as he report∣eth) that he would most gladly, if it had been possible, have redeemed with the price of a City: Then the precious Ointments and Perfumes, with the wonderful store of Ambergrize, Musk, and Civet, worth much Gold; all which, Barbarussa as a rude and rough Man had made no reckon∣ing of. And last of all, the rare and rich Colours for Painting, which lying by heaps, were by the ignorant Souldiers, seeking for that might yield them present Mony, foolishly neglected and troden underfoot, serving no Man to good. In the Castle were found divers Head-pieces and other Armor of the Christians, namely of the French, who with Lewis their King, had about three Hundred years before besieged that Castle; which Armor had been until that time there kept by the Moors in remembrance of that Victory against the Christians.

Barbarussa in the mean time was come to the River of Bagrada, which the Moors call Maior∣dech, which he easily passed over, though he was pursued by certain Numidian Horsemen, whom Muleasses had raised of his old Friends, and of the Followers of his Uncle Dorax, and sent them to pursue the Turks; but Barbarussa so marched with his Harquebusiers and Archers placed in the rereward, that the Numidian Horsemen durst not come near him, and so in safety came to Hippona, as he had before purposed. Yet in passing the River Bagrada, he lost Haydin of Smirna, that famous Pyrat; who being a fat Man, and wearied with the heat of the Sun and painful∣ness of the Journey, drank so much, that he died presently upon the bank of the River. When Barbarussa was come to Hippona,* 10.211 he rested his Men two days; then calling them together again, he comforted them with good words; perswad∣ing them, that whatsoever mischance had hap∣ned, they should impute it not to the valour of the Enemy, but to the treachery of the Slaves; exhorting them, as valiant Men patiently to en∣dure that frown of Fortune, and by some notable exploit to win again her Favour; for he was again determined to put to Sea with the Fleet he had, and to go presently from thence to Algiers, where after he had with new Supplies encreased his Power, and augmented his Fleet, and better advised himself, he would take an at∣tempt in hand answerable to their desires, and not unbeseeming his own credit an estimation. It is reported, that never vanquished and beaten Captain was with a more chearful acclamation answered by his Souldiers, than he was at that present; they all with one consent most willing∣ly requesting to command whatsoever pleased him, which they would never refuse to under∣take, were it never so heavy or dangerous, so that they might be brought to some notable exploit. Barbarussa using this exceeding chear∣fulness and forwardness of his Souldiers, did with wonderful celerity weigh up the fourteen Gallies which he had sunk in the Lake, and forthwith rigged them up, and furnished them for all assaies; and upon the very brink of the Lake cast up a Mount of earth, whereon he placed certain pieces of Artillery for defence of the Harbour, not vainly conjecturing, that the Christian Fleet would in short time come thither to impeach his going out; pointing therein as it were at the purpose of the Emperor and Auria his Admiral,* 10.212 who were of opinion, that by sending part of the Fleet thither, those Gallies might be drown'd in the Harbour with the great Ordnance, before they could be rigged and made ready. Unto this piece of service Auria appointed one Adam, a Captain of Genoa, a Man of no great skill in matters at Sea, but yet of great wealth and credit, and the Admirals nigh Kinsman; he with cer∣tain Galliots and fourteen Gallies, set forward towards Hippona, promising unto himself a most certain and easie Victory, hoping to purchase unto himself great Honour of the unprovided Enemy; for that he thought to have taken Bar∣barussa busie in setting forth of his Fleet. But after he was past Biserta, and come near to Hip∣pona, he was certainly advertised, that Barbarussa had with incredible celerity rigged up his Gal∣lies, and fortified the Harbour, by planting great Ordnance upon the Mount he had there raised. With which news he wonderfully troubled, chan∣ged his purpose, perswaded by the other Cap∣tains of the Gallies, in no case to adventure to fight with him, because the Spanish, Sicilian, and Neapolitan Gallies were but weakly manned, many of the Souldiers being for greediness of the Spoil gone ashore without leave at Tunes; so that he should at great disadvantage fight with the Turks, being more in number and despe∣rately bent. Wherefore he upon good advice pre∣sently changed his former course, and returned to the Fleet for more Aid. Barbarussa (as it was afterwards known) stood a good while in doubt, whether he should in hope of Victory pur∣sue those Gallies, forasmuch as they were in num∣ber no more than his own, or else to persist in his former purpose of going to Algiers.* 10.213 Unto which opinion all the under Captains inclined, being altogether ignorant of the weakness of the Christians; and so letting slip a fair occasion, leaving a small Garrison of Turks in the Castle, he departed from Hippona and sailed alongst the Coast to Algiers. When Adam was returned a∣gain to the Fleet, and had done nothing, many of the Christian Princes were wonderfully of∣fended, that by the negligence of some who were hardly to be commanded, and by the unruliness of others who without leave were gone ashore, so fair an occasion of the desired Victory, was neglected. For this thing only wanted unto the Emperors rare felicity in that War; for if those few Gallies had been taken from the cruel E∣nemy, or sunk in the Sea, there had been no means for him to have escaped; being verily thought, that the Numidians in number infinite, an deadly Enemies unto the Turks, would with often Skirmishes out of their known places of advantage, have so cut him off in his long and painful travel by Land, that they would altoge∣ther have made an end both of him and his followers before he could have come to Algiers. Auria angry both with himself and those whom he had put in trust, and yet not out of hope to overtake his Enemy; with his own Gallies and some other of the best Ships went to Hippona; but finding Barbarussa gone, he took the City, and overthrew the Walls thereof; but in the Castle which he by force took from the Turks, he

placed Alvarus Gometius with a sufficient Garri∣son, and so returned unto the Emperor. This Gometius, although he was a most valiant Captain, yet became so infamous for his avaritious deal∣ing both with the Enemy and his Friends, that for fear how to answer such things as he knew would be laid to his charge, he became the in∣famous Executioner of himself. The Castle was afterwards by the commandment of the Empe∣ror, rased down to the ground, for that it was not without a marvelous charge to be kept. Af∣ter that,* 10.214 a Counsel was holden concerning Mu∣leasses, whom the Emperor placed again in the Kingdom of Tunes, there to Reign as his Ance∣stors had done before him; paying him yearly by the name of Tribute, two Faulcons, and two Numidian Coursers; with condition, that he should for ever honour the Emperor, and be a Friend unto all Christians, and an utter Enemy unto the Turks. Besides that, That he should from time to time defray the charges of a thou∣sand Spaniards and more, to be left in Garrison in the Castle of Guletta; by holding whereof, the Emperor kept as it were the Keys of that Kingdom at his Girdle.* 10.215 The Emperor having thus honourably driven Barbarussa and the Turks Pyrats out of Tunes, taken from their them Gallies, delivered the Christian Countries (all along the Sea Coast into the Mediterranean) of a great fear, and restored Muleasses again to his King∣dom, sailed into Sicilia, where he was in great Triumph received at Panormus and Messsina, from whence he passed over to Rh••gium in Italy, and from thence by Land to Naples. Thus was the Kingdom of Tunes taken by Barbarussa and the Turks; and by Charles the Emperor recovered again out of their hands the self-same time that Solyman was in Person himself in Wars against the Persian; whom Barbarussa accompanied with Sinan the Jew, after this overthrow met at Iconi∣um in his return out of Persia, well accepting of their excuse, as is before declared.

[year 1537.] Solyman as well of his own ambitious disposi∣tion, as following the manner of the Othoman Kings, desirous by all means to encrease the glory of his Name, and to enlarge his Empire, deter∣mined with himself to take away from the Por∣tugals all their Traffick into the East Indies. It grieved him to hear, that the Christian Religion should begin to take root amongst those Pagan Kings, which had not long before received the Mahometan Religion; Besides that, he was cre∣dibly enformed, that the Portugals in these late Wars he had against the Persians, had aided them with certain Harquebusiers, and also had sent them Work-men to shew them both the making and use of great Artillery. But that which moved him most of all, was for that the Portugals by their Traffick into the Indies, had cut off all the Trade of Merchandise into the Gulf of Arabia, whereby the Riches of the East were wont to be transported unto Caire, and so to Alexandria, from whence they were afterwards by the Ve∣netian Merchants and others dispersed into all parts of Europe; but now were carried by the great Ocean into Portugal, and from thence con∣veied into all parts of Christendom, to the great hindrance of his Tributes and Customs of E∣gypt. For these causes, and at the instance of Solyman Bassa an Eunuch, born in Epirus, and then Governour of Epgypt; Solyman caused won∣derful preparation to be made, for the building of a great Fleet in the Red Sea, to go against the Portugals. All the Timber whereof was cut down in the Mountains of Cilicia, and Shipped in the Bay of Attalia in the bottom of the Me∣diterranean, from whence it was by Sea tran∣sported to Pelusium, and so up the River of Nilus to Caire; where after it was framed and ready to be set together, it was with infinite labour, and no less charge, carried by Land with Camels through that hot and sandy Country, from Caire to Suetia, a Port of the Red Sea, called in an∣cient time Arsinoe.* 10.216 From which place eighty miles distant from Caire, the ancient Kings of Egypt, seeking by vain and wonderful works to eternise the memory of themselves, had with in∣credible charge cut through all that main Land; so that Vessels of good burthen might come up the same from Arsinoe to Caire; which great Cut or Ditch, Sesostris the rich King of Egypt, and long after him Ptolomeus Philadelphus, purposed to have made a great deal wider and deeper, and thereby to have let the Red Sea into the Medi∣terranean, for the readier transportation of the Indian Merchandise to Caire and Alexandria. Which mad work, Sesostris prevented by death could not perform; and Ptolomeus otherwise per∣swaded by skilful Men, in time gave over for fear least by letting in the great South Sea into the Mediterranean, he should thereby as it were with another general Deluge have drowned the greatest part of Graecia, and many other goodly Countries in Asia, and with exceeding charge, in stead of Honour, have purchased himself eternal Infamy. Yet by the singular industry of Soly∣man the Eunuch, who with severe commandent enforced all the people of the Countries there∣abouts to the furtherance of the building of that Fleet; he had with wonderful celerity in short time new built eighty tall Ships and Gallies at Arsinoe, and furnished them with Men, and all things else needful for so long a Voyage. At which time, he upon a quarrel pickt without cause, but not without the good liking of Soly∣man, most injuriously confiscated the Goods of the Venetian Merchants at Alexandria and Caire, and thrust the Mariners into his Gallies as Slaves. With which Fleet in most Warlike manner ap∣pointed, Solyman the Bassa, accompanied 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Assan-Beg, commonly called the Moor of ••••••••∣andria, a most famous Pyrat and an excellent Sea-man, set forward against the Portugals▪ and sailing through the Red Sea, and so Ea••••∣ward by the Gulf of Persia, came at length as far as the great River Indus; where with all his power he Assaulted Dium a Castle of the Portugals, situate upon the mouth of that great River;* 10.217 but in conclusion, after he had many days besieged the Castle both by Sea and Land, and tried the ut∣termost of his strength, he was so repulsed by the Portugals, that he was glad to forsake the Siege, and leaving his great Ordnance behind him for hast, returned back again to Aden, a City of great Trade in Arabia Foelix; where dis∣couraged with the evil success he had against the Portugals, because he would be thought to have done something, he allured the King of that rich City to come unto him, upon his false Faith be∣fore given for his safe return; but as soon as he had him aboard, he like a perjured wretch hanged him up at the Yards-arm of his Admirals Galley, and so surprising the City, enriched himself with the spoil thereof.* 10.218 The like barbarous cruelty he used at Zibyth, another famous Port of Arabia, where the Pilgrims of the East do commonly Land when they after the manner of their superstition come to visit the Temple of their false Prophet at Mecha; the King of which place together with all his No∣bility he cruelly murthered, contrary to his Faith given; and so travelling himself by Land to Me∣cha, as if he had been some devout Pilgrim, sent back his Fleet by the Moor to Suetia, having per∣formed against the Portugals nothing at all.

At the same time Solyman by the perswasion of Lutzis and Aiax (the Bassaes of greatest au∣thority about him, now that Abraham was dead) turned all his Forces from the Persians, as Men agreeing with him in the chief points of his Ma∣hometan Superstition, with purpose to convert the same upon Italy;* 10.219 whereunto he was earnestly solicited by Iohn Forrest the French Kings Em∣bassador, then lying at Constantinople of purpose to incite Solyman against Charles the Emperor, assuring him that he was not of such power, as at one time to defend Apulia against him, and the Dukedom of Millain against the French King, who (as he said) was determined that Summer to invade that part of Italy. And to further the matter, about the same time one Troilus Pignat••l∣lus, a noble Gentleman, sometime Commander in Charles the Emperors Army, but then exiled out of Naples, fled unto Solyman; and forsomuch as he was a Man of name, and like to do him great service in the invasion of Apulia, as one which knew the Country well and promised un∣to him good success in that War, was by Soly∣man honourably entertained amongst his Mut∣faracas; which is a certain Company of Horse∣men for their approved Valour, chosen out of all Nations; having the free exercise of their Re∣ligion whatsoever without controulment, and are only bound to attend upon the Person of the great Turk when he goeth to War. The cause of his revolt was, for that the Viceroy of Naples had executed Andrew his Brother, one of the Knights of the Rhodes. But being now grown into great favour with Solyman and the Bassaes, and oftentimes called to counsel in the prepara∣tion of that War, casting off all natural love of his Country, ceased not by all means to perswade Solyman to invade the same; assuring him, that the People of Apulia and Salerne, oppressed with grievous Tribute and Exactions by the Emperors Officers, would at the first revolt, especially if they saw any of the French Nation to cleave un∣to. And that which moved him more than all the rest, the ancient Turks told him into what a fear all Italy was strucken, at such time as Ach∣metes the Bassa having taken Hydruntum, had un∣doubtedly conquered not only the Kingdom of Naples, but the City of Rome also, and all the rest of Italy, had not the untimely death of Ma∣homet his great Grandfather interrupted the course of that Victory. Which perswasions wrought such effect in Solyman,* 10.220 that he, once fully re∣solved for the Invasion of Italy, made such ex∣pedition both by Sea and Land, that he himself in Person was come with two hundred thousand Men unto Aulona, the most covenient Port of Macedon for the transporting of his Army, be∣fore it was thought in Italy that he was set for∣ward from Constantinople; where he had not long staied, but Lutzis Bassa his Admiral, accompa∣nied with Barbarussa, sailing alongst the Coast of Peloponnesus and Epirus, and so passing by Corcyra, where Hieronimus Pisaurius, Admiral of the Ve∣netian Fleet lay with his Gallies (after mutual salutation done after the manner at Sea, by shoot∣ing off their great Pieces in token of friendship) put into the Haven of Aulona also. Solyman not purposing to lose any time,* 10.221 and having Italy now in his sight, commanded Lutzis and Barbarussa to pass over with the Fleet unto Otranto, and to prove the minds of the people; that if the first enterprise fell out well, he might presently fol∣low after with all his Army. With them went also Troilus Pignatellus, as forward to the destru∣ction of his Country, as any of the rest. He knowing that the great Cities of Hydruntum and Brundus••um were kept with strong Garrisons of Charles the Emperor; leaving Hydruntum on the right hand, directed the Turks to a Town upon the Sea Coast, eight miles off, called Castrum, near unto which standeth a Castle upon a Hill then belonging to Mercurinus Catinarius; who be∣ing a Man unacquainted with Wars, and terri∣fied with the suddain coming of the Turks, and perswaded by Troilus, yielded up his Castle, up∣on condition, that the Turks should offer no violence or injury unto him or his, either in body or goods.* 10.222 Upon which condition the Town of Castrum was also delivered unto them. But the Turks, especially the greedy Mariners, being got into the Castle and the Town, moved neither with the intreaty of Troilus, nor the command∣ment of Lutzis and Barbarussa, rifled the Town and Castle, and carried away with them Mercu∣rinus himself, with all the flour of the people, to their Gallies as Prisoners. But Lutzis ashamed of such faithless dealing, presently set Mercuri∣nus at liberty again. At the same time also, Soly∣man had by night sent over certain Troops of light Horsemen, in great Palenders; which run∣ning all alongst the Sea Coast from Tarentum to Brundusium, carried away with them both the People and Cattel, and whatsoever else came in their way by the space of forty miles. So that all the Country of Salentinum,* 10.223 now called Otranto, was filled with fear and danger; and had not there stayed, but was like enough to have overwhelmed all Italy, by the coming over of Soly∣man with his whole Army, had not the rashness of one Venetian Captain by unexpected chance turned that Tempest from the Italians upon the Venetians themselves.

Alexander Contarenus, a valiant Captain of the Venetians, meeting with certain of the Turks Gal∣lies, which would neither vail their top Sails, nor in token of reverence and friendship, dis∣charge any of their great Ordnance, as of duty they ought to have done in those Seas where the Venetians commanded; offended with their proud insolency, fiercely assailed them, and in fight sunk two of them; wherein Ustamenes Go∣vernour of Calipolis, a Man of no small reputa∣tion among the Turks, was reported to have perished. Which outrage done by Contarenus in a most unfit time (to the great hurt of the Ve∣netian Estate, as it appeared afterward) was im∣puted to his own private grudge which he bare against the Turks, for that they intercepted a Ship of his as she was coming out of the East Countries laden with rich Merchandise; so that it was thought, that he to please himself in re∣venging of his own private injury, regarded not what in that dangerous time might ensue there∣of to the common State.

A little before the coming over of the Turks into Italy, Andreas Auria the Emperors Admi∣ral lying at Messina in Sicilia, understanding that Solyman was come with his Army to Aulona, and that his Fleet was arrived there also, put to Sea, directing his course towards the Islands of Cephalenia and Zacynthus, hoping (indeed as it fell out) to meet with the tail of the Turks Fleet; for there according to his expectation he chan∣ced upon divers of the Turks Victuallers, whom he easily took.* 10.224 The Mariners he chained in his own Gallies for Slaves, and furnishing his Fleet with the Victual which was not for him pro∣vided, fired the Ships. Whilst Auria was thus beating too and fro in the Ionian Sea, it for∣tuned that Solyman sent Iunusbeius his chief In∣terpreter, a Man whom he made no small ac∣count of, with two Gallies on a Message to Lut∣zis his Admiral. This proud Turk coming near unto Corcyra, where the Venetian Admiral lay

with his Fleet, offered scornfully to pass with∣out vailing; which his pride tending to the dis∣grace of the Venetians, certain of the Venetian Captains not enduring, set upon him with such fury, that the Turks were enforced to run both their Gallies on shore upon the Coast of Epirus, near unto the Mountains called Acroceraunij, where having escaped the danger at Sea, they fell almost all into the hands of the cruel Moun∣tain pleople, living for the most part by Theft, and waiting for Wrecks, as Hawks for their prey; by these shavers the Turks were stript of all they had, and Iunusbeius with much ado redeem∣ing himself out of their hands, returned to Soly∣man. Auria sailing alongst the Sea Coast, chan∣ced upon these Gallies, and finding them sore brused, set fire on them.

For these unkind parts, the Turks were won∣derfully offended with the Venetians, and grie∣vously complained of them to Solyman; although the Venetian Admiral laboured by all means he could to appease Iunusbeius, and to excuse the matter, as a thing done by great oversight on both sides. Upon these small occasions, the Turks sought to break off the League with the Venetians; which fell out so much the sooner, for that about the same time Auria sailing up and down the Ionian Sea,* 10.225 and diligently look∣ing into every Habour to intercept such as stragled from the Turks Fleet, hapned by night to light upon twelve of Solymans great Gallies near unto Corcyra, all filled with his Janizaries and choice Horsemen of the Court, the best Souldiers of the Turks, who had by Land sent their Horses to the Camp by their Lackies, and were coming themselves with the Janizaries by Sea. Auria falling upon these Gallies, had with them a cruel and deadly Fight; for they as resolute Men, wishing rather to die than to yield to their Ene∣mies, with invincible courage maintained a most bloody Fight against Auria with his thirty Gal∣lies excellently appointed, until such time as most part of them were slain, and the rest sore wound∣ed; who seeing no remedy, but that they must needs come into the hands of their Enemies, threw their Scimiters overboord, because those choice Weapons should not come into the hands of the Christians. In this conflict, Auria lost also many of his best Souldiers; yet having got the Victory, and possessed of the Gallies, he anchored near unto Corcyra, there to take view of his own harms and the Enemies; but whilst he rid there at Anchor, he was advertised, that Barbarussa was coming against him with eighty Gallies. Wherefore knowing himself too weak to encounter so strong an Enemy, he departed thence, and returned again to Messina to repair his Fleet. Solyman thorowly chafed with the loss of his Gallies and best Souldiers, and with the double injury done unto him by the Venetians, fell into such a rage, that he cursed Barbarussa, as one who in these Wars had done him no good service; and thundred out grievous threats a∣gainst the Venetians, saying, He was under the colour of an ancient League, by them deceived and greatly abused, and that they were secretly confederated with Charles his Enemy, and had for that cause (as they had always) holpen Au∣ria with intelligence, and all things necessary, receiving him into their Harbours, and by their E∣spials giving him knowledge of the order of his Fleet,* 10.226 that so he might at his own advantage surprise his Gallies, as he had already done. Unto which fire, Iunusbeius his Interpreter, Bar∣barussa, and Aiax, laid new Coals, more and more incensing the Tyrant, who was of himself suf∣ficiently inflamed; perswading him by all means they could, to break the League with the Vene∣tians. Wherein Iunusbeius sought to revenge his own private injuries; and the other two after their great profit and credit, gaping after the Spoil of the Islands near hand, especially of Corcyra (now called Corfu) Zacynthus, and Ce∣phalenia, all subject to the Venetian Seigniory; finding the Wars in Italy more dangerous and difficult than they had before imagined. For the French King came not then into Italy, as was by them expected; and it was commonly re∣ported, That Petrus Toletanus Viceroy of Naples, having put strong Garrisons into the Towns all alongst the Sea Coast, was coming himself with a great Army; beside that, the Horsemen sent over from Aulona, ranging about in the Coun∣try of Salentum for Spoil, were many times cut off by Scipio Sommeius a noble Gentleman, there Governour for the Emperor.* 10.227 Wherefore Solyman changing his purpose for the invasion of Italy, in his mad mood proclaimed War against the Ve∣netians; and rising with his Army from Aulona, and marching alongst the Sea Coast until he came over against Corcyra, he encamped near un∣to the Mountains called Acroceraunij, where the fierce and wild People inhabiting the high and rough Mountain of Chimera, a part of the Acr••∣ceraunian Mountains; by the instigation of one Damianus a notable Theef, and very perfect in the blind and difficult passages amongst the Rocks, and Woods in those desolate Mountains, con∣spired to attempt a most strange and desperate Exploit, which was, by night to spoil Solyman in his own Pavilion.* 10.228 These beggarly wild Rogues living for most part by Murther and Robbery, altogether without Law or any manner of Re∣ligion, in hope of so great a prey, and to become famous in killing one of the greatest Monarchs of the World in the midst of his strength, gard∣ed with so many thousands of his Soulders; were not afraid of any danger, how great soever, hoping in the dead time of the night to steal in∣to the Camp undiscovered, and there so to op∣press Solyman sleeping in his Tent. Which (as was by many afterwards supposed) they were like enough to have performed, to the astonish∣ment of the World, had it not been by chance discovered; for when they had put all things in readiness for that purpose, Damianus ringleader of these desperate savage People, by secret ways stealing down the broken Rocks of those huge Mountains, and coming very near unto the Camp to view the standing of Solymans Pavilion, with the order of the Turks Watch, was by the cracking of a Bough espied by the Janizaries, where he stood in a Tree prying all over the Camp; and being there taken, and afterward put to torture, and confessing what he had intended, was by the commandment of Solyman torn in pieces. Whereupon he forthwith sent a great part of his Army up into the Mountains, which hunting after these wild People, as if they had been wild Beasts, slew many of them, and by Solymans appointment did what they possibly could to have quite destroyed them, as an in∣famous People, Enemy to all Men.

When Solyman had thus fully revenged himself upon this barbarous Nation,* 10.229 he purposed to in∣vade the Island of Corcyra, now called Corfu, part of the Venetian Seigniory; sending before Barbarussa with his great Artillery, whom he had but a little before called out of Italy with his Forces. Pisaurius the Venetian Admiral in good time perceiving the Tyrants purpose, strengthned the Garrisons in both the Castles of Corfu, with new supplies of good Souldiers sent out of the Gallies; and knowing himself unable to encounter

with the Turks great Fleet at Sea, withdrew him∣self farther off from the Island, into the Gulf of the Adriatick, to the intent to joyn his power with Ioannes Veturius, who kept that Sea with another Fleet of the Venetian Gallies, and so with joyned Forces to defend the Venetian Coasts a∣gainst the Turks; whom he thought himself strong enough without the help of Veturius and of Auria, whose coming was daily expected. Soly∣man sending a great part of his Army out of the Main, into the Island, burnt and destroyed the Country Villages, leading away a wonderful number of poor Country People into most misera∣ble Captivity. Aiax the Bassa, and Barbarussa, in two small Pinnaces came as near unto the City of Corfu as they possibly could, to see which way they might most conveniently lay Siege unto it; but perceiving the great strength thereof, being wonderfully Fortified and throughly Manned, they advertised Solyman, that it was a place im∣pregnable. Aloysius Ripa, and Symon Leonius, two Senators of Venice, were then Governours of Corfu; who not without cause standing in doubt of the great strength of the Turks both by Sea and Land, caused the City Suburbs (which were very great and sumptuously Built) to be pluckt down, for fear that the Turks shrouding themselves in them, should more easily besiege the Town. This was a woful and lamentable thing to behold, when as at the same time a Man might have seen the Magnificent houses of the Venetian Mer∣chants, built in time of long Peace, both for profit and for pleasure in every place of the Island, set on fire by the Turks. But the regard of the publick State in so great a danger, made all those goodly things which went so to wrack, to be lightly accounted of in comparison of their lives and liberty; for as much as those lost things might with new charge be again in short time re∣covered.

The two Venetian Governours aforesaid, fear∣ing a long Siege, and not provided of Victual to suffice such a multitude as were got into the City, for any long time; used a heavy and sharp re∣medy, by turning a great number of weak People and Children unable for service, out of the City; of whom many, especially Children, died in the Town-ditches in their Mothers arms, un∣der the Walls of the City, not daring to go any further for fear of the Enemy, who had fast by, in places convenient cast up great Mounts, and planted his Ordnance against the City. Only the Castle called St. Angelo, standing in the mid∣dle of the Island, about fifteen miles from the City of Corfu, being valiantly defended by the Inhabitants against the Assaults of the Turks, hap∣pily saved above three thousand poor People which fled thither from the fury of the Turks, who in all other places of the Island had made all desolate. The Turks the more to terrifie them of Corfu, taking a Hill not far from the City, covered the same with their Tents, and from the Rock called Maripetrus, shot with their great Ord∣nance into the Town; some of them in the mean time standing close in the ruins of the Suburbs, did with their Harquebusies kill or wound them which appeared upon the Walls. The Gallies also did oftentimes out of their Prows discharge their great Pieces against the City, to the greater terror than hurt of the Defendants. Solyman per∣ceiving that he did but lose his labour in besieging the City (as he was told at the first by his great Captains, Lutzis, Aiax, and Barbarussa) determined now to raise his Siege, and to return to Constantino∣ple, greatly ashamed that he had no better sped, nei∣ther in Italy, nor at the Siege of Corfu. But when he was about to have departed, it was told him how unfaithfully some of his Souldiers had dealt with them of Castrum in Italy, who yielding them∣selves upon the Turks faith to them given for the safegard of their liberty and goods, were never∣theless most injuriously spoiled of all that they had, and carried away into bondage.* 10.230 Which fact, as tending to the dishonour of his name, and the deterring of others from yielding, Solyman took in so evil part, that for amending thereof, he caused the Authors of that fact to be put to death, and the Captives of Castrum to be diligently sought out, and sent home again into their Country; well deserving therein the commendation of a most just Prince. The Turks left the Siege of Corfu and departed out of the Island about the twelfth of September, in the year 1537,* 10.231 carrying away a∣bove sixteen thousand of the Island people into perpetual Captivity. So Solyman rising with his Army, marching through Acarnania and Aetolia, returned through Macedonia to Constantinople; having in this his expedition done great harm both in Italy and Corcyra, but yet nothing encreased his Empire or honour.

Before his departure, calling unto him Lutzis his Admiral, he commanded him also to return with his Fleet to Hellespontus; who passing by Zacynthus, and landing some of his Men in the night, took divers of the Country people Prisoners. But un∣derstanding that the City it self was both strong and well manned, he departed thence to Cythera, where unfortunately attempting to have taken the Castle, and disappointed of his purpose, he made what spoil he could upon that Island, and with eight hundred Prisoners returned into Aegium to Aegina, a rich and famous Island, and well peopled both with Mariners and other Inhabi∣tants. Approaching the Island he by his Messen∣gers sent before unto the Governour of the City, attempted first by fair means, and afterwards by threats, to have had the City yielded unto him; and not so prevailing, but perceiving them to stand upon their defence, he landed his Men, and gave the signal of battel. Which they of the Island refused not, but manfully met him, and at the first encounter slew many of his Men. Where∣with the Admiral grievously offended, and still landing fresh Men, even with his multitude op∣pressed them of the Island, being but in number few and weary of long fight; and so enforced them to retire into the City.

To be revenged of this injury,* 10.232 the Bassa caused certain pieces of great Ordnance to be landed, and a Battery planted against the City; by force whereof he had in short time in divers places opened the Walls, and then with all his power as∣saulting the Breaches, forthwith took the City, which after he had rifled, he burnt it down to the ground, rased the Walls, and put the Men every Mothers Son to the Sword. As for the Women, he gave them without respect unto the lust of his Souldiers and Mariners, whom afterwards toge∣ther with the Boys and young Children he ship∣ped into the Country near unto Athens, to be from thence conveyed unto Constantinople, into most miserable servitude.

Aegina thus utterly rased, he with much like force and cruelty raged upon them of Paros and the other Islands thereabouts, killing the old Men and such as made resistance, and thrusting the rest into his Gallies. Shortly after he came to the Isle of Naxos, where all the Island people were for fear of his coming fled out of the Country into the City; where landing his Men, he made havock of whatsoever came to his hand. And in the mean time sent a Messenger unto the Duke, to will him to yield himself and his City into the obedience of the Turkish Emperor Solyman.

Which Messenger admitted into the City, and brought before the Duke, in blunt and plain terms, without further circumstance, delivered his Message thus:

* 10.233If thou wilt without more ado, yield thy self, thy City, and Territory, to the Constantinopolitan Emperor, thou shalt deserve his favour, and so save thy self with that thou hast. But if thou, otherwise advised, shalt now refuse this Grace, thou shalt never hereafter have the like offer, but for ever undo thy self, thy Wife, and Children, thy Citizens, and Subjects in general. Here is present a most mighty Fleet, with most valiant and victorious Souldiers, furnished with all the habiliments of War requisite for Battel or Siege. Be warned by them of Aegina, Paros, and other thy neighbour Princes of the Islands. Thy hap is good, if thou be not misad∣vised, and (warned by other Mens harms) wilfully refuse to remedy thine own; and when thou mightst be safe, wilfully cast away thy self.

Thus said, he was commanded by the Duke to stand aside, and a while to expect his answer; who with the chief of his Subjects there present, but much troubled, and all full of heaviness and sorrow, consulted what answer to make. But af∣ter they had according to the weightiness of the cause, and necessity of time fully debated the mat∣ter, it was with general consent agreed, That for∣asmuch as they were not themselves of power to withstand so furious an Enemy, neither to expect help from others, they should therefore yield unto the present necessity, which otherwise threatned unto them utter destruction, and reserve themselves unto better times. Whereupon answer was given unto the Messenger by the Duke, That he was ready to yield himself unto Solyman as his Vassal, and of him as of his Sovereign to hold his Seigniory for the yearly Tribute of five thousand Ducats. Of which offer the Bassa ac∣cepted,* 10.234 receiving in hand one years Tribute. So was that notable Island yielded unto the Turkish obeisance the 11 of November, in the year 1537. from whence Lutzis the proud Bassa, loaded with the rich Spoil of the Countries and Islands he had passed by, returned to Constantinople with his Fleet. Not long after, this great Bassa (then in credit and authority next unto Solyman himself) fell at ods with his Wife, Solymans Sister; for that he, af∣ter the unnatural manner of those barbarous Peo∣ple, kept in his house a most delicate Youth, in whom he took more pleasure than in his Wife. Which she, being a Woman of great Spirit, not able to endure, and knowing her Husband by mar∣rying of her, to have been from base degree ad∣vanced unto the highest Honours the Emperor her Brother could heap upon him; in great rage re∣proved him with most bitter words, saying, That she had married him to be of him beloved, and used as his Wife, and not contemptuously abused by his Minions. Wherewith the Bassa moved, gave her a Blow on the Ear, and caused her as a foolish and unquiet Woman to be shut up in her Chamber. But she not brooking such abuse, came weeping to Solyman her Brother, and com∣plaining of her Husband, requested to be Divor∣ced from him who made no better reckoning of her.* 10.235 And with her complaint so incensed Soly∣man, that he took from him his Seal, and thrust him out of all his honourable Promotions; and had undoubtedly put him to death, had not the re∣membrance of his old love and friendship staied his fury; yet having utterly disgraced him, he banished him the Court, into Macedoni••, where he spent the remainder of his loathed life like a poor pri∣••ate Man; of whom Boisardus thus writeth:

Quae tibi cum molli res est pollute Cynedo: Cum cubet in Thalamis regia nympha tuis? Ex humili fortuna loco te evexit in altum Ex alto major saepe ruina venit.

On dainty Boys, thou filthy Man, why do'st thou fix thine eye; Whilst Princely Dame of Royal Blood doth in thy Chamber lie? From base estate, to honours height blind Fortune did thee call, And set thee up with Princes great, to work thy greater fall.

Solyman thus fallen out with the Venetians,* 10.236 as is aforesaid, to intangle them at once with Wars in divers places, commanded his Lieutenants in e∣very place bordering upon any part of the Vene∣tian Seigniory, to vex and molest them with all Hostility, which they did accordingly. In Pel••∣ponnessus, Cassimes besieged Mauplium and Epidau∣rus, two strong Cities of the Venetians; Barbarus∣sa landing his Men in Dalmatia, surprised the an∣cient City of Botrotus belonging to the Venetians, carried away the Citizens, and rased the City; Obroatium another City of the Venetians in Dal∣matia, called in ancient time Argirutum, with the Castle of Nadin, were taken by Ustref, Solymans Lieutenant in Illyria. The Venetians thus invaded on every side, requited them again with the like; Pisaurius and Veturius the Venetian Admirals land∣ing their Men, besieged Scardona a City of the Turks in the borders of Dalmatia, which they took by force, put the Turks to the Sword, and overthrew the Walls of the City, because it should be no more a refuge unto the Turks; they al∣so sent one of their Captains called Gabriel Ribe∣us to besige Obroatium; who upon the coming of Amurathes one of Ustref his Captains, cowardly fled, and in flight lost most of his Men; for which his Cowardise, Pisaurius caused his head to be struck off aboord the Admiral Galley; And Ca∣millus Ursinus, appointed by the Venetian State Governour of Iadera a strong Town upon the Frontiers of their Territory in Dalmatia, took from the Turks the Town of Ostrovizza, which he burnt down to the ground; he recovered al∣so Obroatium, which was a little before lost; which by the commandment of the Senate he ut∣terly rased, as a place not well to be kept against the Enemy.

The same Autumn that Solyman having wasted Corcyra, he returned to Constantinople, and the Vene∣tians held Wars with the Turks for the Towns and Castles in Dalmatia; King Ferdinand received such an overthrow at Exek by the Turks, as a greater or more shameful unto the Name of the Christi∣ans was hardly in that Age seen; if the loss of the choice Souldiers and Captains of four great Nations, with the shameful flight of the General be well considered. After the Battel of Mohahz, wherein King Lewis was lost, the Turks having gotten the Victory, kept unto themselves that part of Hungary which is called Possega, because thereby they had a fit passage from Belgrade further into Hungary. The two great Rivers of Savus and Dravus running almost with equal distance from the West, taking with them divers other smaller Rivers, before they fall into the great River of Danubius Eastward, do on both sides in∣close this Country of Possega, being a rich and plentiful Country, and wonderful well peopled; it bordereth upon the Provinces of Croatia and Corbania, which in times past were at continual Wars with the Turks Garrisons there by in Illyria and also in Bosna.

* 10.237At that time one Mahometes a most valiant Captain of the Turks was Governour of Belgrade; to whom for his approved valour and wisdom Solyman had committed the keeping of those Frontiers, and the protection of the Kingdom of Hungary in the behalf of King Iohn. He the year before had so used the matter, that what by force, what by policy, he had taken from the Christians above thirty small Castles in the Coun∣try, (which was sometime part of the Patrimony of the Despot of Rascia) and had joyned them to the Regiment of Bosna. One of these Castles amongst the rest called Exek, for the commodi∣ous situation thereof he strongly fortified, as that which might give him passage over the River Dravus into Hungary; from whence he fet infinite preys out of King Ferdinands Country near unto him. Yet was there at that time a certain League betwixt Solyman and Ferdinand,* 10.238 which notwith∣standing after the old custom of those Countries for the exercise of the Garrison Souldiers, did bear with the taking of Booty, and light Skir∣mishes, without any Breach thereof; so that it were done without any great Power or Field-Pieces; which wrong named Peace, Mathias and other Kings of Hungary had of long time used with the Turks, doing them with their nimble light Horsemen no less harm than they received. But the Germans now using no such light Horse∣men, but ••••rving upon great Horses, and charged with heavy Armor, received great hurt by those light Skirmishes; the Turks with their light Horses easily shunning their charge, and again at their pleasure charging them afresh, when they saw the heavy German Horses almost weary and spent; by which means the German Horsemen were oftentimes by the Turks light Horsemen over∣thrown,* 10.239 and so either slain or taken. King Fer∣dinand not well brooking these continual injuries, and grieved in mind at the League which Soly∣man had to his profit made with him at his going into Persia; finding the same both unprofitable and hurtful to himself, determined to take up Arms, with purpose that if he could drive the Turks out of the Country of Possega, then forth∣with to pass over Dravus, and to go directly to Buda against King Iohn. It still stuck in his mind, how that Kingdom was taken from him by Solyman; and that more was, as it were in dis∣grace of him and the House of Austria, bestowed upon a stranger, which had neither right there∣to, nor was any way royally descended. Yet were there some which wished him, not rashly to enter into Arms against so mighty an Enemy, as was not to be vanquished but by the united Forces of all the Christian Princes of Europe. For they foresaw, that Solyman so provoked, would not put it up, but for the hatred he bare against the Christians, and for his honour, seek more cruel revenge; as he had of late done a∣gainst the Venetians, with whom upon a light occasion he had broken an ancient League, for sinking one or two of his Gallies; for which he would admit no excuse or satisfaction. All this Ferdinand knew to be true; yet all the People of his Dominions lay so earnestly upon him to take that War in hand, that they said plainly, they would never bear Arms more against the Turks, if he omitted that occasion. For they of Carin∣thia, Stiria, Croatia, and Noricum, subject to the invasion of the Turks, and daily receiving great harms, thought the Turks might easily be driven out of Possega, for as much as Mahometes had no great power, nor like to have any greater, Au∣tumn now almost spent.

So King Ferdinand, with the wonderful rejoycing of his Subjects, caused Souldiers to be taken up in all parts of his Kingdom, sending for most of his Nobility and best Captains, as to a religious War, and in a very short space had raised a good Army, yet supposed of greater strength than number, as consisting most of select Men. The Footmen were for most part Germans, to whom were joyn∣ed as Wings certain Companies of Italians, Har∣quebusiers, whom Lewis Lodronius, a valiant Cap∣tain, and General of the Footmen, had raised in Rhetia and those parts of Italy which lie near unto the Alps. The Horsemen were of Bohemia, Silesia, Moravia, Stiria, Carinthia, and some also out of Hungary, all conducted by their several Captains; all these Horsemen were in number eight thou∣sand, but the Footmen were sixteen thousand strong, with great store of Artillery of all sorts. This Army for the expertness and valour of the Souldiers,* 10.240 was thought sufficient to have met the greatest Army of the Turks in Field, if it had been conducted by a politick General, and (as he had at other times been) fortunate; which was one Iohn Cazzianer, a Nobleman of Croatia, whom as one of great experience, and famous for the late defence of Vienna, King Ferdinand had made General of his Army. For Ferdinand by the ad∣vice of his best Friends never used to adventure his Person unto the danger of any Battel, especially against the Turks, by whom many Christian Kings had in former time been vanquished and slain; but performed all his Wars by his Lieute∣nants; which he was thought to do, not so much for want of courage, as moved with the fatal mishap of so many Christian Kings.* 10.241 Mahometes Governour of Belgrade understanding of this pre∣paration made against him, sent for divers Com∣panies of the Garrison Souldiers which lay upon the borders near hand; he required aid of the Governours of the Turks Province thereabouts; and was especially holden by Ustref Governour of Bosna, who of all Solymans Lieutenants in Europe, was able to bring into the Field most good Horsemen; he sent him Amurathes a famous Cap∣tain with a great Company of gallant Horsemen, unto whom were joyned certain Companies of Footmen of the wild and mountain People of Dalmatia, entertained for pay; which rough and rude kind of People were governed and kept in order by certain Companies of Janiza∣ries drawn out of the Garrison Towns as far as Belgrade and Samandria; after whom followed many out of Servia and Rascia, some for pay, some for prey. The Turks Receiver liberally paying to such as were willing to serve, two months pay before hand. Neither wanted he aid of the Hungarians from Buda; so that the Turkish Governours on every side putting to their helping hands, Mahometes had in short time gathered such an Army, as for number and strength was not much inferior to King Ferdi∣nands, and resolved to expect the coming of his Enemies at Exek. Cazzianer was now come as far on his way as Caprunza, a Town upon the River Dravus; having before well and conveni∣ently provided for the victualling of his Army, if they whom he put in trust, and had taken the matter upon them, had with like speed and dili∣gence performed their charge; for they were the chief Men of all the Country, who all followed the direction of Simon Bishop of Zagrabia; who inflamed with zeal above measure, or else for want of judgment deceived, had promised to serve the whole Camp with plenty of Victuals, at a very low rate. Which thing the Country people which were to bring in the Victual, some by Waggon, some by Boats alongst the Rivers, many difficulties now arising, were not able to perform; which was not to be remedied by

reason of the nearness of the Enemy; and also for that Mahometes with small Gallies in both Rivers, and his Troops of Horsemen pricking up and down the Country, did either stay the Coun∣try people from bringing of Victual, or else al∣lured them for a greater price to bring it to his own Camp, where they received ready Mony. Cazzianer setting forward from Caprunza, hardly came in ten days to the Castle of Verucza, which is about forty miles distant from Caprunza; be∣ing enforced to make short marches, by reason of the troublesome carriage of some great Pieces of Artillery for battery. The wiser sort began even then to misdoubt the want of Victual, both for the reasons before alledged, and for that such Victual as was looked for,* 10.242 came not, although they marched very softly; so that they were then enforced to spend such Victual as they had provided, not for the beginning, but for the difficulties of a long protracted War. Where∣fore Cazzianer wrote sharply to the Bishop and the other which had taken upon them the charge of providing Victual for the Army; command∣ing them to use all possible diligence and speed, and not to let the hope of a notable Victory to be lost through their negligence, for want of Victual, rather than the valour of the Ene∣my. In the mean time Cazzianer thought good there to stay, and to expect the coming of the Victual, sending before him Paulus Bachitius with a thousand Hungarian light Horsemen and cer∣tain Companies of Italian Harquebusiers, as far as the Castle of Zopia, to the intent that he might of such Prisoners as he could take, learn something of the Enemies purpose. The Turks in the Castle of Zopia descrying the coming of Bachitius, and thinking the whole Army of the Christians had been at hand, set fire on the Castle, which they thought they could not keep, and by Boats fled down the River Dravus. Yet for all their hast, Bachitius took some of them in their flight; of whom Cazzianer learned that which he before knew by his own Espials, how that Mahometes and the Turks lay encamped at Exek, with a full resolution to give him Battel. Cazzianer setting forward again,* 10.243 still keeping a∣longst the River Dravus, came in eight days to the Castle of Walpo; where by the way he was glad to stay seven days at the River Crassus, which falleth into Dravus, until such time as a Bridge was made for the transporting of his Ar∣my, for that the River was not to be waded over; in which time Cazzianer entred oftentimes into counsel with the other Captains, what course to hold for the better proceeding in that War. Where divers Men were of divers opinions; some said, It was better to leave Exek, and to besiege a Castle of the Enemies there by, called Villach; others more wary than the rest, were of opinion, That it were better there to stay until the rest of the Aid and Victual, which they daily expected, were come. But the greater number, which also prevailed, urged the first determination, of going directly to the Enemy at Exek, for that longer delay would but breed further danger; and there was in the Camp (as they said) both strength and Victual sufficient for obtaining of the Victory, if they would make an end of their needless Consultations, and not protract the War until Winter were come on; where they did nothing else, but cause the Souldiers to think that they were afraid to meet the Enemy, and secretly to steal away back again into their Countries; whereas if they would like resolute Men march on forward a∣gainst the Enemy, who at other times trusting most unto his multitudes, and now having no great power, would never abide the sight of the Christian Army, bringing with it so much Artil∣lery, but would forthwith forsake the place, and never shew his face; forasmuch as the Christian Men at Arms would (as they said) easily break through and overthrow the naked Turkish Horse∣men, if they durst abide the Field. The young Souldiers, who as yet had never made proof of the Turks manner of fight, did with such chearful∣ness like of this resolution, that they thought two days staying, a long delay of so ready and easie a Victory. Wherefore it was resolved upon, pre∣sently to set forward, and thereupon the Army was Mustered; where, upon view taken, there was found to be ten thousand Horsemen (for di∣vers Troops of Germans were come to the Camp, after the time of the first setting forward of the Army;) a more gallant Company of Horsemen, both for the strength of their Horses, and goodly furniture of the Men, had seldom been seen in an Army so suddainly raised. But the Footmen, se∣lected out of all the Provinces, were greatly dimi∣nished, being now in number scarce eight thou∣sand strong; for many were sick in the Camp, o∣thers weary of the long Journy, lingering behind, were stoln away; and generally all they which were left, moyled with dirt and mire, by reason of the deepness of the rotten way, wet through with Rain, and almost starved with Cold, and thereto pincht with Hunger, were thought scarce able to endure the hardness of the present War. After that commandment was given, That every Souldier should carry with him three days Victual; and proclamation made, That no Man should upon pain of death take any Turk Prisoner, al∣though he yielded himself, or charge himself with any spoil before the Battel were fully ended; forasmuch as the Captains would afterwards di∣vide the Spoil of the Enemy among the Souldiers. This proclamation thus made through the Camp, they set forward towards Exek; and the third day they came to a certain Valley, about three miles from Exek, where they encamped. The next day a Company of Turks shewed them∣selves, which was by the great Ordnance repul∣sed. The day following, the Enemy sallied out of the Town and skirmished oftentimes with the Christians;* 10.244 in which Skirmishes many were slain on both sides, but more wounded of the Chri∣stians, for that the Turks had politickly mingled certain Janizaries, Harquebusiers, and Archers, with their Horsemen; who, used to that manner of fight, sore gauled the Christian Horsemen. For which cause the General forbad all such light Skirmishes, as purposing to keep his strength whole against the general day of Battel; com∣manding his Canoniers so to place the great Ord∣nance as might most annoy the Enemy, if he should shew himself by Troops within the danger of the Shot; which was so well performed, that the Turks sallying forth, received thereby great hurt, the deadly shot flying through the midst of their Companies. The same day Symon Bishop of Zagrabia came into the Camp with his Horse∣men, and a certain provision of Victual, where∣by the fear of the want before conceived, was well eased. Mahometes perceiving that the Chri∣stians were not longer to be drawn to those harm∣ful Skirmishes, but that he must bring his Men in danger of the great Shot; to annoy them by another means, sent many small Boats, manned with Harquebusiers and small Pieces of Ordnance, into the Lake near unto the Camp, so to keep the Christians from watering there, and with those small Pieces shot oftentimes into the Camp. Near unto the Valley where the Christians lay, was a Hill, whereupon stood a Village, wherein

were placed certain Companies of Turks, to Skir∣mish as occasion should serve with the Christians; for placing of whom the whole Army was put in order of Battel, and the great Artillery bent up∣on them, that they should not with their light Skirmishes, after the manner of the Turkish fight, touble the order of the Army.* 10.245 Which thing the Turks perceiving, and that they were not able to hold the place, set fire on the Town, and so retired to Exek. The Christians keeping on their march, came to the top of the Hill, from whence they might see Exek stand about two miles off in a fair Plain, near unto the Bank of Dravus; all which low ground betwixt the Hill and Exek, was so subject to the Castle, that it was thought a matter too full of danger, to attempt that way to batter the Castle, and expose the Army to the inevitable fury of the Enemies shot. Wherefore descrying a rising ground on the further side of the City equal with the top of the Walls, they thought it best to remove their Camp thither, and on that side to plant their Battery against the City. But to come to that place was thought a matter of no small trouble; for they must set a compass three miles on the right hand through a Forrest by a foul and troublesome way, before they could come to the place they desired; for the Army was not so great, as to besiege the City round; wherein were not (as is reported) above sixteen thousand Men; neither was there such store of Victuals in the Camp, but that the Army was like soon to feel the want thereof, without a continual supply, which would hardly be had, the Enemy still besetting every passage, and with their light Horsemen scouring about all the Coun∣try, of purpose to keep them from Victual. For which cause, some were of opinion, That it were best for them there to stay where they were, until such time as both more Aid and bet∣ter store of Victuals were come unto them; but others of contrary mind, said the Enemy was but barely stored with Victual himself, and therefore could not long hold out; which they said they understood by certain Christian Fugitives; and that Mahometes had put his chief substance into certain Boats, to be conveyed down the River, as purposing to flie, and would not hold out the Siege above three days; as for the Forrest, they thought it would well enough be passed through, if they would couragiously set forward; beside that, the time of the year suffered no delay, Winter coming so fast on, that except some no∣table thing were done quickly, they should be enforced by the very time of the year to return with shame, without doing any thing. This o∣pinion was best liked of, as more honourable and better beseeming Men of Valour,* 10.246 than to lie still in one place; whereupon the next day the Army removed, and in good order marched through the Forrest. Which thing Mahometes quickly perceiving, presently sent forth a thou∣sand light Horsemen, and certain Companies of the Janizaries and Harquebusiers, to trouble the Chri∣stians in their passage; who by a nearer and well known way overtaking the Army, suddainly char∣ged the Rereward, wherein the Italians and Bo∣hemians marched. The Bohemians quickly fled, and the Italians with much ado endured the charge; but being relieved by the Carinthian Men at Arms, they notably repulsed the Turks, and put them to flight. So the Army with small loss passed the Forrest, and came to the place they desired; where, after they had encamped themselves, and in good order placed all things needful for the Siege, they in seemly order offer∣ed unto the Enemy Battel; but he keeping himself within the Town, shot at the Christians with his great Ordnance; and they to requite him, with two great Pieces which they had placed up∣on the rising of a Hill, shot through both the Walls of the Town and the Bulwark also, to the great terror of the Defendants. The Christians in the mean time having stood almost all the day in order of Battel in sight of the Enemy,* 10.247 vainly expecting when he should come forth to give them Battel, returned at night into their Camp; for Mahometes upon great consideration kept in his Souldiers, although they were most desirous to fight; understanding right well of the want of Victual in the Christian Camp; and beside that (as the Fugitives reported) being straitly com∣manded by Letters from Solyman, that he should not upon pain of a most shameful death forsake the place, but to defend it to the last. Now the Christians desirous of Battel, being thus delayed and deceived of their expectation, had in a few days spent the small store of Victual they had, and began to feel a general want; neither was there any apparent means how they should be re∣lieved, so that every Man began to fear some ge∣neral mischief to ensue. When Balthazer Pam∣philus, a noble Hungarian, and a Captain of great experience, sitting in Counsel with the rest, entred into this Speech.

Captains (said he) we do all that we do, unad∣visedly;* 10.248 For whilst we consult at large how we may overcome our Enemies, the strength of our Army is in the mean time so weakned for want of Victual, that the Souldiers are neither well able to stand on their Legs, nor to hold their Weapons in their feeble Hands; and generally, even they which are of greatest courage b••∣gin now to quail, and despairing of Battel, see that they must miserably and shamefully perish for want: Wherefore in my opinion, we ought first and above all things most speedily to provide for this want, which so grievously pincheth us; and presently to remove hence unto the Castle of Hermande, that with the provi∣sion thereof, which is not like to be little, we may re∣fresh our whole Army; and so relieved, to proceed fur∣ther as occasion shall require.

This Castle was about ten miles distant from Exek; whereinto many of the Turks had conveied their Wives and Child••en, and chiefest substance, being kept with a small Garrison of twenty Turks. Fast by the Castle was a pretty little walled Town, without Flankers, after the manner of the old for∣tifying; which Town and Castle Balthazer said would easily be taken. This his Counsel was well liked of all Men, and he himself sent with cer∣tain Companies of Souldiers to take the Town.* 10.249 Wherein fortune so favoured him, that it was at his first coming surrendred unto him; but when he had it, he found not therein any such store of Corn or Victual as he had hoped for; yet he took there certain Vessels of Wine, to the great relief of the weak Souldiers. Upon the news of the taking of this Town, the Camp removed from Exek about ten a Clock in the night, but so dis∣orderly, that the Souldiers scarce knowing their own Ensigns, seemed rather to have fled for fear, than marched for spoil; yet the Turks for all that moved not out of Exek, misdoubting some de∣ceit, and loth to attempt any thing rashly in the night. When the Army was come to the Town, the Captains took order, that the Victual there found, was equally divided amongst the Souldiers, and the next morning Battery laied against the Castle;* 10.250 which those few Turks valiantly defend∣ed half a day, and then by composition yielded it. But when the Castle was taken, there was found in it but two Barrels of Meal, and other two of Millet. Then might a Man have seen the

Captains themselves hanging their Heads, as men strucken with a suddain fear, who instead of a great Prey and Victual to have served many days, found nothing but a few Women and Children, and scarce so much Victual both in the Town and Castle, as would serve the Army two days. Yet they dissembled the matter, and fed the Souldiers with hope of better store, after the Bridge were once repaired, that they might pass the River of Bodrog, which ran by the Town; which Bridge the Turks had before (for defence of themselves) broken, by plucking up of certain Piles, and taking away of the Planks; wherefore the Carpenters being set on work, and every man putting too his helping hand, the Bridge was with continual labour in three days repaired. The fourth day, the Waggons and smaller Pieces of Ordnance passed over the Bridge, and after them six of the great Pieces for Battery; but the Bridge overcharged with the se∣venth, which was of wonderful weight, and much greater than the rest, began to break; so that the Captains were inforced to break that fair Piece of Ordnance, and so by pieces to carry it away, that the Enemy should not get so great a Spoil. All things being thus well passed over, the Piles were again cut down, and the Planks struck off, to the intent the Enemy should not that way pursue them; and other way there was none, but to fetch a compass about the great Lake which was many miles about. Here the Captains began to consult, whether it were best to break the great Pieces of Ordnance, that so they might more speedily march away, or not. Of which opinion was Cazzianer himself, promising of his own charge to new cast them.* 10.251 As for the scaling Ladders, and other such like things provided for the Siege, they burnt, because they should not come into the Enemies hand, or trouble themselves in their march. But most of the Captains were of opinion, that it was not best so dishonourably to break those goodly Pieces, the greatest ornament and defence of their Country; but to hold on their march through Possega, until they came to Iuvancha, where they should find great store both of Corn and Wine; which Town with the Castle of Gara fast by it, stored with all kind of Provi∣sion, they said would easily be taken before the Turks could possibly come so far about the Lake from Exek; and that it were a great shame, so to return without doing any thing. Cazzianer thus perswaded, set forward, and with great toil (by reason of the deepness of the way and heaviness of the great Ordnance) came by night to Iuvan∣cha, which was but three miles off; where the Turks having with incredible celerity passed a long journey, arrived at the same time also. Near unto this Castle was a little Town, out of which all the Turks were fled; the Townsmen being Christians, opened the Gates and received in the Souldiers; who there filled themselves abundantly with Wine, and could hardly be driven out thence by their Captains to the Camp. The same night the Turks burnt the same Town, and whatsoever the Christians had therein left; and every man betook him to his Armor in the Camp, for the Enemy was now at hand; and in the dawning of the day began hotly to skirmish in divers places with the Christians, but especially in that quarter of the Camp where the Bohemians lay. Where∣with Petrus Raschinius General of the Bohemians, being grieved, set upon them with a Troop of his best Horsemen, and enforced them to flie; but the Turks after the manner of their Fight, quickly returning again, and relieved by the coming in of their Fellows, beset the Bohemians on every side, and ••l••w many of them. Raschi∣nius the General fighting most valiantly, was there slain with his Followers. The Christian Captains purposing to retire home, placed on each side of the Army four Ranks of Wagons for defence on both sides; in the Vauward were placed the weak and sick men, yet so, that in the Front of the Army were certain Companies of lusty tall Soul∣diers; but in the Rearward was placed the greatest strength both of Horse and Foot. The Army thus marching as it were on both sides in••••enched, as it oftentimes met with woody Hills hindring their way, so did the same fitly serve the Christians, that the Turks could not well assail them in their march, both before and behind. Which thing Mahometes perceiving,* 10.252 sent before certain Com∣panies of Janizaries and nimble Footmen, which knew the Country and the passages well, with certain Faulcons and other small Pieces to take the Straits whereby the Army was to pass, and so to gaul them in their passage, and when they could keep the place no longer, to flie back to another, and so from place to place; and in the open places he had his Troops of light Horsemen, which were ever busie in one place or another of the Army: By which means the Christians in their March received much harm, which grieved them the more, for that no great power of the Turks was any where to be seen together, but stragling Companies; which as they were commanded, sometime would come on with a fierce charge, and by and by retire again, and with their Arrows and Falcon Shot, from places of advantage assail them. At one of these Straits somewhat bigger than the rest, Paulus Bachitius one of the Hungarian Captains, in whom the Souldiers generally reposed their greatest trust, was slain with a Faulcon Shot, with divers other of the valiant Hungarians; who seeing there a greater number of the Turks than they had seen in other places, thought to have done some good service upon them; his death brought a general fear upon the whole Army, forasmuch as both then and at other times, without him they never had any good success against the Turks. Yet in that skirmish, the Hungarians, to revenge the death of their Captain, did with such force re∣pulse the Enemy, that they caused him after he had lost many of his men, to run away and leave his small Field-Pieces behind him. But such was was the weakness or cowardise of the Christian Footmen, and the agility of the Turks, especially the Janizaries, that they with their shot out of the Woods, staid the Hungarian Horsemen from the pursuit of their Fellows, and recovered their small Field-Pieces before they could be carried away by the Christian Footmen; wherewith they did again forerun the Army, and still trou∣ble it as before. The Christians beset with these dangers, and almost spent for want of Victual,* 10.253 seeing no means to relieve their weak Bodies, nor any hope to comfort their fainting Spirits, did generally fear some extream calamity to ensue; and so much the more, for that it was reported, that Mahometes still expected fresh supplies from Belgrade, Samandria, and Nicopolis; and many of the Hungarian light Horsemen stole away from them, as careful of their own safety; neither did they see any comfort in the dismaid Captains, who at other times were wont with chearful and cou∣ragious words to relieve the Souldiers, if they saw them any thing discouraged. But when they were come into a fair open Field near unto a Town called Gara, they were advertised, That the Enemy had in the Woods before them, where∣by they were to pass, cut down great Trees cross the waies, so that neither their great Ordnance nor Waggons, nor yet their Horsemen could

possibly pass that way but that they must needs break their order.

This once bruted through the Army, filled them with all heaviness and desperation, and so much the more, for that Ladislaus Moreus, and others which knew the Country well, said there was but two ways to escape; the one through the Woods about ten miles space to Walpo, which by reason of the Trees cut down cross the ways by the Turks was not to be passed, but they must needs leave behind them their great Ord∣nance and Carriages; the other towards the Castle of Zenthuerzebeth, which was in Ladislaus Moreus his Country, certain miles distant from Gara; by taking of which way, the Enemy by reason of the straightness of the passage, must of necessity be inforced to give over his pursuit. Yet for all that, it was in Counsel resolved upon, to take the way through the Woods of Walpo, for that there was Victual enough, and in the Castle of Walpo was kept Mony sent from King Ferdinand, sufficient to pay the Soul∣diers for all that Winter. And so leaving the great Ordnance behind them,* 10.254 and burning the Powder and whatsoever else could not well be carried on Horseback, to set forward with all speed: As for the Trees they said, they would be well enough removed, and the way opened by the Pioniers and Waggoners; wherefore every Captain was commanded to have his Souldiers in readiness to set forward upon the sign given, which was by the sound of a Shalm or Hoboy; which when it should be given, was referred to the discretion of the General. There were ma∣ny which wonderfully disliked of this resolu∣tion, and said openly, that the Enemy was fewer in number than their Horsemen, and pinched almost with like want of Victual; besides, that the Turks durst never in just Fight encounter with the Christian men at Arms, but like Theeves assail them upon a suddain at some advantage, and by and by be gone again; and that the Town of Gara where the Enemy lay encamped, was not so strong but that i•• might be won; wherefore all things were to be proved, and some great matter to be attempted of valiant men, pinched with wants; for that to run away, would not only be a dishonour unto the Captains them∣selves, who ought always to prefer their honour before their Lives, but also dangerous unto them, which respected nothing but Life. And if they should set forward in the night, many would be lost in the Woods; and Valor in the dark could not be known from Cowardise; besides that, the Turks (as they said) lay so nigh, that it was not possible to depart without their knowledge, especially if they should burn the Powder, or break their great Ordnance. For which causes, they thought it better to fight a Battel with them, and not to believe the false reports of new Sup∣plies come unto them, and that God would un∣doubtedly give them aid, which were ready to lay down their Lives for their Religion and Glory of the Christian Name. After all this, they be∣gan to consult what was now to be done with the sick and wounded Souldiers, which were be∣fore carried in Waggons or among other Bag∣gage of the Army; for it was like that so great a multitude of sick and wounded men, under∣standing what was decreed concerning the de∣parture of the Army, would as miserable for∣saken men, fill the Camp with lamentation and mourning; which it was thought would be also increased by the weeping and wailing of them which should never afterwards see their Brethren, Kinsmen, Fellows, or Friends, so miserably and shamefully left behind and forsaken; the noise whereof, must needs come to the ears of the Turks, which lay within a small Gun-shot. Where∣fore it was determined, that these sick and wound∣ed Souldiers should be carried upon the Waggon and Cart-Horses; and that such as were not able to stay themselves, should be holden up by other of more strength riding behind them upon the Buttocks of the Horse. In fine, to colour the matter, they which were so desirous to go, said that this their manner of departure grounded upon good reason, was not to be accounted a shameful Flight (as some would term it) but a right honest and necessary manner of retiring; foras∣much as they were stronger than their Enemies in Horsemen, and equal also (if not stronger) in Footmen, although they were sore weakned with Sickness. Whilst these things were in Coun∣cil diversly discoursed, and the resolution set down as is before said, the matter was brought to this pass, that every Captain with troubled judgment conceived in himself secret cogitations, far from the common good; and without regard of Shame and Dishonour, bethought himself how he might betake himself to flight, the uncertain hope of desired life. On the contrary part,* 10.255 Mahometes using most certain Spies, and advertised every hour of all the distresses of the Christians, and thereby presaging his future Victory; did by most diligent Watch and Troops of Horsemen, beset∣ting the passages far and near, most vigilantly attend every motion in the Christian Camp; of purpose, that when the Army should rise and set forwards he after his wonted manner might in the Straits (fit for his purpose) set upon them be∣ing divided and dispersed one from another, as they must needs in those troublesome passages; for he had placed his Horsemen and Footmen in the known Tracts of those Woods, that he had shut up the Christians as it were in a Toil. It was now almost midnight, and the Army taking no rest, so carefully expected the sign of setting forward, that every little delay seemed to most men both tedious and dangerous; so that many great Captains upon a cowardly conceit would stay no longer, but hasted to depart, and to go before the rest, without any leave of the Gene∣ral. The beginning of this mischievous depar∣ture, is reported to have been begun by the com∣mon Hungarian Horsemen,* 10.256 which knowing the passages and ways through the Woods, made most haste to Walpo. Ladislaus Moreus dishonourably following their example, went the other way to his Castle Zenthuerzebeth. After them followed in great haste the Stirian Horsemen, without regard of shame, led by Iohn Hunganot their General, who was appointed to have guarded the Rear∣ward. Symon Bishop of Zagrabia fled in like man∣ner, known by his great Lanthorn wandring in the Wood; yet with less shame than the rest, be∣cause he being a Clergy man, thought it not to belong to his vocation to put on Arms, or to go into Battel. In the mean time it was fearfully told told to Cazzianer, That the Hungarian Horse∣men were fled, and that Ladislaus and Hunganot, with the Stirian Troops were gone also; and that all the rest of the Army not expecting the ap∣pointed signal, were in like manner upon flying; with which report, the cowardly and dismaid General was so terrified,* 10.257 that he presently got to Horse, quite forgetting the signal he should have given (for that he thought all the rest, as he afterwards said, to have been gone before) and as he was unarmed, betook himself to flight, leaving behind him for haste his Tent stored with Plate and other rich Furniture. In this Tu∣mult of them which so disorderly fled, Lodronius that famous Captain was called up, and told by

his Servants, that the General was fled and gone; to whom he answered again, Without doubt it cannot be so, that I should be so shamefully and perfideously betraied of him; and so as a man meagred with long Watching and painful La∣bour, laid himself down again to sleep. Not long after, Mahometes hearing the stir that was in the Camp, rose with his Turks to assail his Enemies; yet to be better assured what the Ene∣my did, he thought it good to stay for day light, causing his men to stand still in order of Battel, and with wonderful silence to expect the sign of setting forward, which was given by the soft sound of a Horsemans Drum passing through every Company. For the old Captain acquainted with many Battels against the Christians, doubting of their feigned Flight, would not unadvisedly be drawn into Battel, but in a place commodi∣ous for his Souldiers; as one before fully set down (after his wonted manner) to perform that service, not by the hazard of one set Battel, but by dallying off the time with often skirmishes, when he could take the Enemy at advantage. The day appearing,* 10.258 Lodronius again awaking, heard a certain confused noise of the Turks, and withal saw himself forsaken of the greatest part of the Horsemen; whereupon he com∣plained in vain, that he was betraied; yet for all that, he was nothing discouraged, but cheared up the Footmen, exhorting them to remember their former Valor, and to resolve with themselves only with Courage to overcome the danger, which hard Fortune had at that time brought them into; for that valiant men were rather to think of an honourable Death, than shameful Flight, whereby whether they should escape with Life or not, was uncertain. As for himself, who had been their happy General in many Battels, he said he was resolutely set down by repulsing the Enemy to bring them into a place of safety, or else valiantly fighting together with them to end his days. As Lodronius was yet thus en∣couraging the Footmen, the Horsemen of Carin∣thia, Saxony, Austria, and Bohemia, who mindful of their duty, had in vain expected the appointed signal from their General, came unto Lodronius, as unto the most valiant Captain, beseeching him instead of their treacherous General, to take upon him the place; promising to do what∣soever he commanded, and to fight as men a∣gainst those Infidels for their Religion and King, so long as they were able to hold up their Weapons. Lodronius would in no case accept of that honour so frankly offered, modesty pro∣testing himself unworthy thereof; yet as a man of Courage, and moved with the hard estate of such an Army, he with a solemn protestation promised to execute the place in the best man∣ner he could, and so did as long as his Fortune gave him leave.

It is reported, that as Lodronius was encouraging the Footmen, and earnestly inveighing against shameful flight, an old German Souldier was so bold, as bluntly, yet sharply to say unto him; Worthy Lodronius, thou canst never be thought to fly shamefully,* 10.259 with a Horse of such a prize under thee. Lodronius perceiving the old Souldiers meaning, alighted, and with his Sword hoxed his Horse; saying aloud, This day, valiant Souldiers, shall you have me both your General and Fellow Souldier, fight∣ing on foot as one of your selves; see now that you deceive not my expectation, but let us either with glo∣rious Victory or honourable Death end this War toge∣ther; yet so, as that we die not unrevenged. All his other Horses he gave away unto such sick and wounded Souldiers as he best knew; amongst whom was one Picenard of Cremona, a Captain who was then in an extream Fit of an Ague, and had hardly escaped the hands of the Enemy. The first Troops of Horsemen and Bands of Footmen▪ were scarcely out of the Camp with their Ensigns▪ but the Turks coming with a hideous cry, assailed them on every side, and many sharp skirmishes were given unto the Horsemen as they marched, with such event that the Christians sometime va∣liantly receiving the Enemies charge, and some∣time charging them again, repulsed the proud Enemy still busie with them. In these continual skirmishes, Antius Macer Fuchstat,* 10.260 General of the Carinthian Horsemen, fighting valiantly was slain, being, for his brave Armor supposed by the Turks to have been the General of the Field. And by like mishap four and twenty Horsemen of great fame were also slain, and their Guidon taken; amongst these were three Noblemen, Andreas Res∣chius, Christopherus Hernaus, and Georgius Himel∣bergus. In another place was made a most cruel skirmish with the Saxon Horsemen, and them of Misnia, Thuringia and Franconia, who followed the Saxons Ensign; of these, fighting most valiantly, was slain above six and thirty worthy Captains, Lieutenants, or Ancients; and Chuenricus a prin∣cipal Captain of the Saxons taken, who after∣wards died in Bonds amongst the Turks. Amongst them which were slain, Sebastianaus Methescus, and Iacobus Scullemburgh were of greatest Nobi∣lity. In like manner the Horsemen of Austria couragiously resisting the Enemy for a space, were in the end overthrown; where amongst them was slain two valiant Noblemen, Fet••aius and Hoschirchius, with divers other men of great place and reputation both in their own Country and abroad. But the greatest s••aughter was made amongst the Bohemian Horsemen, upon whom (being disordered by the Janizaries Harquebu∣siers) the Turkish Troops of the old Garrison Souldiers breaking in with their Scimeters and heavy Iron Maces, made a most bloody execu∣tion.* 10.261 The Battel of Footmen being sore gauled and almost disordered in their march by certain Companies of Janizaries and Archers of the Aspi (who from a woody Bank of a Marish discharged their shot and arrows continually upon them, yet never coming to handy Blows) was on the other side so hardly charged by Amurathes with his Troops of Horsemen of Bosna, that be∣ing not able longer to keep order, it was at last by him broken and cut in pieces; where the Turks with their Swords and Hatchets slew the poor Christians without mercy. Lodronius him∣self carried away with the breaking in and force of the Horsemen, was driven into a Marish; where after that he being sore wounded, and almost fast in the deep Mud, had done the uttermost of that his last endeavour; he by the fair entrea∣ty of the Turks, perswading him rather to yield, than there to be slain, so yielded himself, that he with three Companies which were with him, after they had laid down their Weapons, were all saved as valiant Souldiers; for now the mer∣ciless Turks, imbrued with the Christian Blood, were weary of slaughter, and began greedily to seek after the Spoil, hunting after them (who flying dispersedly, thought themselves to have escaped the Enemies hands) with such suc∣cess, that a great number of them was taken and led away for Slaves; few of the Footmen escaped, and almost all the rest which were not fled before the Battel, were to be seen dead upon the ground.

This shameful Overthrow at Exek was report∣ed to have exceeded the most grievous Over∣throws that the Christians had received in any former time; for the Flower both of Horse and

Foot there lost by the rashness and fault of an unlucky General, rather than by the Valour of the Enemy, ruthfully perished; so that many Pro∣vinces were filled with heaviness and mourning. For it never chanced before (as was to be seen by the unfortunate Battels of Sigismund the Emperor, and King Ladislaus) that the Turks got such a Victory without some loss; so that they which fell almost unrevenged at Exek, may seem to have augmented that loss by the great infamy thereof. Mahometes having thus almost without the Blood of his Souldiers, obtained so great a Victory, and taking the Spoil of the Christian Camp, pitched his Tents in a little Meadow, being cleansed of the dead Bodies, and after he had merrily feasted with his Captains, commanded the chief Priso∣ners, the goodly Spoils, and fairest Ensigns to be brought unto him; and openly commending the Captains who had that day done any good service, commanding divers Bags of Mony to be brought unto him by the Receivers, he with his own hand rewarded the Souldiers, some with Gold, some with Silver, according to their deserts; And causing all the Prisoners which were not common Souldiers to be brought forth, he dili∣gently viewed them, and presently caused every one of their ••ames, and the office they bare, to be inrolled by his Clerks; and unto such as brought in the Heads, Ears, or Hands of the Christians with Rings upon them, he forthwith caused one Reward or another to be given. Lodronius, when as by reason of his deadly Wounds he was thought unable to endure travel,* 10.262 or to be brought alive with the other Prisoners to Constantinople, was slain by his Keepers, and his Head afterwards sent thither. For as many noble Gentlemen (and amongst others, Laurentius Streiperg and Dietmarus Losestaine) have reported, (who ransomed after∣wards, returned home again to their Wives and Children) amongst the Prisoners which were to∣gether with the fair Ensigns and other gallant warlike Furniture (especially gilt Armor and Headpieces) presented by Mahometes his Messen∣gers to Solyman,* 10.263 three of the greatest Captains Heads were in a silver Bason there seen and known; which were the Heads of Paulus Bachi∣tius the valiant Hungarian Captain, Antius Macer General of the Carinthian Horsemen, and Lo∣dronius General of the Footmen; which after the Tyrant had looked asquint upon, as abhor∣ring that loathsome sight, he with stern counte∣nance commanded all the Prisoners to be slain. But upon the intercession of the Janizaries (who entreated for them, as valiant men, to whom they had at the time of their taking past their Faith, and might afterwards do him good service) he changed his countenance, and saved many of them. But Cazzianer flying to his own Castle, was of all men accused as a wicked forsaker of his own Camp and Ensigns,* 10.264 and commonly railed upon, as the eternal infamy of his Country, and Author of the publick calamity; so that it was reported, that he durst neither go abroad, nor shew his Face for shame. He was so gene∣rally hated, that infamous Libels, made against him and the other Captains which shamefully fled as he did, were commonly sung in the Streets by Boys in all places of Germany. Wherewith he was so much grieved, that he requested of King Ferdinand, that he might safely come to the Court, to answer whatsoever could be laid against him; which his request the King easily granted, and when he came to the Court, received him with doubtful countenance. But when the hearing of his cause was by the King somewhat longer pro∣tracted than he would have had it, and he in the mean time kept under safe custody; impati∣ent of such delay, and half doubtful whether he he should be quitted or condemned, thought it better to flie, than to abide the Trial. So feign∣ing himself sick, and ••craping up by little and little with his Knife a brick pavement under his Bed,* 10.265 and so in the night getting out one Brick first, and then another, at length brake through the Vault, and with his Sheets letting himself down, escaped, having Post Horses ready for him without the Castle. Not long after, as he was a man of an hasty and unconstant nature, despair∣ing of his estate, he fled to the Turks; Mahometes gladly receiving him, and besides his great enter∣tainment, promising him the Government of all Croatia in manner of a Tributary King, if he would faithfully serve Solyman, and help him in the sub∣duing of the Cities of Austria. After he had agreed upon all the conditions of his revolt, that he might return to Mahometes with some more credit, he began boldly to deal with Nicholaus Si∣renus a Nobleman of Croatia, and his dear Friend, as he supposed, to revolt with him; assuring him, that Solyman would deal as kindly with them both, as he had before with King Iohn in the Kingdom of Hungary. Sirenus promised him he would, or at least made as if he promised to do what he desired, and so agreed as it were upon the matter, promising to go over with him to the Turk with a Troop of his best and most trusty Horsemen. But Sirenus considering with himself the hainousness and impiety of so great an of∣fence, changing his purpose, chose rather to deal treacherously with his old Friend,* 10.266 fearing no such thing in his House, than to offend both against God and his Prince. Wherefore after he had well feasted Cazzianer in his House, he as a most cruel Hoast, caused him to be slain, and sent his Head to King Ferdinand; in reward whereof he received of the Kings Gift Cazzianer his Castle, with all his Substance.

In the mean time the Venetians,* 10.267 provoked by the Turks with divers injuries both by Sea and Land (when as Solyman but a little before hardly besieging Corcyra, and with most barbarous Cru∣elty wasting the Island, had broken the League, and even then by his Lieutenant Cassimes Bassa be∣sieged Epidaurus and Nauplium, two of their Cities in Peloponnesus) resolved without delay to make Wars likewise upon him, who for a small Trespas would admit of no Excuse or Recompence. Whereunto they were all animated both by Charles the Emperor, and Paulus the Bishop; who warned by the late and dangerous attempts of Solyman and Barbarussa, thought it more for the safety of their Estates, by giving aid to the Ve∣netians, to keep the Turks busied further off, than to suffer them to acquaint themselves too much with the Ports of Italy and Sicilia. Wherefore all the Winter following they laboured by their Embassadors, to set down what number and what manner of Ships, what Souldiers, what Mony was to be provided, and how to be according to their Estates apportioned, for the setting forth of a strong Fleet against the next Summer, to be sent into Graecia against the Turks. At last it was agreed amongst these confederate Princes, by their Embassadors at Rome, That the Emperor should furnish and set forth eighty two Gallies, the Ve∣netians the like number, and the Bishop thirty six, to make up the number of two hundred Gallies; that the Venetians should lend unto the Bishop, so many Gallies ready rigged, as he should desire, to be furnished by him with Mariners and Souldiers; and that the Emperor and the State of Genoa should find sufficient shipping for the trans∣portation of the Land Forces and Victual. The Generals also of this great Fleet to be set forth,

were at the same time appointed; Andreas Auria for the Emperor, Vincentius Capellus for the Vene∣tians, and Marcus Grimmanus Patriarch of Aquilea for the Bishop; to whom was joyned Paulus Iusti∣nianus one of the chief Senators, a man of great experience in Sea matters. It was also agreed, that Ferdinand Gonzaga Viceroy of Sicily, should have the commanding of the Land Forces; and that whatsoever was got from the Turks in that Expedition in Graecia, the Islands, or Dalmatia, should be all faithfully delivered to the Venetians, who had received so many injuries from the Turks. The Emperor also of his Liberality promised un∣to the other Confederates, that they should for reasonable price have as much Wheat as they would out of Sicilia, without paying any Cu∣stom.

Solyman understanding of this confederation and preparation made against him by these Chri∣stian Princes, [year 1538.] * 10.268 commanded Barbarussa his Admi∣ral to make ready his Fleet to go against these E∣nemies, and to do all the harm he could upon the Islands subject to the Venetian State. Which thing Barbarussa with great care and diligence in short time performed; and so with an hundred and thirty Gallies in most warlike manner appointed, with the first of the Spring, in the year 1538. de∣parted from Hellespontus directly to Crete; where having passed the Promontory of Gyamus, which at this day is called Sparta, he unadvisedly landed most part of his men, to have surprised the City Canea,* 10.269 which was in ancient time called Sydonia. But Grittus one of the Venetian Senators then kept the City with a strong Garrison; who from the Walls and Bulwarks thereof so plagued the Turks with great and small Shot, and the sally∣ing out of two Companies of Italians, that Bar∣barussa having lost many of his men, was fain to retire again to his Fleet in such hast, that he left behind him a thousand of his Turks, which were gone further into the Island after Booty, who were afterwards all slain by them of Crete. After that, he attempted to have taken divers places in the Island, and was every where notably repulsed. With the City of Candia, whereof the Island now taketh name, and was in ancient time called Cytheum, he durst not meddle; but sailing almost round about the Island, took only Cecilia, a little Town before forsaken of the Inhabitants, which he set on fire, and so departed from Crete; for he was advertised, That Vicentius Capellius the Venetian Amiral, who was now come to Cor∣cyra, would in short time come to relieve them of Crete. Auria, Admiral of the Emperors Fleet, passing the Strait of Messina, came to Corcyra also, and there joyned with the Venetians. The Christian Fleet was then so great that it was thought the Turks durst not meet it at Sea, but by all means shun to give Battel. For Barba∣russa than lay with the Turks Fleet in the Bay of Ambracia,* 10.270 expecting when the Christians should enter the strait entrance thereof, where he had on both sides placed divers Pieces of great Ord∣nance, to have sunk them in their coming in; for Grimmanus the Patriarch, a little before de∣parting from Corcyra, had with the great Bishops Gallies begun to besiege Prevesa, a Town upon the Promontory of Auctium fast by that Strait; and landing some of his Souldiers, with three great Pieces of Artillery so battered the Castle of Prevesa, that he was like enough to have taken it, had not the Turks from Aetolia come to re∣lieve it with a strong Power both of Horse and Foot. Wherefore the Patriarch shipping again his Men and Ordnance, returned to the Fleet at Corcyra, not repenting him of his journey, for that he had well viewed the Straits of that Bay, and all the Enemies Fleet riding at Anchor within it. Upon the return of the Patriarch▪ and relation made, what he had both done and seen, the great Commanders of the Christian Fleet entred into Counsel, what course were best to take for their better proceeding in that great action. Gonzaga the Viceroy, General of the Land Forces, was of opinion,* 10.271 That it were best to land the Souldiers and great Ordnance, and with all their Force to assault the Castle of Prevesa; which once taken, and their Ordnance there planted, the Enemies Fleet might in th•• Bay, be utterly defeated, for all that passage to Sea might easily be taken from them, by sinking of one of the great Ships in the mouth of the Strait, and by moaring there of three great Gal∣leons full of Artillery; so that if Barbarussa would desperately adventure to come out, he must needs be sunk in the mouth of the Bay.* 10.272 Whereunto Auria replied, That Gonzaga his Counsel was in words and shew glorious, but to put in execution most dangerous; for that first to land the Soul∣diers and great Artillery, he said was a thing too too full of hazard and peril; for it was to be thought, that the Turks in Aetolia would as they had before done, come with speed with their Horsemen to relieve the besieged in the Castle; whose Force the Christian Footmen could hardly abide. Besides that, if the Fleet should by force of Weather be constrained to leave that Coast, (as it well might, Autumn now coming fast on) after the Souldiers were landed; From whence should they then get Victual in the Ene∣mies Country? or what relief should they hope for, if they should hap to be distressed; being on every side beset with their Enemies, and their Friends by Tempest driven from them? Where∣fore he thought it best, if the Enemy could not be drawn out of the Bay to Battel, to go directly into the Bay of Naupactum, and to take that Town which was not greatly fortified, and to ransack and spoil all the Towns, even to the bottom of the Bay of Corinth. Which the Grecians in the Fleet, said might easily be done; by taking of which course it might so fall out, that Barbarussa moved with the danger of his Friends, would for shame come out and joyn with them in Bat∣tel. This Counsel of Auria was best liked both of Capellius and the Patriarch, being far more de∣sirous to fight with their Enemies at Sea, than at Land.

Auria having put in order his Fleet,* 10.273 came to Prevesa, and so to the Strait of the Bay of Ambra∣cia, where he so placed the whole Fleet, which was in number two hundred and fifty Sail, that it might easily of the Enemy be numbred. Which sight (as it was reported) wonderfully troubled Barbarussa; who although he was of a couragi∣ous disposition, and such a man as greatly feared not either the Valour or Martial Discipline of the Christians, yet was he exceedingly moved with the sight of so great a Fleet so well appoint∣ed; for a greater had not of long time been seen in the Ionian Sea. So that an Eunuch of Solymans Court, sent by him as Barbarussa his Companion,* 10.274 seeing him to delay the time as a man half dis∣couraged, did with most uncivil and proud words take him up, because he would not forthwith go out of the Bay and fight with the Christians which lay at the mouth thereof daring of them: wherein he was not (as he said) to regard his own safety (who as a Coward could not Endure sight of the Enemy) but the honour of Solyman his So∣veraign, who would not take it well, to have the glory of his name stained with so shameful a de∣lay: For if he were a valiant and mar••ial man, as he professed himself to be, he ought never to despair

of Victory; and if it should so fall out, that For∣tune should frown upon them, and not answer to their desires, yet should not Solyman therefore want Captains and Souldiers better than they, if they were overcome; and the Woods of Pontus would afford him Timber enough to build twice so great and strong a Fleet. And for a conclusion, the insolent Eunuch willed Barbarussa to beware, that whilst he feared a most honourable death (which was uncertain, though the Battel were lost) he drew not upon himself the certain dan∣ger of a most shameful death by the displeasure of Solyman.

At which Speech Barbarussa turning himself about to Salec,* 10.275 one of the Arch-Pyrats, a famous Seaman, said unto him, We must for ought that I can see, most valiant and faihtful Captain, adven∣ture this Battel, although it be at too much disadvan∣tage; lest haply we perish by the complaints of this barking demy-man. And so presently commanded all his Fleet to weigh Anchor, at the same time that Auria had hoised sail, and was on his way to∣ward the Bay of Naupactus, thinking that the Enemy durst not for fear have come out of the Bay of Ambracia. Auria keeping on his Course, was come to Leucade, when the Enemies Fleet was descried out of the top of Bondelmerius Gal∣eon,* 10.276 to be come out of the Bay, and to make towards them, keeping close by the Shore; which manner of Course the crafty Turk, misdoubting his own strength, held of purpose, that if he should chance to be overmatched by the Christi∣ans, he might turn the Prow of his Gallies upon them, and running the Poops aground, so to land his men and great Ordnance, and from Land as he might defend his Fleet; accounting it a less loss (if the worst should chance) to lose the Gallies, than the Men.

Auria somewhat troubled with this suddain coming out of the Enemy, as with a thing which he then least expected, yet notably staid him∣self, and commanded all the Fleet to prepare themselves to Battel, and to follow his Admiral Gally. Now all the Turks Fleet was come into the open Sea in such order,* 10.277 that Barbarussa him∣self was in the middle Battel; where his Admiral Gally was to be seen with many purple Flags and Streamers flying gallantly in the Wind; on his right hand was Tabaches, and Salec on the left, both men of great fame, every one of them having almost like number of Gallies, which were in all an hundred and fifty. Unto the middle Battel were joyned two Wings in such order, that which way soever the Admiral turned, they turning also, still represented the form of a flying Eagle; so that (as Auria himself afterward confessed) a more firm or orderly Fleet could not have been brought out by any expert Captain. Before the Fleet, came about twenty nimble Gallies conduct∣ed by Drogut (or Dragut) an Arch Pyrat fa∣mous afterwards for the great harm he did unto the Christians, Capellius the Venetian Admiral came in his long Boat to Auria, requesting him. That he with his Gallies might give the first charge upon the Enemy; to whom Auria gave great thanks, and praising his forwardness, requested him to follow him, to whom he would in good time give a sign what he would have done. The foremost of the Turks light Gallies was now come to the great Galleon of Bondelmerius, which was the foremost of the Christian Fleet, whereunto were sent also certain Gallies from Salec, to help to assail that tall Ship; which shooting afar off, did no harm, neither Bondelmerius them; who would not suffer one Piece to be discharged; for he being an expert Seaman, and loath to shoot in vain, expected that they should come nearer unto him, and then upon the suddain to discharge all his great Ordnance upon them. Neither was he deceived in that his expectation, for the Turks coming near unto him; were so overwhelmed with the great and small Shot out of the Galleon, that they were glad to stay their Course▪ and retire. In the mean time Auria called back again the Ships which were gone before, and caused his Galleon to be towed out, and by Boats on pur∣pose sent out, charged the Captains of the Gallies to make themselves ready to fight, upon signal given by the sound of the Trumpet, and display∣ing of the Admirals Ensign; yet was not Auria of mind to fight with his Gallies without his Ships. Which thing the crafty Enemy well perceived, and therefore sought by all means to joyn Battel with the Gallies, before the coming in of the tall Ships, which were as Castles in respect of the Gallies; for it was then such a calm, that the Ships were not able to keep way with the Gallies, and the smooth Water seemed to offer a fit opportunity for Battel; which so well pleased the Patriarch, that many heard him crying aloud to Auria to give the signal; and marvelled much why he de∣ferred to give Battel. For he fetching a great compass, and hovering about his Ships, with his Gallies kept such a Course, that many thought he would upon a suddain have done some strange and unexpected exploit upon the Enemy; but Auria held that strange Course of purpose to have drawn the Enemies Gallies within the danger of his great Ships,* 10.278 who thundering amongst them with their great Ordnance, might have easily sore beaten and disordered them, and opened a way unto his Gallies to have gotten a most certain Victory. But the crafty old Turk doubting by the strangeness of Auria's Course, to be circum∣vented with some fineness, changed his Course, and lay still with his own Squadron of Gallies, warily expecting to what purpose that strange Course of the Enemy tended. In the mean time, both the Wings of his Fleet had a little before Sun-set, be∣gun in divers places to encounter with the Chri∣stians; some were in vain still assailing Bondel∣merius his great Galleon; others with their great Ordnance had so sore beaten two tall Ships (wherein Buccanigra and Mongaia, two Spanish Captains were imbarked with their Companies) that they were given for lost, many of the Soul∣diers and Mariners being slain. Two other Ships loaded with Victual, the one of Venice, the other of Dalmatia, were burnt by the Turks, and some few of the men saved by their Ship-boats, and by swiming to the Ships nearest unto them. In the shutting in of the Evening Salec took two Gallies stragling behind the rest of the Fleet, where∣of Mozenicus a Venetian, and Bibiena a Floren∣tine, were Captains. After these Gallies, was taken also the Ship of Aloysius Figaroa a Spaniard, although his Souldiers had for a time fought most valiantly. In this Ship, with Figaroa the Father, was taken his Son, a young Gentleman, and beau∣tified with all the good gifts of Nature; who af∣terwards presented to Solyman, turned Turk; and growing in Credit in Solymans Chamber, after three years miserable imprisonment, obtained his poor Fathers Liberty, and sent him well rewarded home again into Spain. Whilst both the Fleets were thus expecting how they might to their most advantage joyn Battel, suddainly arose a great Tempest of Thunder, Lightning, and Rain, with a fresh Gale of Easterly Wind; whereup∣on the Christians seeing the Turks ho••sing up their small Sails,* 10.279 without delay hoised up both small and great to clear themselves of the Ene∣my, and with that fair Wind returned again to Corcyra; so disorderly and in such haste, sparing

neither Sail nor Oar, that it seemed rather a shameful Flight, than an orderly Retreat. So that Auria, a man of so great fame at Sea, as that he was called a second Neptune, was that day ac∣counted no Captain. It is reported, that Barbarussa with the same Wind pursued the Christians a while, and being not able longer to see what Course they held, by reason of the darkness of the night, to have staid his Course; for the Admirals had caused their Lights which they used to carry in the Poops of their Gallies, to be put out. Where∣at Barbarussa heartily laughing,* 10.280 said oftentimes in the Spanish Tongue; Auria hath therefore put out his light, the better in the dark to hide his Flight; noting him in such a fear, as that he without re∣gard of honour, sought only how by Flight to escape. When they were come to Corcyra, they were all generally of opinion, That by the bene∣fit of that suddain Storm they had avoided a great danger. The Imperials, especially the Ge∣noways, to excuse Auria, imputed the cause of so shameful a Flight unto the Venetians, who would not from the beginning receive any Spanish Soul∣diers into their Gallies; the better to have with∣stood the Enemy; and that Auria therefore doubting of the Venetians, refrained from joyn∣ing Battel; and the rather, because that upon the coming forth of the Turks Fleet, they had hoised up their Sails tied up to the Yards with small Lines, which they might at their pleasure easily cut, and set Sail to flie which way they would. Shortly after came Barbarussa with all his Fleet to the Island of Paxus, about four Leagues from Corcyra Eastwards,* 10.281 braving the Christians as if he would have fought with them, if they durst come out. Whereat Gonzaga the Viceroy fretting, went to every one of the three great Commanders, requesting them for the honour of the Christians, to repress that proud Turks inso∣lency. At last the matter was brought to that pass, that the Venetians having taken in certain Companies of Spaniards, the Fleet should be di∣vided into four Squadrons, and so to give Battel. But this consultation was so long protracted, that Barbarussa fearing the tempestuous Autumn Wea∣ther, hoised sail, and about the seventh of October returned again into the Bay of Ambracia. After the departure of Barbarussa, the Generals of the Christian Fleet directed their Course into the Bay called Sinus Rizonicus, to besiege Castro∣novum, or New-Castle, a strong Town of the Turks standing in that Bay, and bordering upon the Ve∣netian Senators. The Inhabitants were part Dal∣matians, part Epirots, which had renounced the Christian Religion, and some Turks, living most part by Merchandise.* 10.282 Unto this Town the Chri∣stians laid Siege, and in short time won it, where they had a great Prey, and a wonderful number of Captives of all sorts. Three days after the taking of the Town, the Castle was also yielded by the Turks Garrison; covenanting in vain to depart with Life and Liberty.

This Town taken by common force, ought of right by the Covenants of the League to have been delivered to the Venetians; yet was it for all that by Auria and Gonzaga reserved for the Emperor, and Franciscus Sarmentus with four thousand Spa∣niards all old Souldiers, left there in Garrison; Ca∣pellius the Venetian Admiral urging in vain the right of the Venetians. Which thing so much greived the Senate, (who ever had the ambitious Spaniard in suspition, and now assured of him as an evil Neighbour to their Town of Catarum) that repenting themselves of the League with the Emperor, they decreed to sue to Solyman for Peace; which they afterwards easily obtained, for a short space, by Laurentius Grittus their Dukes Son, and by the help of Antonius Rinc•••• the French Kings Embassador; who then lying at Constanti∣nople, in good time told the great Bassa's; that the League the Venetians had made with the Empe∣ror, was made without the consent of the greatest part of the Senate, and that War taken in hand against most of their Wills.

Whilst these things were in doing, Barbarussa put to Sea again to have relieved Castronovum; but being at Sea, many of his Gallies were by the violence of a suddain Tempest driven upon the Acroceraunian Rocks; and there cast away. It is reported that he lost there twenty thousand men, which with the broken pieces of his Gallies were ••ound almost all alongst the Coast of Dal∣matia. This Shipwrack being certainly known, Capellius would have perswaded Auria to have presently pursued Barbarussa so distressed; which motion Gonzaga well liked, as a man desirous by some notable exploit to recompence the disgrace before received at Leucade.* 10.283 But Auria for divers causes not liking of the matter, was so set down upon his return to Italy, that he presently hoised sail, leaving the Venetian Admiral in such a rage, that he detested himself, for submitting himself to another mans power; and wished the Captains there present never to subject them∣selves to the command of a Stranger, forasmuch as that Genoway, either upon cowardise or mali∣cious mind, as an old Enemy to the Venetian State, would not prosecute so manifest a Victory, but put up so shameful a disgrace as he had be∣fore received. But of all this Auria made small reckoning, referring all that he both said and did, so far unto the Emperors commodity, that Vale∣rius Ursinus a Noble Gentleman then serving in the Venetian Pay, merrily said, That Auria had done nothing but wisely and politiquely, in setting the Venetians together by the Ears with the Turks, and opening a Gate for a long War, whether the Vene∣tians would or not; so as the Emperor himself could not have better wished, and that without the loss of one Gally. For it was thought by many, that the long Wars betwixt the Turks and the Ve∣netians, would sort to the great good of the Emperor; when as the Venetians worn out and spent with those long and chargeable Wars against so mighty an Enemy, should be strip∣ped of their Lands and Territories either by force, or some hard composition wrung from them by necessity.

Castronovum thus taken, and Sarmentus with a Garrison of four thousand Spaniards there placed, as is aforesaid, and the Christian Fleet dissolved, Solyman took the matter so grievously, that he determined to besiege it again both by Sea and Land; and in his fury, caused Nauplium and Epidaurus,* 10.284 two of the Venetian Cities in the Country of Peloponnesus, to be straitly be∣sieged. Yet took he singular pleasure, that Bar∣barussa his Admiral, in all respects worse furnish∣ed, had driven out of the Sea the great Fleet of the Christians, which he before that time had made too great account of. Wherefore in the be∣ginning of the Spring, which was in the year 1539, [year 1589.] Barbarussa by his commandment repaired again his Fleet, and notably furnished it with all manner of warlike Provision; manning his Gallies for the most part with Janizaries and other such select Souldiers. With this Fleet Barbarussa (Sum∣mer well now come on) departed out of Hellespon∣tus, and came to the Bay Rizonicus; at which time also Ulames the Persian then Governor of Bosna, shewed himself with his Forces upon the Mountains, as he had in charge from Soly∣man. Barbarussa before he entred the Straits of the Bay, sent before him Dragut and Corsetus, two

notable Pyrats, with thirty Galliots, who land∣ing their Men near unto Castronovum (as they were commanded) were valiantly encountred by Sarmentus with his Spaniards, and forced again to their Galliots, many of the Turks being slain and taken Prisoners. After that came Barbarussa with ninety Gallies, and three tall Ships which carried the Artillery for Battery and other neces∣sary provision for the Camp; where he spent three days in landing his great Ordnance and cast∣ing up Trenches, which could not be done but by night by reason of the continual shot out of the Town; wherewith the Spaniards had in that three days space slain above a thousand Turks; amongst whom was Ag••s Hariadenus▪ who had made himself as it were a King at Taiorea, a City near Tripolis in Africa; whose death much grie∣ved Barbarussa, as one of his most ancient and best Friends. At length Barbarussa having cast up his Trenches,* 10.285 landed four and fifty great Pieces of Artillery for Battery; whereof he gave a fourth part to Ulames to batter the Town on the North side, whilst he in the mean time, in three divers places battered the East side, and Salec from Sea with ten Gallies, did morning and evening batter another part of the Wall. Whilst Sarmen••us was thus in so many places assailed, and did what was possible to have repaired the Braches; the Turks by force took one of the Towers, where after they had displaied their En∣signs, they from thence with their shot sore troubled the Spaniards. At the same time also, Ulames had made a Breach, and was ready on the other side of the City to enter. In which extre∣mities,* 10.286 Sarmentus seeing no means longer to de∣fend the City, commanded the hurt Souldiers to get them into the Castle below, and the rest with him to take the Market-place, there to die to∣gether like Men; where the Turks straight way breaking in on every side upon them, made a most cruel and bloody Fight, wherein the Spaniards overwhelmed with shot, and the multitude of their Enemies, were slain almost every Man. Sarmentus wounded in the Face with three Ar∣rows,* 10.287 and wearied with long fight, seeing Sancius Fria a Captain ready to flie, sharply reproved him, and catching him by the hand, made him there to tarry by it, until they were both toge∣ther slain. Many valiant Captains were there lost, whose names for brevity I omit. Aloysius Arius, and certain other Captains, who together with the wounded Souldiers were got into the Castle, see∣ing no means to defend the place, yielded them∣selves; whom Barbarussa according to his promise, took to mercy in sparing their lives, yet carried them away into Captivity to Constantinople. The dead Body of Sarmentus could not be known a∣mongst so many heaps of the dead, although Barbarussa had caused most diligent search to be made for it, and offered great sums of Mony and liberty also, to whosoever could recover it; being desirous to have sent his Head for a Pre∣sent to Solyman. Barbarussa proud of this Victo∣ry, began forthwith to gape after Cattarus a Ci∣ty of the Venetians in the bottom of the same Bay; and thereupon writ threatning Letters to Ioannes Bembus one of the Venetian Senators then Governour of the City, presently to deliver the City; which he would (as he said) other∣wise assault by force. Whereunto Bembus an∣swered again by Letters, that in so doing he should violate the League lately made with Soly∣man, and that he should find him ready by force to repel his Forces. Wherewith Barbarussa displea∣sed sent certain Gallies into the bottom of the Bay; who discharging certain great Pieces at the City, made shew as if they had come to be∣siege it. At whom Bembus a Man of good cou∣rage caused as many more like Pieces to be dis∣charged, and shewed his Men upon the Walls: Which thing Barbarussa perceiving staid his course, and calling back his Gallies, returned to Castrono∣vum, from whence (better appeased with Pre∣sents afterwards sent from Bembus) he departed out of that Bay.

The long Wars betwixt Charles the Emperor and Francis the French King, were now well pa∣cified, and such friendship (at leastwise in shew) now grown betwixt these two great Princes, that most Men thought that all other quarrels laid aside, they would now at length with united Forces go against the great and dangerous Ene∣my of Christendom; which opinion not alto∣gether of the wiser sort believed, was yet at this time wonderfully confirmed by many extraor∣dinary and rare courtesies then passing betwixt them, which concern not this History; as also, in that two of their most famous Captains,* 10.288 Al∣phonsus Vastius, and Hanebald, were as it were with one consent by them both sent Embassadors to Venice, to have drawn the Venetians into the Confederation of that War against the Turk. Which two renowned Captains coming to Venice, most gallantly accompanied, were by Landus the Duke, and the whole State, with great mag∣nificence received, the people after their won∣ted manner flocking together in every place to behold them so noble Captains sent from such mighty Princes; but especially Vastius, whose Fame having many times before filled their Ears, made them now the more desirous to satisfie their Eies also with the beholding of his tall and comely Person. Which two famous Captains admitted into the Senate, for that purpose fully assembled, and Audience given; Vastius arising from the Dukes side, in these or like words deli∣vered their Embassage.

It is come to pass (as I suppose) by the great provi∣dence of Almighty God,* 10.289 and of all the Divine Powers (most noble Duke and honourable Senators) that two of the most mighty Kings of Europe, who of late had of long time made mortal Wars one upon another, touched with the Zeal of Religion, are become great Friends; undoubtedly to that purpose only, that having made a firm Peace, they may bring such a general quietness to the long troubled and afflicted State of Christendom, as best beseemeth their greatness; and taking in hand a sacred War, to revenge so many calamities received from the Infidel. That this might be made known unto you (most noble Venetians) these mighty Monarchs have sent us hither in good time to kindle in you the like Zeal, wherewith it is well known you have always for the honour of your State been en∣flamed; for you of all others, which are of such power and valour at Sea, they wish for, as their Fel∣lows and Confederates in this sacred War and hoped Victory, and think you worthy, which should enjoy the especial fruit of all that labour. Forasmuch as the Christian Forces once renewed, and so great and strong a Fleet once assembled, every Man seeth that the Turks must needs be too weak; although they brag, that they carried away the Victory of late at Actium, when as they then escaped the victorious hands of our Men, not by their own Valour, but by the unexpected hap of a suddain Storm. For all the powers of Heaven and Earth, and of the Sea also, will be propitious unto us, uniting so great Forces, in regard of our sacred Religi∣on; and will so take away the Hearts of the Infidels, that they shall learn to be overcome. As for our land Forces, we are to hope nothing but well, forasmuch as un∣to those which the Emperor of late brought into the Field at Vienna, and caused the Turkish Emperor to flie, shall be joyned not only all the Horsemen and Infantry of

France (a wonderful strength,) but Sigismund also King of Polonia will without delay bring forth his Armies, wherewith he hath been used in the quarrel of the Christian Religion happily to fight against the Infidels; so that it is not to be doubted of a most cer∣tain and assured Victory. Wherefore the victorious Emperor and most Christian King Francis most in∣stantly request you to enter into the like godly Cogita∣tions, conceived for the general good of the Christian Nam••, and religiously to embrace the hope of a most true and glorious Victory; and further exhort you, by a wholesome Decree to avert your religious and couragious Hearts from the friendship of the Infidels; for it may worthily seem unto your most honourable minds, a most foul and shameful thing, to have re∣newed your League, and to have preferred an infa∣mous and uncertain Peace, before a most religious and just War. Neither doth it beseem this most wealthy State to be terrified from that which is good and right, with any Charges of War, be they never so great; for if we shall once overcome, which is inci∣dent to this present and long wished occasion, we shall by the profit of one Victory, either by Sea or Land, to your incomparable praise recompence all the Losses by us in former times received.

* 10.290Whereunto the Duke in the name of the whole State answered, That there never happened any thing at any time unto the Venetian Senate more honourable, for the manner of the Embassage, or for the publick security of their State, more to be desired than the hope of such a Peace; after that two most mighty Kings by two such famous Captains their Embassadors, did certifie them of their attonement and assured Peace, most glorious to themselves, to their eternal praise, wholesome also to the Venetian State, beset with so many dangers, and wonderfully to be wished for of all the other Princes of Christendom, if they would sincerely and religiously with their Forces by common consent united, resolve up∣on that sacred War; for then would not the Ve∣netians be wanting to themselves or the Christi∣an Common••weal, but end the League they had with the Turk, not with a dishonourable Peace, but with Arms and Victory. Wherefore it was to be requested of Almighty God by Prayer, That those puissant Kings would with religious and happy event speedily and seriously fulfil all that hope of Peace, which they had by their mu∣tual discourses and embracings in shew promised unto the World.

In few days after, certain of the select Sena∣tors sitting in Council, after the manner of that State, called the Embassadors unto them, and asked them, Whether they knew any thing of the Articles and Capitulations wherein that League and Confederation was to be concluded? And by the way, Whether they thought the Emperor in regard of that Peace would give unto the French Kings Son the Dukedom of Millain, as was reported? Whereunto Hanebald the French Embassador answering nothing, Vastius said, that he knew nothing more, but that the two great Princes had agreed of betwixt themselves,* 10.291 and that the Emperor had desired the Peace, as one willing to help the afflicted and declining State of the Christian Common-weal; which thing any Man might see could not be effected or brought to pass, but that the Emperor must in many things yield to the requests of the French King, and redeem his good will▪ for his noble mind (said he) worthy Senators, can easily make light of the greatest loss of his own things, when he foreseeth a large way opened thereby to eternal Fame and Glory. These words were very glorious and gracious to the Hearers; but they, as Men of great experience, could not let it sink in their minds, that the Emperor whom they had often deeply sounded, would ever part with the Dukedom of Millain, which only thing the French King required, and had for the re∣covering thereof unfortunately striven almost twenty years, to the trouble and disquiet of a great part of the World. The Nobility and Au∣thority of this Embassage more moved the Se∣nate than did the other former Embassadors, Didaco Mendoza, a Spaniard, and Guliel••••us Pel∣licerius, a French-man, then both present; yet was it much suspected by the Venetians, because it contained no certain resolution, but only the bare hope of a future Peace; so that it was by many Men supposed to be but a matter devised to deceive others, and to serve the Emperors turn to his great profit. Yet all the cunning seemed to rest in this Point, That the Venetians led on with the hope of this Leage, should neg∣lect the renewing of the League they had the year before taken with Solyman, which was now almost expired. Upon which uncertainty of o∣ther Mens resolutions, the grave Senators thought too dangerous a matter to depend.

Upon this question of this new League and Confederation to be made with these Christian Princes against the Turk,* 10.292 the Senate was won∣derfully divided; some favouring the Emperors request, enveighing against the renewing of that shameful League with the Infidels, which they said was nothing else, but as much as in them lay to betray unto them the other parts of Chri∣stendom, and especially Italy, destitute of th••ir help, and yet not to be obtained without great charge; and with many reasons urged the honourable Confederation with these Christian Princes; others of a deeper reach, considering what infinite harms they had from time to time received by falling out with the Turks, and sus∣pecting also the Emperors drift; and joyning thereunto the consideration of the great Dearth then reigning in the City, which was not to be relieved but out of Macedonia and Graecia, the Turks Countries; the Emperor having at that time as it were of purpose imposed so great a Custom upon all Co••n to be transported out of Sicily, that the very Custom came to as much as both the price of the Corn and the Fraight together; all which mischiefs they said were to be prevented by renewing the League with Soly∣man. This matter was with great heat debated in the Senate too and fro, either part having great Fautors; so that the Senators spent almost whole Winter nights in the Court, discoursing and consulting what were best to be done; but what∣soever was there said or decreed, was forthwith by one of the Factions or other made known▪ not only to the Embassadors present in the City, but by Letters also discovered into Provinces far off; a thing never before in that State known, which had ever used as it were with a religious silence to keep secret whatsoever was there de∣creed. Which thing Marcus Foscarus,* 10.293 an old Se∣nator and a Man of great wisdom perceiving, said openly, That the State was betrayed by the multitude and corruption of voices, and must needs shortly perish, if it were not speedily com∣mitted to the grave and faithful judgment of some few; for there was almost two hundred of them which gave voices, reducing the Mul∣titude to the number of fifty, who for their ex∣perience and love towards their Country, were holden of Men of greatest gravity and secrecy; so was the madness of many stayed by the dis∣cretion of a few.* 10.294 But Foscarus shortly after fell into such hatred of the Multitude, grieving ••o

be as light headed Men without discretion, so ex∣cluded out of the Council; that he was by the voices of the Multitude first thrust out of the Council himself; and by them kept a great while after from all the Preferments and Honours of the City; being indeed one of the gravest Senators, and a Man of deepest judgment. Which disgrace turned afterward to his great honour and credit, as one that had foreseen much, after they were once found out and condemned which had traiterously revealed the Secrets of the State.

But this long consultation concerning the Confederation,* 10.295 came to this end, That the Sena∣tors doubting the Union of those two great Princes, and yet willing to expect the event, de∣cre••d forthwith to send three Embassadors; whereof two should be sent to the Emperor and the French King to discover their designs; and the third, which was Aloysius Badoerius, a wise and well spoken Man, was with all speed dis∣patched away to Solyman, to prevent the fame of the distrust to be conceived of the agreement of these great Christian Princes; and if he could by any means, to spare for no Cost, to save un∣to the Venetians their Cities of Nauplium and Epidaurus, which Solyman required of them be∣fore he would grant them Peace. Which if it could not be obtained of the proud and crafty Tyrant, then to yield unto necessity, and to conclude a Peace with him upon any conditi∣ons; which course the Decem-Viri thought to be most expedient for the State; yet concerning the yielding up of the Cities, they gave him se∣cret instructions and warrant, fearing forsooth the force and tumult of the headstrong Multi∣tude, who if they had known any such thing, would undoubtedly thereupon have taken occa∣sion to have crossed and overthrown that most wholesome Decree; for there was no doubt, that if they had delayed the matter, and sought for Peace too late, but that Solyman would upon another Mans weakness and necessity have en∣creased his insatiable desire, and not granted them Peace, being brought low and forsaken, except they would deliver unto him the Islands of Cephalenia Zacinthus, and Corcyra, a matter no less grievous than the destruction of the very City of Venice it self. So that the great Embassa∣dors Vastius and Hanebald, who came of purpose to have hindred the League with the Turk, by their great diligence wrought nothing more effectually, than that the Venetians the better fores••eing the danger of their State, should as they did, make haste to conclude the same; for it falleth out in Mens purposes and Actions, That a good and happy success otherwise well hoped for, is oftentimes marred with too much dili∣gence and care. Neither was it any doubt, but that Hanebald was sent by the French King but for fashion sake, and secretly underhand by Pel∣licerius the old Embassador, perswaded the Ve∣netians to hasten the conclusion of Peace with Solyman. Which as Badoerius their Embassador was carefully soliciting the matter at Constantino∣ple,* 10.296 and being loath to yield the strong Cities which Solyman required, offering unto him in stead of them a great sum of Mony; Solyman took him up with threatning words as a shame∣less Diss••mbler, earnestly protesting, That he would never grant him Peace, without the yield∣ing of those Cities, rehearsing unto him the most secret points of his Embassage, and how that he was authorized from the Decem-Viri to yield them unto him; which thing the Embassador little thought Solyman had known. [year 1540.] Wherefore Bado••rius so shamefully reproved, and standing in doubt of his life,* 10.297 seeing the greatest secrets of his Embassage revealed to Solyman and his Bassaes, was glad to accept of Peace, by yield∣ing unto him Nauplium and Epidaurus, two Cities in Peloponnesus, and with them Nadinum and La∣brania, two Castles of Dalmatia, to the great grief of the whole Senate; for granting where∣of the Common people ignorant of the secret Decree of the Decem-Viri, and supposing that Badoerius had given away that which he had no authority to give, were so inraged against him at his return, that there was much ado to save the guiltless Man from exile, and his Goods from confiscation, although the Traitors were then known which had discovered the Secrets of the State unto the Turks.* 10.298 These were Mapheus Leo∣nius a Senator, and Constantinus Cobatius, Secre∣tary to the Colledge of the Decem-Viri, and Franciscus Valerius, one of the Senators base Sons, the Traiterous disperser of the Turks Mony for the corruption of others; who with other his Complices were for the same Fact hanged in the Market-place, when as Leonius and Cobatius were a little before fled into France.

About the same time, which was in the Year of our Lord 1540, died Ioannes Sepusius King of Hungary, Solymans Tributary; after whose death ensued great Wars in Hungary, and the lamen∣table subversion of that flourishing Kingdom; for the better conceiving whereof, it shall not be amiss with as much brevity as the plainness of the History will permit, to open the causes and grounds of the endless calamities which af∣terwards ensued, and never took end, until that warlike Kingdom was to the great weakning of of Christendom utterly subverted.

King Ferdinand and this tributary King Iohn, had with like desire of Peace and quietness, made between them a League; profitable to them both as their Estates then stood, rather than honourable; yet most welcome to the Hungarians, who di∣vided into Faction, and having followed some the one King and some the other, enjoyed nevertheless their Lands and Goods by the bene∣fit of this Peace; the Towns and Castles being still kept by them in whose possession they then were at the making of the Peace. In the capi∣tulations of which Peace, it was comprised, That Ferdinand should from thenceforth call Iohn by the Name of a King; whereas before he had both in his common Talk and Letters called him by the Name of the Vayvod only: It was also expresly set down in the same Articles of Peace, and subscribed by the Hands of divers of the Nobility of Hungary, That if King Iohn should die, King Ferdinand should succeed him in the whole Kingdom of Hungary; which condition was suppressed and kept very secret for fear of Solyman, who accounted of that Kingdom as of his own, gotten by Law of Arms, and bestow∣ed upon King Iohn as upon his Vassal; neither was it to have been thought, that if he should have known thereof (being of a haughty mind by nature, and not able to endure an injury) he would have suffered that Kingdom, got and de∣fended with so great danger and cost, to be by the Will of an unthankful Man, transferred unto his Enemy.

This matter of so great importance,* 10.299 was (as it is reported) by Hieronimus Lascus Embassador for King Ferdinand to Constantinople, revealed un∣to Solyman and the Bassaes, to bring King Iohn into hatred. So much did this noble Gentle∣man, for his rare Vertues otherwise greatly to have been commended, yield unto his grief, and desire of revenge; when after the death of Aloysius Grittus, he fell from the friendship of

King Iohn, being (as is before declared) by him committed to Prison, and hardly afterwards enlarged, at the request of King Sigismund. Whereupon Solyman being exceedingly angry with King Iohn, called him unthankful Churl, and turning himself about to Lu••zis Bassa his Brother in Law, said, How unworthily do these two Christian Kings wear their Crowns upon their faithless Heads; who as shameful deceivers are not afraid, either for worldly shame or fear of God,* 10.300 for their profit to falsifie their Faith? But King Iohn understanding thereof, and wonder∣fully fearing his own Estate, did by good Friends and rich Presents, pacifie Solyman again, laying all the blame upon King Ferdinand, as better able to bear it. Not long after, King Iohn ha∣ving set his Kingdom in good order, and strong∣ly fortified the City of Buda; being now far stricken in years, at the earnest request of most of the Nobility of Hungary, and other his best Friends, married Isablla the Daughter of Sigis∣mund King of Polonia, a gracious Lady and of great Spirit; which King Sigismund, had long be∣fore married Barbara King Iohns Sister, after whose death he married the Lady Bona Sfortia, the Daughter of Ioannes Gal••acius Duke of Mil∣lain, by whom he had this Lady Isabella whom King Iohn now married. Which Marriage Soly∣man liked well of, having many times by way of talk before condemned the single life of the King; but King Ferdinand liked thereof nothing at all, plainly foreseeing, that the Hungarians (if the King should chance to have a Son) would forth∣with look upon him as their natural King, and re∣ject himself as but a Stranger.

* 10.301This young Queen in short time (as he had feared) conceived with Child, and was now very big; when King Iohn was enforced to make an expedition in person himself against Maylat (fa∣mous for the death of Aloysius Grittus) and Balas, both Governours of Transylvania; whereof May∣lat not contented with the Name of Vayvod or Governour, sought to make himself King. But Solyman detesting the impudent Arrogancy of the faithless Man, and hating him for the death of Grittus, and the Turks slain with him, adver∣tised King Iohn of all the matter, wishing him to be more circumspect, whom he trusted with the Government of so great and rich a Coun∣try. So Maylat shamefully rejected of Solyman, and out of hope of a Kingdom, fearing also to be thrust quite out of his Government by King Iohn, thought it best for his own safety to raise up all the Province into Rebellion, and to take part with King Ferdinand; which thing Ferdinand by his divers Agents secretly furthered to the uttermost. For these two Kings, although they were at Peace the one with the other, and in words and shew made semblance of Friendship, yet in heart they envyed and hated each other, as if they should presently have waged War. At that same time King Iohn exacted of his Sub∣jects, and especially of them of Transylvania, a great sum of Mony, to pay the Turks his Tri∣bute, then two years behind: Which thing ser∣ved Maylat and his Complices, as a fit occasion to raise the People into Rebellion, perswading them, that there was no reason to pay unto the Turk such a Tribute, as would serve well to wage ten years honourable War against him; so that by that, and such like perswasion, all the Pro∣vince was in an Uproar, little differing from ma∣nifest Rebellion. To appease these dangerous troubles thus arising, King Iohn sent certain of his chief Nobility and best Captains with a great power into Transylvania, following after himself in his Chariot, not yet well recovered of his late Sickness. These Noblemen entring in two places into Transylvania, and scouting up and down the Country, had in short time so used the matter, that what by force, what by policy, the Tu∣mult was well pacified, and divers of the chief Offenders worthily executed. Maylat the ambi∣tious Author of this sedition, not able to hold the Field against the King, and seeing himself beset on every side with his Enemies, retired himself will all his Wealth into a Town called Fogaras, a place of great strength, which the Kings power shortly after hardly besieged; the King himself then lying at Sibynium, the chief City of Tran∣sylvania, and about a mile distant from Fogaras, sick of an Ague, whereinto he was again fallen through too much care and pains taken in travel∣ling in that hot time of the Year, the days be∣ing then at the longest. Whilst he thus lay sick at Sibynium, and his Army fast by at the Siege of Fogaras, News was brought unto him from the Court, That the Queen his Wife was delivered of a fair young Son;* 10.302 which was no sooner bruted abroad, but the Hungarians as Men overjoyed, came flocking to the Court where the King lay, discharging their Pieces in triumph, with all o∣ther signs of joy and mirth they could possibly devise; the Noblemen came from the Camp to rejoyce with the King, and all the Army was filled with gladness. And for the greater so∣lemnity of this so common a Joy, a royal Feast was prepared, which th•• Noblemen would needs have the King to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ith his presence, though he were thereto 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••illing, being as ye•• but a little recovered; how••••••t yielding to their importunity, he suffered himself to be overruled and brought to the Feast by them, which was unto him the merriest and the last that ever he made; for willing to shew his inward joy, and to content his Nobility there present, he forgot himself, and eat and drank more liberally than was for the health of his weak Body; whereby the Fever which had but a little before left him, was again renewed, in such sort, as that he well perceived he could not longer endure. Wherefore feeling his end to draw fast on, he made his Will, appointing his young Son to be his Heir, whom he committed to the Tuition of George, Bishop of Veradium, and Peter Vicche a noble Gentleman and his near Kinsman, until he came to Age; requesting the rest of the No∣blemen to prefer his Son in the succession of the Kingdom, before a Stranger; telling them, That Solyman would undoubtedly take upon him the protection both of the Kingdom and of his Son, if they would in time send Embassadors unto him with Presents, and promise for his Son,* 10.303 that he should raign as his Tributary as he had done before; and so presently after died.

This King was of a courteous and gentle na∣ture, bountiful, and in all his doings just, of no fierce and rough disposition, as the Hungarians commonly are, but of a most civil behavior, garnished with good letters, and throughly schooled in the divers chances of both Fortunes, not measuring his actions by the strength of his power, but by the exact rule of descretion; for in time of business no Man was more circum∣spect, or vigilant than he, nor in time of re∣creation any Man more courteous or pleasant.* 10.304 He used oftentimes to say, That the favour and love of valiant Men gotten by bounty and cour∣tesie, was the best Treasure of a Prince; for that courteous and thankful Men, did oftentimes in some one worthy piece of service, plentifully re∣pay whatsoever had been bestowed upon them; as for such as were unthankful, they did to their shame bear the testimony of another Mans vertue▪

The Kings death was kept secret until such time as the Noblemen had agreed with Maylat that he should take an Oath of his faithful Alle∣geance to the King, and his Son his lawful Heir, and so still to enjoy his former place and Govern∣ment; which offer Maylat gladly accepted Then calling together the Council, it was decreed to send the same Embassage to Solyman, which was appointed, the old King yet living. So were pre∣sently dispatched away two most honourable Embassadors,* 10.305 Ioannes Exechius Bishop of Quin∣que Ecclesiae, and Stephanus Verbetius the Chan∣cellor, a Man of great years, carrying with them ten Bowls of pure Gold couriously wrote, six hundred of Silver, gilt and engraven; forty pieces of purple Silk and Cloath of Gold for Turks Gowns, and 50 l. of coined Gold to be paid in the name of two years Tribute. Which Embas∣sadors passing directly from Sibinium over Danu∣bius into Servia, and so travelling through Thra∣cia, came to Constantinople. In the mean time, the dead Body of the King was with much heaviness carried from Sibinium to Alba Regalis, most part of the Army following it, and there with great solemnity Buried. After this, the young Child was Christened and called Stephen,* 10.306 and there presently Crowned with the ancient Crown of King Stephen, who first erected that Kingdom, and without which the Hungarians never accounted their Kings lawfully Crowned. Yet the Royal Dignity was by the common con∣sent of the Nobility given unto the Queen, with condition, that in all publick Writings, the Names of the Son and of the Mother should be joyned, and the Kings Mony coined with the same Inscription; but the chiefest Authority rested in George the Bishop; for he was Treasurer, and had at his command the Castles and strong Holds; yet were the Souldiers with their Ensigns and Furniture, at the devotion of Valentinus Thuracus: In the middle between these two was placed Peter Vicche the Kings Kinsman, and by the old King appointed for one of the Tutors of his young Son, suspected of neither part, honoured with the name of High Constable. But because the name of this George the Bishop was most fa∣mous in this woful War which we were about to write, I thought it worth the labour to speak something of his nature and disposition, that it may be known to all posterity, by what policy this War was managed, and how this flourishing Kingdom by the madness of the Hungarians came into the hands of the Turks.

This George was born in Croatia, and brought up from his youth in the House of King Iohn,* 10.307 where vertue and industry never wanted relief; when as he unadvisedly before had entred into the Orders of a Monastical life, and weary too late of the straitness thereof, had forsaken his profession. Wherefore being of a very pleasing nature, and still following King Iohn driven out of his Kingdom, and long living in exile, he won such credit and commendation for his Fi∣delity, Integrity, and ready Counsel in the Kings most doubtful and dangerous Affairs, that after Sibacchus that worthy Bishop was by the treache∣ry of Aloysius Grittus slain at Baxovia, he obtain∣ed the great Bishoprick of Veradium. After that, when he had strengthned his credit with great Wealth, he always as a faithful Counsellor swaid and happily ruled both the Court and Kingdom, to the profit of the King. But he was of such a diverse and pliant Nature, that performing in all actions all the parts of a most ready and ex∣cellent Man, he seemed to be made of contrary qualities, and born to do any thing; for in say∣ing of his Princely Service, and performing the other Ceremonies of the Christian Religion, he shewed, or at leastwise counterfeited such a contrition in his devout Countenance and Speech, that a Man would not have thought it could possibly be the same Man, who in the most weighty Affairs both of War and Peace, did most stoutly shew the wonderful force of a most pregnant and couragious Wit; for he used to keep whole Companies of most excellent and ready Horsemen, and would oft-times come forth into the Battel armed; he would with often Ban∣quets and Rewards win the Hearts of the Soul∣diers, and after the manner of great Chieftains, maintain the honour and credit of his Name, both with punishment and reward, as occasion required. Besides that, no Man looked into the Wealth of the Kingdom more diligently than he, no Man did to more profit let to farm the Cu∣stoms, old Mines, Feedings, and Salt-Pits; no Man could devise finer means to raise Mony, of all others the readiest way to credit; insomuch that King Iohn would confess himself to reign by the especial industry of that one Man; And King Ferdinand would many times say, That he envied at King Iohn for nothing he had, but for one hooded Fellow, which was better for the de∣fence of a Kingdom than a thousand with Hel∣mets on their Heads. Wherefore this Bishop having taken upon him the Tuition of the young King, was still busied in all the weighty causes of the Kingdom, both Civil and Martial; he laboured with great care, that the Hungarians should agree together in Love and Unity; and did what he might, providently to foresee, that no Tumult or Rebellion should any where arise, whereby the beginning of the Kingdom, yet but weak, might any way be troubled. But King Ferdinand hearing of the death of King Iohn, thought it now a fit time for him to reco∣ver again the Kingdom of Hungary, which he had so long desired. Whereunto he was also the more prickt forward by the perswasion of Ale∣xius Torso, Ferentius Gnarus, Petrus Bachit,* 10.308 Baltha∣zar Pamphilus, Francus Capolnates, Ianus Castel∣lamphus, and Casparus Seredus, all Noblemen or Gentlemen of great account in Hungary, who in the former troubles followed the part of King Ferdinand against King Iohn, and lived now in Exile; these all with one consent told King Ferdinand, That now or never was the time when they might be again restored unto their Country with honour, and that the War might that Autumn be dispatched, if he would make haste, for as much as Winter coming fast on, would stay the coming of the Turks, and such Noblemen of Hungary as took part with the Queen, did not very well agree together, be∣ing unwilling to be commanded by George the Apostate Monk, who (as they said) with great cunning and dissimulation seducing the Queen, and possessing the Treasure, enjoyed all alone the power of a King; and that they, which for taking part with the right, had long lived as banished Men, might now safely return into their Country, and be honourably preferred by the Queen; the Bishop (which commanded all) assuring them thereof, if they would re∣turn unto the young Kings Court, unto their Friends and ancient Houses. But they had (as they said) before given their Faith unto him, as to a vertuous and faithful Prince, whom they had preferred before one that was an Hunga∣rian born; wherefore he should do both unad∣visedly and unkindly, if letting slip the occasi∣on presented, he should defer to make War. For, what could be more dishonourable to him so great a King, and also Emperor elect, than

by shameful delay to forsake them, being noble and valiant Gentlemen, which had followed his part, and were then ready with strong Troops of Horsemen to do him the best service they could.

The German Captains in like manner per∣swaded him to take the matter in hand; who as Martial Men, expecting some one preferment, some another, in the Army, were desirous of Honour, Pay, and Prey, the chief comforts of their travel and peril.

But Laschus the Polonian (who in matters concerning Peace and War saw more than all they;* 10.309 as he that knew the dispositions of many Princes, and had seen the Manners and Fashions of divers Nations, having travelled through a great part of the World, and oftentimes been Embassador in the Courts of the greatest Princes) was of a contrary opinion, and told King Fer∣dinand plainly, That the Kingdom of Hungary was to be obtained rather by policy than by force, by craving it at Solymans Hand, to hold it of him by Tribute, as King Iohn had done.

For (said he) that may by petition and fair en∣treaty be easily obtained of that Heroical Prince (who in his vain humor oftentimes fondly seeketh af∣ter honour) which will never be got from him by force of Arms. I throughly know (said he) Soly∣mans haughty mind, and the proud disposition of his Bassa's; he contemneth Wealth, and is cloyed with so many Kingdoms; but they, upon their insatiable co∣vetousness and exceeding pride, desire nothing, nor per∣swade him to nothing more than War. Wherefore it is good to beware, that with the noyse of this sud∣dain War you stir not up the Turks, which lie ready as it were expecting such an occasion, which cannot be withstood but by the United Forces of the Christian Princes; which might by their general consent be done, but that their Eies blinded with fatal darkness can∣not see it, and the Unity of the Christians now de∣sperate, seemeth by God reserved to some better time; seeing that of late the Christian Kings are fallen off, and cannot agree upon the long expected Peace. Is not (said he) the French King deceived of his hope; and as he would have it thought, greatly disho∣noured with his late unkindness? Which renewing his old wound, will revive in him an endless ha∣tred. Away with all dissimulations, Enemy to grave Councils, and let plain truth, although unpleasant un∣to Princes ears, prevent flattery. Undoubtedly, he be∣ing a Prince of no base Courage (as it oftentimes fal∣leth out with Men throughly grieved) will in his anger, as an Enemy pour forth his Gold, whereof he hath great store, to cross the Emperors designs, to trouble the Assemblies of the States of Germany, to withdraw the minds of the Princes, and with bounty to gain them to himself; who envying mightily at the Imperial Dignity, wont to be indifferently given to them that best deserved the same, to be as it were invested in the House of Austria, which in this per∣petual succession of so many Emperors, hath as it were got a right by long custom. Wherefore they will secretly conspire together, and as notable lingerers by nature, will either give no help at all, or else too late; at such time as the Turks Garrisons shall come fly∣ing to the succor of the young King. Neither is there any cause why any Man should think that the Governours of the Turks Countries near at hand, will for the approach of Winter be slack in this cause; for they undoubtedly, making an honest and honourable shew, will take upon them to defend the Fatherless Child and Widow; of purpose to make an entrance to the secret desire they have to gain the Kingdom to themselves, for if you shall once joyn with them in Battel, if the best happen, and fortune favour our first attempts, truly you shall have War without end, with such an Enemy, which will bring with him Wealth that will never be spent, power not to be overcome▪ and couragious Souldiers sworn to our destruction: So will it come to pass, and I pray God I be a false Pro∣phet, that in seeking for the Kingdom of Hungary by War, you shall at length be glad to fight for Austria it self, and your own Kingdom also.

This Speech so moved King Ferdinand,* 10.310 that although he purposed to go on with the War, yet he thought it good by an honourable Em∣bassage to prove Solymans mind and purpose al∣so; which to do, no Man was thought fitter than Laschus himself, Author of that Council, being unto him very well known, and familiar∣ly acquainted with all the great Bassa's of the Court. Which service Laschus refused not, but being furnished with all things needful for such an Embassage, departed from Vienna towards Con∣stantinople.

Yet for all that, King Ferdinand persisting in his former purpose,* 10.311 made withal preparation for Wars, trusting upon the aid of the Emperor his Brother, and the coming over of the Hungarians, who ever thought it cause honest enough for them to revolt, if it so stood with their present profit. But before he would enter into open Wars, he sent Nicholas Count of Salma to the Queen, to shew her the Instruments of the last League betwixt the King her late Husband and him, and to exhort her to yield up the Kingdom, which by the late League was another Mans right; and not by delaying of the matter, to hurt both her Self and her Son; for King Ferdinand offered to give unto the Child the Province of Sepusia, as was before agreed betwixt the two Kings ex∣presly in the League; and to the Queen a greater Revenue, and whatsoever else she had in Dow∣ry. But if she would forget that lawful League, he threatned, that neither the Emperor Charles his Brother, nor he, wanted force wherewith to recover by strong hand the Kingdom, annexed to the House of Austria both by ancient right and the new consent of most of the Hungarian Nobility. The Count of Salma being received at Buda, hardly obtained to be admitted to the presence of the Queen; for George the Bishop, and Vicche, mistrusting her Woman-like Courage, said, she was not to be spoken withal, by reason she was so full of heaviness and sorrow; and that they were of Authority, as the Kings Tu∣tors, and ready to give him both audience and answer. Which opinion of her weakness and want of judgment, the Queen, being a Woman of an heroical and royal Spirit, took as tending so much to her disgrace, that she said she would kill her self, if the Embassadors were not permit∣ted to come into her Chamber (which was a dark Room hung with Black, as the manner is;) and she sitting upon a low Pallet negligent∣ly attired, as one that had no care of her self, wan and pale Coloured, but as then shedding no Tears, yet with voice and countenance so heavy, as might shew her Tears to be rather dried up with long Mourning, than that her sor∣row was any thing abated; for the desire of bearing rule had now so possessed her mind, that she contemned all the dangers of imminent War, and for defence of her Sovereignty resolved with her self to call in the Turks. After the Count admitted to her presence, had with due reve∣rence and great protestation delivered his Mes∣sage, she demurely answered.* 10.312 That such was the Fortune of her Sex and Years, that being bereft of the King her Husband, and perplexed with the daily griefs both of Body and Mind, she could neither give nor take Council, but pur∣posed

in so weighty a Cause to use the advice of Sigismund her Father, whose Integrity and Ju∣stice was such, as King Ferdinand need no other Judge or Arbitrator to end that Controversie: Wherefore she requested a convenient time and space wherein she might ask Counsel of her Fa∣ther; to whose just judgment she said she would stand, as she thought the Nobility of Hungary would also. Which small time of delay if it should be denied, and that they would needs forthwith make War upon her; she said, that the Emperor and King Ferdinand his Brother should surely win no great Honour, if they should come to oppugn her a Widow consumed with Tears, and a young Child yet crying in his Cradle. The Count so sent away, when he was returned to King Ferdinand, told him, That the Queen was altogether in the power of the Bishop, and could neither say nor do any thing, but what she had before received from him; for he only (as he said) commanded all; as for the rest of the Nobility, they shared amongst them the Ho∣nours and Preferments of the Realm, and as Men desirous of credit and gain, had rather be the Governours of the young Prince, than the Servants and Waiters of a great and mighty Fo∣reign King; all which, he said he had both heard and seen. Wherefore all the hope was in War, wherein such speed was to be used, as that the Queen with her Son unprovided, and expecting the event of their Embassage from Constantinople, might be driven out of Buda before they could take up Arms, or well advise themselves what to do; and that the Queen sought delay but to make her self the stronger, and in the mean time to call in the Turk, and so to make a more dangerous War. Wherefore if ever he purposed to Reign in Hungary, he should forthwith cast off all other Cogitations, and make ready his Forces with all speed possible.

* 10.313Hereupon King Ferdinand furnished with Mony from Charles the Emperor, without delay raised a great Army, which he sent down the River Danubius to Strigonium, which City had all the Reign of Kign Iohn, continued faithful to King Ferdinand. The General of his Army was Leo∣nardus Velsius, a Nobleman of Rhetia; who for many causes, thought it expedient first to open the way to Buda;* 10.314 for almost in the middle of the way stood Vicegrade, with a goodly Castle upon the top of an Hill by the River; which Town (but not the Castle) Velsius after nine days Siege took with the loss of about two hundred of his Men, all the Garrison Souldiers therein being ei∣ther slain or taken Prisoners, with Valentinus Lit∣teratus their Captain.* 10.315 From Vicegrade he passed over the River Danubius to Pesth, which he took, being forsaken of the Enemy. With like suc∣cess he took the City of Vachia without loss; and removing thence, and crossing again the River with his Fleet, came and encamped before Buda, so to terrifie the Citizens, and to discover as far as he could the purpose of the Queen.* 10.316 Where Perenus, Stephanus Rascaius, and Franciscus Francopanes Bishop of Agria, all Men of great Nobility amongst the Hungarians, revolted from the Queen to King Ferdinand; the Bishop was re∣puted for a Man of great Integrity, and upon meer conscience to have gone ove to Ferdinand; yet was he by Letters from George the Kings Tutor, challenged to have revolted, in hope by means of Charles the Emperor to be made a Car∣dinal. Velsius lay with his Army at the hot Baths, about a mile and a half from the City, as if he would rather besiege it than assault it. The Germans lying there, did fetch in Booty round about the Country; which wa•• taken in evil part by the Hungarians on their side, who seeing their own Cattel or their Friends driven away, the Villages burnt, and the poor Husbandmen bound and taken Prisoners, fell together by the Ears oftentimes with the Germans. On the o∣ther side they of Buda sending out their Troops of Horsemen, skirmisht with the Germans if they did but stir out of the Camp, and well de∣fended the Villages from the injury of the Ene∣my; for Valentinus Thurracus General of the Queens power, had taken into the City a won∣derful number of light Horsemen. Whilst the Army lay thus encamped, it fortuned that Bal∣thazar Pamphilus a noble Hungarian, straying out of the Camp even unto the Gates of Buda, de∣sired the Warders at the Gate to give him leave to talk with Valentinus their General, for that he desired to see his old Friend, and to confer with him of certain matters concerning the good of the Common State. Which thing being granted by the General, he was immediately received in∣to the City with his Troop of Horsemen. Short∣ly after returning again into the Camp, he re∣ported how he had been entertained by his old acquaintance in the City; where viewing the Garrison, the great Artillery, and Fortification of the City, he perceived it was not to be taken without a greater power, and in a more season∣able time of the year. Which thing so moved Velsius, by nature suspicious, and doubtful of the fidelity of a Stranger, that he commanded him in anger to avoid the Camp, because he had without his leave gone into the City, and upon his own private insolency had conference with the Enemy, and by amplifying their strength, to have discouraged the Army, by putting them out of hope of Victory. Wherefore Velsius ne∣ver attempting to assault the City,* 10.317 returned a∣gain to Vicegrade to besiege the higher Castle (wherein the ancient Crown of King Stephen, wherewith the Hungarian Kings were ever after him Crowned, was kept) which Castle he also took, with something less loss than he had done the lower Town. Not long after,* 10.318 he marched with his Army to Alba Regalis, the City where the Hungarian Kings were usually Crowned and Buried; which by the means of Perenus was de∣livered unto him, and a Garrison put into it for King Ferdinand. These things thus done, Vel∣sius retired again to Strigonium; which he did the rather, because the Germans and Hungari∣ans, two rough Nations, could by no means a∣gree together, in so much as that Velsius the General in parting them was wounded in the Thigh, and Perenus hurt with a Stone; besides that, Winter was now come far on, and the Souldiers cried out for Pay. For which causes, Velsius (being also sick of the Stone) billeted his Souldiers for that Winter about the Coun∣try. Yet before that, he new fortified Pesth, and left therein a Garrison; because it was re∣ported, that the Turks upon their Frontiers were making preparation to come to aid them of Buda.

At such time as King Ferdinand was levying his Forces for the invasion of Hungary, the Queen by the Counsel of the Bishop had in good time craved aid of the Turks Lieutenants in the Coun∣tries bordering upon Hungary, especially of U∣stref Governour of Bosna (a very aged Man, and of great Honour, who had married one of the Daughters of Bajazet the old Emperor) as also of Mahometes Governour of Belgrade, and Amu∣rathes who had the charge of the Frontiers of Dalmatia; from whom she received one answer, That they might in no case without express commandment from Solyman depart from the

places committed to their charge. Besides that Mahometes was by rewards overcome by Laschus, as he passed by Belgrade to Constantinople, not to stir or aid the Queen. Wherefore she, rejected by these great Captains, certified Solyman by her Embassadors,* 10.319 what danger her self, her Son, and the Kingdom was in, craving his speedy aid. Laschus was not yet come to Constantinople, being faln sick by the way, but had sent before, Ptolo∣meus his Physician to the great Bassaes, and espe∣cially to Lutzis his old acquaintance, upon whom he had bestowed great Gifts, and was in hope by him to have obtained what he desired; but all in vain; for Solyman who thought it much for his honour to defend his own right, and that he had before given unto King Iohn; thought also that it would redound both to his great profit and glory, if he should as it were upon charity take upon him the protection of the Widow and Fa∣therless Child, in their so great distress and dan∣ger. Wherefore calling unto him the Embassa∣dors, the three great Bassaes standing by, he said, That he had of his meer bounty before given the Kingdom of Hungary unto King Iohn, to descend to his posterity, so long as they should retain the kind remembrance of so great a bene∣fit; wherefore to declare his constancy, insepa∣rable from his bounty, he said he would take such a course in the matter, as that the Germans his Enemies should not long rejoyce of the Wars they had begun.* 10.320 And in token of friendship, and that he had taken upon him the protection of the young King, he caused to be delivered unto the Embassadors a royal Robe of Purple and Gold, a Buckler with the Boss most curiously wrought, a Horsemans Mace with a handle of Gold, and a Scimiter with the Scabberd richly set with Stones; and afterwards wrote effectually to Ustref and Mahometes his Lieutenants, That they should without delay aid the Queen, and not to make excuse because it was Winter; threatning them, that if she took any harm through their default and negligence, it should cost them their Heads. The Queens Embassadors glad of their good di∣spatch, were scarce departed from the Turks Court, when Laschus came to Constantinople; and understanding by his Physician the success of the Hungarian Embassadors, proceeded for all that in his business, and delivered his Message, and upon reasonable conditions requested the King∣dom for King Ferdinand. But when he in speak∣ing had oftentimes made mention of Charles the Emperor, as if he would with all the power of Germany aid his Brother; Solyman was so mo∣ved therewith, that he was presently taken a∣way and committed to Prison; the great Bassaes, but especially Rustan, Solymans Son in Law, a proud and furious young Man, chiding him and taking him up as worthy of death,* 10.321 for offending with his liberal Speech the Majesty of so courte∣ous a Prince, and as it were mocking the King of Kings; requiring friendship, when in the mean time his Master most impudently made Wars in Hungary.

Ustref and Mahometes the Bassaes aforesaid, ha∣ving received such strait commandment from So∣lyman, assembled their dispersed Souldiers, and by shipping brought them down the Rivers Savus and Dravus, into Danubius; for it is a hard mat∣ter to perform any great thing by Wars in Hun∣gary without the help of a great Fleet, for con∣veying of the great Ordnance, Victual, and o∣ther such necessaries of the Army, frome one side of the great Rivers to the other, as occasion re∣quireth; but as then being the midst of Winter, and the North Wind blowing hard, Danubius was so Frozen on both sides, that the middle of the River was scarce open; so that the Turks not able to pass for the extremity of the Weather, not daring to return for the strait command of Solyman, were enforced in their Tents there to abide the hardness of Winter, to shew their readiness. It is almost incredible to be spoken, with what patience and resolution the Souldiers endured all the extremities of the time, in so bare a place, their Horses, which of all other things they hold most dear, starving for Cold and want of Meat.

The Spring at length coming on, [year 1541.] right wel∣come both to the Turks and the Queen,* 10.322 Mah••∣metes with his Turks and wild Illyrians, and U∣stref with his Souldiers of Bosna, entred into Hun∣gary, with whom Valentinus General of the Queens Forces, joyned also, with an Army of Hungari∣ans brought from Buda. And the Queen to fur∣ther the matter, sent Presents to the Turks Gene∣rals, victualled the Camp, and furnished them with great Ordnance for the besieging of such Cities as were holden by King Ferdinand her E∣nemy. They passing over Danubius, took the City of Vacia (being but badly defended for King Ferdinand) and putting many to the Sword, after the manner of their barbarous Cruelty, burnt the City. From thence they removed to Pesth,* 10.323 which was so valiantly defended by Barco∣cius and Fotiscus, the one a Hungarian Captain, the other a German, that the Turks despairing of the winning of the City, and not well relieved with Victual by the Queen then, fearing future want, passed again over Danubius, and faithfully restoring the great Ordnance without any more doing, returned again into their own Countries; but in their retiring, the Hungarians by the lead∣ing of Ferentius Gnarus, slew many of them, a∣mongst whom was one Achomates one of their best and valiantest Captains.

King Ferdinand advertised of the Turks de∣parture, returned again to his old hope of reco∣vering the Kingdom; perswading the Emperor his Brother, not to give over the War so fortu∣nately begun, especially now that the Turks ha∣ving forsaken the Queen, were departed and gone. Wherefore the new Forces lately before raised in Austria, Bohemia, Silesia, and Moravia, for the new supply of Velsius his Army, were pre∣sently sent into Hungary, under the leading of the Lord William Rogendorff Steward of the Kings House,* 10.324 who was then gone as far as Possonium to have relieved them of Pesth; unto whom, as a more ancient and honourable General Velsius gave place. He, furnished with these new Supplies, three months Victuals, and great Artillery from Vienna, joyning with the old Army, marched di∣rectly to Buda, and besieged it. Overagainst the stately Castle of Buda, wherein the Queen lay, was a great Hill called St. Gerrards Mount, so high, that the middle thereof was equal with the highest place of the Castle, and from the top thereof they might look into the Streets of the City, be∣twixt which Hill and the Castle was a great Val∣ley and a deep Ditch. Upon this Hill,* 10.325 Rogendorff to beat the Castle, and to terrifie the Queen, planted his Battery, and so shook a new built Tower thereof, that it was thought that it would have suddainly fallen; which if it had, yet was it supposed a dangerous matter to have assaulted it, because it was walled about with a treble Wall. But the sumptuous Turrets and the princely Gal∣leries of the Kings Palace in the Castle, which e∣very Man saw Rogendorff might have beaten down with his great Ordnance, he spared;* 10.326 but whether of himself, or else commanded by the King (as loath to destroy so goodly Buildings, as could not without great charges be in long time again repair∣ed) was uncertain. Wherefore by divers Heralds

sent unto the Queen, he wished her to break in sunder those Gyves and Fetters wherein the Bi∣shop under colour of protection, had fast bound her Son and her, and to accept of King Ferdi∣nands offer, who was ready to bestow upon her a goodly Seigniory, wherein she might most ho∣nourably live in quiet, and bring up her Son in safety. Which thing if she, as a simple Woman, and ignorant of her own danger, should refuse, and obstinately contemn the peril wherein she stood, he would forthwith in most terrible man∣ner beat down the Palace about her Ears. Where∣unto the Bishop in the Queens behalf answered, That she was not such a Fool to exchange the Kingdom of Hungary for the Principality of Sepu∣sia;* 10.327 and that she thought Rogendorff a very doting and mad old Man, who being once before well beaten in those Ditches, came now again like a Fool to receive his utter destruction in full guer∣don of his rash Folly; wherefore he should cease to terrifie valiant Men, fighting with discretion for their natural King and Country, against his drunken Company, for that they were nothing troubled with the noise of his great Shot; but yet he said, that he would above all the rest, by way of private courtesie, gently request Rogen∣dorff to discharge his Pieces with a little less noise, because he had a Sow at home great with Pigs, which terrified with the thundring of his Guns, would farrow he doubted before her time, to the grief of his Guests. For the Bishop was of a sharp and taunting Spirit, and such a con∣temner of the Germans, that when two of them were taken in the Kings Orchards burning cer∣tain Houses, he in derision caused two Hogs to be hanged upon the same Gallows with them. Not long after, Rogendorff removed his Camp from St. Gerrards Mount, to a more convenient place for the battering of the City, called the Iews Graves, near unto the Gate called the Iews Gate. Which thing the Bishop seeing, after his quipping manner requested of Rogendorff to par∣don him, in that he had of late wrongfully cal∣led him a doting old Man; for that in removing his Camp into a more commodious place, he seemed to be a proper wise Man and of good dis∣cretion, now that he had pitched his Tents in a most fit place amongst the dead, both for him∣self being an old Man and almost worn with vain labour; and for his Army there condemned to die with him. Rogendorff thus encamped, be∣gun in two places to batter the Walls; Perenus and the Hungarians with the Bohemians near un∣to the Gate called Sabatina in one place, and he himself with the Germans betwixt the Iews Gate and the Castle in another; which was done with such violence, that a great part of the Wall was beaten down, and another part thereof overchar∣ged with Earth, which the Defendants had cast up on the inner side for the strengthning there∣of, was at the same time born quite out and so fell down, to the wonderful dismaying of all that were in the City. Which fair opportunity to have taken the City,* 10.328 Rogendorff let slip, either not well aware thereof by reason of the great smoke of the Artillery on both sides, and the Dust arising with the fall of the Wall which co∣vered all; or else according to his natural dispo∣sition, doing all things leasurely and suspitiously; so that a little delay bereft him of the present apprehension of so suddain a resolution; and the Germans used more to standing battels than to assaults, were not to be so easily brought on to assault the Breach upon the suddain, as were the Spaniards, Italians, or French. The Wall was opened in that place almost two hundred Paces in length, yet standing almost the height of a Man, which might easily have been scaled with short Ladders; but night was coming now fast on, wherein the Germans would not willingly at∣tempt any dangerous matter; so that the assault was deferred until the next morning. Whereas they of Buda in the mean time taking the ad∣vantage of the Enemies delay, with incredible di∣ligence and labour in that night raised up a new Rampier in stead of the Wall that was fallen, e∣very Man without exception putting his hand to the Work. In the morning the Germans coming to the Breach, gave such a fierce assault unto the new made Rampier, that Otho Fotiscus desperately entred into a shattered House, which joyned un∣to the Wall; and certain other Companies, one Souldier helping up another, had almost recover∣ed the top of the Rampier, and were there ready to have set up their Ensigns; when they of Buda with wonderful constancy and resolution with∣stood the assailants,* 10.329 George the Bishop encoura∣ging them, and fighting amongst them; who having laid aside his Hood, was now to be seen with his Helmet on his Head, running too and fro as need required all alongst the Rampier. At length the Germans seeing themselves to strive in vain against resolute Men, were enforced to re∣tire. In this assault Rogendorff lost above eight hundred Men. Perenus was also in like manner, but with less loss, repulsed at the other Breach he had made at the Gate Sabatina. After that, Ro∣gendorff attempted by undermining to have taken the City, but was by Countermines disappointed of his purpose. Yet for all this, they in the City began to feel the want of many things, so that it seemed they were not able to endure any longer Siege; the common People pinched with Hunger, crying openly out in mutinous sort, that it was time to yield and make an end of those common miseries; but such was the Au∣thority of the Bishop, with his provident fore∣sight of all urgent events, that once shewing him∣self in the Market-place as if he would have Preached, he could turn the peevish minded people which way he pleased.

After all this, it missed but a little,* 10.330 but that this City which could not by Enemies force be won, had by shameful Treason been lost; there was at that time in Buda one Bornemissa a Law∣yer, who had in former time been Maior of the City; this Bornemissa exceedingly hated the Bishop for taking part with a Bankrupt Jew against him, and being full of malice, and desi∣rous of revenge, promised to Revalius (Martial in the Enemies Camp) to deliver to him the blind Postern in St. Maries Church-yard, whereby he might enter the City; which Gate served the Ci∣tizens in time of Peace to go through to the Ri∣ver. Rogendorff the General made acquainted with the matter, so liked thereof, that he in himself thought it not good, in a matter of so great im∣portance, to use at all the service of the Hunga∣rians: Quite contrary to that Bornemissa had re∣quested of Revalius, who desirous to have the matter brought to pass without the slaughter of so many guiltless People as was by him to be be∣traied, would have had it altogether performed by the Hungarians, who he was in good hope would shew mercy unto their Country-men and Kinsmen, and use their Victory with more mo∣deration than the Germans, who provoked with many despights, and coming in by night, were like enough to make great effusion of Blood. But Rogendorff after the manner of his Nation, to be counted politick, using to keep pro∣mise with no Man, and hoping by excluding the Hungarians, to have all the glory of the concei∣ved Victory wholly to himself; made as if he would

have used only the Hungarians, and glozed with Revalius, whose Son for the more assurance he took as a Pledge; For against the appointed hour, which was about midnight, having before given straight charge that no Man should stir in the Camp, he sent four select Companies of Ger∣mans with great silence unto the Postern; at which time his Son Condi stood with a strong Troop of Horsemen, ready to have entred, at such time as the Germans (received into the City) should break open the great Gat••, as was before a∣greed. Neither did Bornemissa fail to perform what he had as a Traitor promised;* 10.331 but opening the Postern we spake of, had with great silence received in most part of those German Compa∣nies. But when he still asked softly of them as they came in, for Revalius, and heard them an∣swer nothing but in the German Language; al∣though he was otherwise a Man of a bold Spirit, yet then surprised with a suddain fear (as it often∣times chanceth in such actions to Men deceived of their expectation) he stood as a Man amazed that knew not what to do, and forgot to conduct the Germans, who altogether unacquainted with the City, knew not which way first to go; and steal∣ing on softly in the dark, went on with no great courage, for fear of Treason, still asking of them that followed, for him that should direct them. The Germans could not go so closely, but that they were by the clattering of their Armor and the light of their Matches, descried by the Watch; who asking for the Word, and they not giving it, presently raised an Alarm; but now all too late, the City being as good as half taken, had the Germans well conducted,* 10.332 resolutely gone on with the matter so well begun; but they ignorant of the way, and now descried and chased with their own fear, ran back again to the Postern, in such hast, that one of them miserably wronged another, in striving who should get out first; and their passage out much letted by the Pikes and Weapons which they which fled first had cast cross the way to run the lighter into the Camp. The first that set upon the Germans was Bacia∣nus, who had that night the charge of the Watch; and after him Vicche, who kept the Court of Guard in the Market-place; and hearing the A∣larm, came thither with a strong Company both of Horsemen and Footmen. Many of the most valiant Germans, who coming in first, were in flight become last, were slain or taken, and amongst them many of Bornemissa his Familiars and Friends (as for himself, he was got out a∣mong the formost) from whom the Bishop by ••xquisite Torture wrung out the whole Plot of the Treason, and afterwards caused them to be severally executed to the terror of others. Reva∣lius in the mean time complaining in the Camp, That he was deceived by the General; and Bor∣nemissa wofully lamenting, That having worthily got the name of an infamous Traitor, he had thereby lost all his Substance and undone his Friends and Kindred. The General Rogendorff (condemned even of the common Souldiers, for his foolish Arrogancy and Pride) was hardly spoken of through all the Camp; as he that by too much insolency had overthrown the fairest occasion of a most goodly Victory; wherefore from that time he attempted no great matter, but set himself down by long siege to tame his Enemies, and so to win the City.

Solyman understanding of the Queens distress in Hungary, and with what desire Ferdinand (sup∣ported by the Emperor his Brother) thirsted af∣ter that Kingdom; consulted with his Bassaes, of the purposes and power of his Enemies, both there and els••where; and politickly resolved at one time, with his divided Forces, to with∣stand their attempts in divers places, and those far distant one from another, whereby the great∣ness of his power is well to be perceived. First, he sent Solyman Bassa an Eunuch to Babylon, to defend the Country of Mesopotamia,* 10.333 and the Frontiers of his Empire alongst the River Tygris, against Tamas the Persian King. Mahometes a∣nother of his great Bassaes, he sent into Hun∣gary to relieve the besieged Queen; and after him, Ustref Bassa, which was the fourth of his chief Bassaes, with another Army to stay at Belgrade, in readiness to aid the other Bassa sent before him, as occasion should require, if he should find his Enemies too strong. Unto Bar∣barussa he committed his Navy, for the defence of Grecia and Epirus against Auria, who but a little before, aided by the Gallies of Sicilia and Naples, had driven the Turks and Moors (which took part with the Turks) out of Clu∣pea, Neapolis, Adrumentum, Ruspina, Tapsus, and all alongst that Coast of Africk which the Moors call Mahomedia, except the City of Lep••is, and caused those Cities to submit themselves to the Government of Muleasses King of Tunes. These Cities are at this day called Calabia, Susa, Mahometa, Monasterim, Sfaxia, and Africa. And because Solyman understood, that Maylat the Vayvod of Transylvania took part with King Ferdinand, he sent against him Achomates Go∣vernour of Nicopolis▪ and commanded Peter of Moldavia, Prince of Valachia, to aid him; who afterwards accordingly came unto him with thirty thousand Horsemen. He himself also doubting the purposes of the Christian Princes, and especially of Charles the Emperor, more than he had need, came to Hadrinople, and in the Countries thereabouts raised a third Army, to aid the two Bassaes sent before into Hun∣gary; keeping with him his Son in Law Rustan, whom he had made one of the four great Bassaes of his Council, having thrust out Lufti∣beius, whom the Turks call Lu••zis, his Brother in Law, and exiled him into Macedonia for evil entreating and striking his Wife, which was S••ly∣mans Sister, as is before said, but was at this time done.

Mahometes the Bassa desirous to do his great Master the best service he could,* 10.334 entred into Hungary with his Army about the middle of Iune in the year ••541, taking with him in his way the other Mahometes Governour of Belgrade, who gave the shameful overthrow unto the Christians at Exek; joyning also with him the power of Bosna, now commanded by Ulamas the Persian, for that Ustref the old Bassa was late∣ly dead. The Captains of the Christian Army hearing of the coming of the Turks, entred in∣to Counsel, Whether they should continue the Siege, or else go and meet them by the way and give them Battel. But the Period of the Hungarian Kingdom drawing fast on, and the inevitable Destiny thereof so requiring; the opi∣nion of Rogendorff prevail'd against the rest for the continuing of the Siege, he seeming more wil∣ling to die than to cross over the River to Pesth, or to retire to Vicegrade or Strigonium, as divers would have perswaded him; wherefore he removed from the place where he lay before, and encamped his Army on the further side of the City, at the foot of St. Gerrards Mount,* 10.335 where the Hill lying between Buda and the Camp, and departing from the River, leaveth a fair Plain toward the East; of purpose that the Turks (which he knew would not go far from the River and their Fleet) should be enforced dangerously ••o pass by the Mouth of his great Ordnance▪

which he had aptly placed upon the front of his Trenches; for such was the nature of the place, that the Camp lay defended on the right hand with the steep Hill, on the left hand with the River, and behind toward the City with a strong Bulwark. Upon the right hand, upon a little rising ground, he placed the lesser Camp, where∣in were the Hungarians which favoured King Ferdinand, and then followed his Ensigns. He made also a Bridge from his Camp into a little Island which lay in the River, and with a Fort well planted with Ordnance commanded both the River and the Plain, so to beat the Enemies Fleet coming up the River, and themselves also as they should march alongst the Plain. He was about also to have made a Bridge of Lighters and Boats quite over the River, from his Camp to Pesth, and in this order to expect the coming of new supplies from King Ferdinand, and to re∣pel the Enemy who was coming, and with long Siege to weary them in Buda; for there was such store both of Victual and all other war∣like Provision in Pesth, as would well have suf∣ficed his Army until Winter had been spent. As soon as the Turks were come nigh the City,* 10.336 Valentinus as an Embassador from the Queen, met them with two thousand Horse, and fully instructed both the Mahomets, what the Christi∣ans did; what strength they were of, and how they might most conveniently encamp their Army. Wherefore the Bassa marching on bold∣ly forward, came within half a mile of the Chri∣stian Camp, where he quickly intrenched him∣self round with a strong Trench, filling a great part of the Plain with his Tents. But the o∣ther Mahometes, Governour of Belgrade, a most politick Captain, took the higher ground towards the rising of the Hill, nearer unto the Tents of the Hungarians than of the Germans. Unto these two Armies thus encamped, belonged also two Fleets; the Christian Fleet consisted of four and twenty Galliots, about fourscore small Pin∣naces, and little less than a hundred Ships of burden and other great Boats; whereas the Turks Fleet was not thought to be past half so great. Nea•• unto the little Island, joyned as we have be••ore said by a Bridge to the Christian Camp, beneath in the River had the Turks taken another Island called Cepellia, over against their own Camp; where casting up a great Bulwark in the upper∣most end thereof, and planting it with great O••dnance, they from thence shot at the Fort which the Christians held in the little Island, and at their Vessels passing to and fro in the River, as the Christians did at them likewise. This Island of Cepellia lyeth somewhat more than fo••ty miles in length in the River Danubius, full of Country Villages, so commodiously, that if R••g••ndorff had at the first taken it and fortified it, before the coming of the Turks, as the Hun∣garians perswaded him to have done, the Turks could by no means have encamped in the Plain, but must needs have forsaken their Fleet, fetch∣ing a great compass about more toward the West, further off from the River; which would have turned to the Turks great disadvantage. But no Man is so wise as to foresee all things, when as the very evil success, be the Plot never so well la••••d, shall of it self, beside the loss, leave unto the unf••rtunate Man the Note of the want of provident for••sight and discretion. But Rogendorff was not willing to divide his Forces, until he had some new supply from King Ferdinand.* 10.337 Whilst the Armies lay thus near one to the other, there were some light skirmishes made every day, either by the Horsemen or the Footmen, and sometime one brave Man challenging forth another hand to hand, whom he thought by his Armor or some other sign of his worth, to be like to himself; which was so pleasant a sight to behold, that both the Armies upon a military courtesie, as if it had been so agreed, would many times for certain hours forbear to shoot any shot, of pur∣pose to see those Gallants, with true Prowess to prove their Valour and Manhood one upon ano∣ther with their Spears and Swords only. In which light skirmishes the German Horsemen were of∣ten times put to the worst; who mounted upon grea•• heavy Horses, fitter for a set Battel, could 〈…〉〈…〉 so readily charge the Enemy, nor pur∣sue him in his flight; as could the Turks with their nimble and ready light Horses, so well ac∣quainted with that manner of flying fight, that they would with wheeling about easily frustrate the first charge of the heavy Horsemen, and by and by come upon them again with a fresh charge, and so oft retire and come on again, un∣til they had either wearied or overthrown them. But the Hungarians acquainted with that man∣ner of fight as well as they, and also better armed, did easily encounter the Turks, and foil them, al∣though they were in number more.

There was amongst the German Captains a Nobleman called Eckius Rayschachius,* 10.338 whose Son (a valiant young Gentleman) being got out of the Army without his Fathers knowledge, bare him∣self so gallantly in fight against the Enemy in the sight of his Father and of the Army, that he was highly commended of all Men, and especially of his Father, who knew him not at all; yet be∣fore he could clear himself, he was compassed in of the Enemy, and valiantly fighting, slain▪ Rays∣chachius exceedingly moved with the death of so brave a Man, ignorant how near it touched him∣self, turning about to the other Captains said, This worthy Gentleman, whatsoever he be, is worthy of eternal commendation, and to be most honourably buried by the whole Army. As the rest of the Captains were with like compassion approving his Speech, the dead Body of the un∣fortunate Son rescued, was presented to the most miserable Father; which caused all them that were there present to shed Tears; but such a suddain and inward grief surprised the aged Fa∣ther, and struck so to his Heart, that after he had stood a while Speechless, with his Eies set in his Head, he suddainly fell down dead. From that time the General commanded, That no Man should upon pain of death go out of the Army to skirmish with the Enemy without leave; where∣in he was so severe, that he hanged up one or two that presumed to transgress his Command∣ment; which thing much discouraged his own Men, and so encouraged the Enemy, that they would sometime brave the Christians upon the top of their own Trenches.

Many days had now passed since the coming of the Bassa, the Turks and they of Buda daily encreasing both in strength and courage; when on the other side, faint courage, weak strength, troubled council, uncertain resolution, the omi∣nous signs of an undoubted overthrow, were easie to be seen; and hope it self, the stay of all human Actions, especially of Martial Affairs, almost lost; the only things that held their fainting Hearts, was the often Letters of King Ferdinand, and the firm opinion they had con∣ceived, That Charles the Emperor would not in so great a danger fail to aid his Brother, both with Men and Mony; and last of all, the firm resolution of a General, which far passed all rea∣son, the sooner to draw him to his end. The Armies lying in this order, the Turks from the higher ground, and out of Cepellia, perceiving

the Germans in the little Island as careless men to keep but negligent Watch, agreed amongst themselves at one instant out of both their Camps,* 10.339 to assail divers of their Forts; and so in the break of the day landed with their Fleet so close∣ly and suddainly to the Island, that they had slain almost six hundred of the Germans, before they were throughly awake or could well arm themselves; wherewith the rest were put in such a fear, that they fled to the Camp in such haste, that many of them fell beside the Bridge and were drowned in the River. All the Camp was won∣derfully troubled with the suddainess of the mat∣ter, the Turks with their hideous cries raising the Alarm in divers places at once; yet for all that, certain German Companies in one of the Forts nearest unto the River, and the Souldiers in the Fleet, well declared their present resolution and valiant courage, in recovering again of the Island. For Herbestulfus the Camp-Master, perswading them not to suffer the Christian Ensigns and great Ordnance to be so shamefully carried away of the Turks; and Marius the Admiral at the same time landing divers Companies in the Island with his Pinnaces and great Boats; they so couragi∣ously charged the Turks, then busied in the spoil∣ing of the dead bodies and drawing away of the great Ordnance, that they drave them again into their Boats, leaving unto them as Victors, both the Island and the Ordnance, having before their departure, received no less loss themselves than had the Germans before.

It was reported, that the Turks Fleet might that day have been quite overthrown, if the Christians using the Victory, and holpen with the course of that swift River, had couragiously pur∣sued them and landed with them. But many things after a matter is done are easily seen, which in the very heat and hurl of the danger cannot be foreseen; forasmuch as suddain accidents at∣tended with great peril, do oftentimes dazel the minds of right wise and valiant Captains; yet four of the Turks Pinnaces were sunk, and three taken, and many of the Turks slain or drowned in the River. Shortly after, the Turks more and more encouraged with the multitude of themselves, and the fearfulness they perceived in their Enemies, did at sundry times so insolent∣ly trouble and assail the Camp of the Christi∣ans on every side, that they left them almost no time of rest, one Company still succeeding ano∣ther, so that they were almost in despair, to be able long to defend their Camp, the Enemy still growing both in Strength and Courage. For the Bassa that lay at Belgrade, still taking unto him the sick and wounded Souldiers, sent continually fresh men in their stead; and Valentius taking unto him a Company of the Turks Janizaries Harque∣busiers, had driven Perenus with the Hungarian Horsemen out of the upper Camp. So that they in the neither Camp were now hardly beset with their Enemies on every side; yet were they well holpen by the great Artillery from Pesth, which much troubled Valentinus and his Horsemen in as∣sailing the Camp on that side.

Some report that Valentinus, not greatly angry with the Hungarian banished men,* 10.340 but with the Germans, did by the way of private courtesie and Friendship, by a faithful Souldier with Perenus speedily to provide for the safety of himself and of the Hungarians with him; for that there was a great Beast coming, which would at one morsel devour them all. For Solyman advertised of the doings of the Emperor and King Ferdinand, think∣ing that they would have come down to Buda with a puissant Army, was resolved to be present himself at so notable a Battel, and was therefore coming thither with his Army in all haste. Where∣fore Perenus thus forewarned, said plainly to Ro∣gendorff and the other Captains, That except they would presently rise with the Army and depart; he would now whiles he had yet time, make shift for himself and his Countrymen. Their opinions diversly delivered, at last they all agreed, that it was best the next night to pass over the River to Pesth; only the General upon a fatal obstinacy said, He would not without King Fer∣dinands commandment depart from Buda; and therefore sent Count Salma with a swift Pinnace up the River to Vienna to know his pleasure therein. In the mean time urged with fear, Pe∣renus fretting at their long stay, it was resolved upon, that they should the next night after the Moon was down, pass over the River in four Convoies to Pesth. In the first, were to pass over the Hungarians, with their great Ordnance. In the second, the German and Bohemian Horse∣men; and in the other two, the Footmen, and the Baggage of the Army. For it was not so easie a matter to make a Bridge over Danubius, as they had at first supposed; for after they had begun it, and almost planked it, there rose such a Wind and Tempest, and the violent River became so rough, that the Timber wherewith the Bridge was fastned together was broken, the Joynts un∣losed, and many of the Boats whereof the Bridge was framed, their Cables being broken, were car∣ried away by the force of the Stream. The first and the second Convoy Fortune so favoured,* 10.341 that they well passed over; for although they of Buda and the Turks, seeing in the day time from their high places the Fleet drawing together into one place, might have some suspition of the matter, some ghessing one thing and some ano∣ther; yet could they foresee nothing of the sud∣dain departure of the Enemy: But that multitude of Ships and Boats now passing too and fro, could not long deceive the attentive and vigilant Ene∣my; and so much the less, for that two Fugitive Hungarians even then discovered to the Bishop the Flight of the Germans; who presently certi∣fied the Bassa, and the other, Mahometes thereof, which without further delay came almost with all their power to assault the Christians in their Camp; the great Ordnance was brought forth, and after the Janizaries and other Footmen, fol∣lowed the Horsemen, dismounted from their Horses to do the better service; who all with a horrible cry assailed the Trenches. Then began the Germans to quail, their Flight being now dis∣covered; yet did they with the Bohemians for a while notably resist the Enemy.* 10.342 All the Camp was filled with tumult and confusion, and espe∣cially at the River side, every man in that great fear striving to get aboard, without regard of or∣der or shame; for the dead time of the night then covered with dark and thick Clouds, made all things more terrible, even unto them which were of best courage; the Authority of Rogen∣dorff the General (in the darkness of the night, and so great clamor both of his own People and of the Enemy, and the thundring of the Ord∣nance) was as nothing; he (besides that he was then sick in mind) lay in his bed wounded, by a wonderful and fatal chance; for as he was writing Letters to the King, a Faulcon-Shot out of the Enemies Camp falling in his Tent, and striking in sunder a Chest which stood there, wounded him grievously in the left Shoulder with a Splinter of the same. The other Captains of the Footmen, envying that the Horsemen were so well escaped, stood as men more careful of themselves than of the common danger, faintly resisting the Enemy. The uppermost Tents, wherein P••renus lay, were

first taken by Mahometes of Belgrade, and Valentinus, and the German Footmen chased all over Saint Gerrards Mount. They of Buda also sallied out, and entred the Camp on that side which was next unto the City, and with Wild-Fire burnt the Tents a little before forsaken by the Germans. And the Bishop at the same time caused a great Stack of Straw standing by the Kings Stables near unto the Rivers-side,* 10.343 to be set on fire; which gave such a light, that a man might have seen all over Da∣nubius unto the Walls of Pesth, as if it had been light day; whereby the great confusion of the Christian Army by Land, as well as the shameful flight by Water, was of the Turks plainly dis∣covered. Then was the great Artillery from eve∣ry place discharged upon the flying Fleet, as well from Buda as the Turks Camp. And to increase the fear, Cason the Turks Admiral rowing with his light Boats against the Stream, set upon the Ships crossing the River to Pesth, where he took cer∣tain Boats loaded with Souldiers, and with his great Ordnance sunk divers others;* 10.344 so that the River was filled with dead Bodies, and the misera∣ble Company of Souldiers and Mariners labour∣ed to save their Lives by swiming; for at such time as the Janizaries having slain the first Com∣panies▪ were broken into the lower Camp; and the rest of the Germans flying over the Bridge into the little Island, were there slain without mercy, by the Turks pursuing them, many of them leaping into the River and there perished. Three hundred Sail of one sort of Ships and other, were so confused and mingled together, that Danubius seemed that night to have been covered over, as if it had been with a great Bridge. But the Christian Fleet seeing all lost, cleared themselves so soon as they could of the Turks; and so beating them back with their great Ord∣nance out of the Poups of their Ships, got up the River to Comora. The rest of the Land Forces endured the same Fortune in the Camp, of whom the Bohemians died most honourably, slain by the Enemy in Fight. Many falling into the hands of them of Buda, were saved or slain, as was their Fortune to fall into the power of a merciful or merciless man. But the Sun rising, plainly discovered the Slaughter of the Christians, and the Victory of the Turks, not so well before known. There were about three thousand men of one sort and other, who in warlike manner had taken a little Hill by Saint Gerrards Church, and there stood upon their guard, until such time as more than two thousand of them were slain; the rest casting away their Weapons yielded in hope of life, and were reserved for a spectacle more grievous than death it self.

At the same time Cason with his victorious Fleet coming to the Shore of Pesth, brought such a fear upon them that were escaped thither, and might easily have defended the Walls, (only with the cry of his Souldiers and the thundering of the Artillery) that the Horsemen for haste to get out, were like to overrun one another. The Germans had at that time so much forgot their wonted Va∣lour, and so trembled at the name of the Turks, that as soon as they saw their white Caps, in their Ships, they ran away as men dismaied, unarmed, leaving behind them their Plate, their Carriages, and whatsoever good thing they had else. Yet some of the Hungarian Horsemen more desirous of the Spoil than afraid of death, staid behind rifling the Merchant Shops; for Pesth was become a very rich Mart Town for all kind of Merchan∣dise, Merchants resorting thither from all other places of the troubled Country, as to a strong and commodious City, and of more safety than the rest. But Cason now entring without resistance, slew some of those greedy Hungarians, and ran through the Town with such barbarous Cruelty and Thirst of the Christian Blood,* 10.345 that he spa∣red neither Man, Woman, nor Child, except some few, which either for their Beauty or Strength of Body were reserved for the Turks beastly Lust, or slavish Labor; so that in this War it is reported more than twenty thousand Christians were one way and other by divers chances slain. There was taken at Pesth, in the Camp and in the Island thirty six great Pieces for Battery, of wonderful Beauty; and of lesser Field Pieces an hundred and fifty. As for Shot, Powder, Armour, Wea∣pons, and Victual provided for Winter, such store was found, that the Turks accounted it for the greatest part of their Victory.* 10.346 Rogendorff the un∣fortunate General, at such time as the Turks having won the Trenches, were fighting in the midst of his Camp, desiring rather to be slain in his Tent, than to live after so great an overthrow, was against his Will by strong hand carried aboard a little Pinnace by his Physician and Chamber∣lain, which would not leave him as he lay, and was so conveyed up the River to the Island of Co∣mora; where he shortly after, partly for the pain∣fulness of his Wound, but more for grief of mind, died in a little Country Village called Samarium, leaving unto the Germans a woful remembrance of his accursed obstinacy and pride. Solyman still doubting the coming of Charles the Emperor and King Ferdinand to Buda, was coming with his Army from Hadrianople in such haste, that he caused the Janizaries, his best Footmen, contrary to their manner, to march as fast as his Horsemen; but understanding by the way, of the late Victory ob∣tained by his Captains, he took more leasure, and came with a great power to Buda in August,* 10.347 and there incamped on the other side of the City, to avoid the noisome favour of the dead Bodies, which lay yet unburied. Where calling unto him the other Army, and making one huge Camp of both, he highly commended all his Captains, but especially the two Mahometes. And under∣standing that the Victory was especially gotten by the means of Mahometes Governor of Bel∣grade, he made him General of all his Europeian Horsemen, one of the most honourable Prefer∣ments of the Turkish Empire; the other Captains he rewarded according as they had deserved, and withal augmented their Pay.

After that, he caused the Prisoners,* 10.348 in number about eight hundred, to be brought out; who bound in long Ropes, were in derision led all alongst the Army, ranged in order of Battel, and afterward by his commandment slain by his young Souldiers; saying with severe countenance, that they were worthy of such death, which by Em∣bassadors dissemblingly entreating of Peace, had in the mean time craftily waged War. Amongst these Prisoners was one Souldier of Bavaria of an exceeding high Stature; him in despight of the German Nation he delivered to a little Dwarf (whom his Sons made great account of) to be slain, whose head was scarce so high as the Knees of the tall Captive; with that cruel spight to ag∣gravate the indignity of his death; when as that goodly tall man, mangled about the Legs a long time by that apish Dwarf with his little Scime∣ter, as if it had been in disport, fell down, and was with many feeble blows hardly at last slain by that Wretch, still heartned on by others, to satisfie the Eyes of the Princes, beholding it as their Sport.

This barbarous and cruel execution done, Soly∣man sent his Embassadors with Presents to the young King, which were three beautiful Horses, with their Bridles of Gold, and their Trappings

richly set with precious Stones, and three Royal Robes of Cloth of Gold; and unto the chief of the Nobility he sent rich Gowns and Chains of Gold. The Embassadors which brought these Presents, in courteous manner requested of the Queen,* 10.349 to send the young King her Son, attended with his Nobility, into the Camp, and without all fear, to hope that all should go well both with her and her Son; for that Solyman, who exceeded all other Kings, not in Power and Fortune only, but in Vertue and upright dealing also, was of such an heroical Disposition, that he would not only de∣fend the Child, whom in the right of his Father he had once thought worthy his Protection and Favour, Victory confirming the same, but would also augment his Estate, with the largest Bounds of his ancient Kingdom. Wherefore he was de∣sirous to see the young King, and to behold in him the representation of his Father, and with his own hand to deliver him to be imbraced of his Sons; that of his Protection renewed, so happily begun, might be grounded a firm and perpetual Friend∣ship with the Othoman Kings; and that he would always account of her as of his Daughter. But the cause why he came not to see her, which he did in courtesie desire, was for that by ancient custom the Othoman Kings were forbidden that point of courtesie, to visit other mens Wives in their Houses. Besides that, Solyman (they said) was not so forgetful of his Modesty and Honour, as to receive into his Pavillion the Daughter of a King his Friend and Ally, and she the late Wife of a King his Friend and Tributary, and the fair young Mother of a Son, growing in the hope of like Regal Dignity, for fear he should draw into any suspition the inviolate name of her Chasti∣ty, which in Queens was to be guarded with an especial and wonderful care. Whereunto the Queen (a manifest fear confounding the tender Senses in her Motherly Affection) answered very doubtfully; but the Bishop perswading her, and instantly requesting her, not to give the Turks oc∣casion to suspect, that she had them in distrust, by her little and unprofitable delay;* 10.350 sent her young Son in Princely swathing Clothes, in a rich Chariot, with his Nurse and certain great Ladies unto the Camp, attended upon with almost all the Nobility to whom Solyman had sent Pre∣sents. In his coming to the Camp, he was for honours sake met upon the way by certain gallant Troops of the Turks brave Horsemen; and all the way as he passed in the Camp, orderly stood the Janizaries of Solymans Guard. As soon as he was brought into the Camp, Solyman courteously looked upon him,* 10.351 and familiarly talked with the Nurse, and commanded his Sons there present to take him in their Arms, and to kiss him, in cer∣tain token of the love they would bear him, whom they were in time to have their Friend and Tri∣butary, when he was grown to mans estate; these were Selymus and Bajazet, begotten of his fair Concubine Roxalana; bearing the Names, the one of his Grandfather, the other of his great Grandfather. As for Mustapha his eldest Son by his Circassian Wife, he then lived in Mag∣nesia a great way off; who though he was a Prince of so great hope, as never any of the Turkish Kings had a Son of greater, and was therefore exceedingly beloved of the Men of War; yet was he not so well liked of his Father, brought out of favour with him by Roxalana, as if he had traiterously gone about to take the Empire from him, yet living, as did Selymus his Grandfather from Bajazet; for which cause Solyman secretly purposed to take him away, as afterwards he did, and to appoint Selymus for his Successor, as here∣after shall appear.

But Solyman at such time as the Noblemen of Hungary were dining merrily with the Bassaes,* 10.352 had commanded certain Companies (to whom he had before given instructions what he would have done) under the colour of seeing the City, to take one of the Gates called Sabatina, and the chief Streets; which was done so quietly and cunningly, that a wary Watchman standing there and beholding the manner of the Turks coming and going too and fro, could hardly have per∣ceived how the Gate was taken, until it was too late. For many of the Turks walking fair and softly by great Companies into the City, as if it had been but for pleasure, to have seen it; and other some to colour the matter, walking likewise back again, as if they had sufficiently viewed the City; by that means they without any tumult or stir quickly took the appointed Gate, with the Market place and chief Streets of the City Which so finely done, the Captain of the Janiza∣ries caused Proclamation to be made in all parts of the City, That the Citizens should without fear keep themselves within their Houses, and forthwith, as they would have their Lives, Liberty, and Goods saved, to deliver all their Weapons; which they seeing no remedy, did; and having delivered their Arms, and taken the Turks Faith for their security, they received them into their Houses as their unwelcome Guests. But such was the quietness and modesty of the Turks, by rea∣son of the severity of their Martial Discipline, that no Citizen which took them into their Houses, was by them wronged by Word or Deed. Soly∣man understanding that the City was thus quietly and without resistance taken,* 10.353 sent the Child back again unto the Queen, although it was now almost night; but the chief Noblemen he retain∣ed still with him; these were George the Bishop and Treasurer, Petrus Vicche the young Kings nigh Kinsman and one of his Tutors, Valentinus Turaccus General of the Queens Forces, Stephanus Verbetius Chancellor, and Bacianus Urbanus Go∣vernor of the City of Buda. This suddain and unexpected change exceedingly troubled all their minds, and so much the more, for that the great Bassaes with changed countenance began to pick quarrels with them, and as it were straightly and impudently to examine them, and to call them to account for all that they had done. The Queen seeing the City so craftily surprised, and the No∣bility injuriously detained in the Camp, troubled with fear and grief, by humble Letters requested Solyman not to forget the Faith he had long be∣fore given unto her, and even of late confirmed by his Embassadors; but mindful both thereof, and of his wonted Clemency, to send back unto her the Noblemen, who for their Fidelity and va∣liant Service had well deserved both of him and her; this she did by Rustemes Bassa, whom she had loaded with Gifts, and amongst other things of great price, had sent him a fair Coronet of her own, and a goodly Jewel set with rich Stones, to send unto his Wife (Solymans Daughter) for a Present.

After that, Solyman consulted with his Bassaes four days, what order to take concerning the Kingdom of Hungary;* 10.354 in discourse whereof his great Bassaes were of divers opinions. Mahometes advised him to carry away with him to Constanti∣nople, both the young Child and all the Nobility, and to leave such a Governor in Buda, as by his wise and moderate Government, rather than by rigour, might put the People out of fear of Ser∣vitude and Bondage, by defending them from wrong, and yet by little and little lay upon them the yoke of the Turkish Government. But Ru∣stemes Bassa (before corrupted, and a man in

greater favour than the rest, because he was Soly∣mans Son in Law, and therefore further from all suspition of Flattery) stood altogether upon terms of honour; saying, That nothing could be more dishonourable unto so great and mighty a Monarch, who never had at any time with any Spot or Stain blemished the Glory of his Name, than after Victory, against all right and reason to break his Faith at once with a weak Woman and silly Infant, whom he had before taken upon him to protect and defend. On the other side, Maho∣metes Governor of Belgrade (an old mortal Ene∣my of the Christians, of all the rest best ac∣quainted with the state of Hungary, and for his great experience and approved Valour, then ex∣traordinarily admitted by Solyman into Council among the great Bassaes) disliked of both the former opinions, as too full of Lenity; and being asked his own, delivered it in this mischievous manner as followeth:

* 10.355I know (said he) most mighty Solyman, that he which in consultation of matters of so great conse∣quence is to deliver his opinion last, shall if he dissent from the rest, be subject to envy and reprehension. And therefore it cannot be, but that I being of a quite con∣trary opinion to them that have before spoken, my speech must be unto your Ears both unpleasant and tedi∣ous. But I refuse not to be counted by my self, yea and presumptuous, if you will so have it, rather than a smoother up of other mens sayings, as one of no Iudgment; whilst I recount those things, which as the present case standeth, may wonderfully profit your designs and the Imperial State; for of right I may desire you to yield a little to my years, and (if I may by your good favour so say) to that I have already done; when as I, now grown an old man in Wars against these Hungarians, have by experience learned those things of the State and Strength of this Kingdom, and the disposition of the People, which being here laid down, may much avail for your better determination of this so weighty a cause as admitteth no repentance if you shall now be overseen therein. You have now within the space of these twenty years come in Wars your self in person five times into this Country, when I as no obscure Captain or Souldier, was in all those Wars and Battels ever present, of purpose, as I sup∣pose, to revenge your Injuries, to enlarge your Em∣pire, and in brief to assure you of a good Peace, which could never be but by force of Arms and Victory. And therefore you valiantly won Belgrade, the infamous dwelling place and receptacle of most outragious Theeves and Robbers, and in former time famous for the unfortunate attempts of your Ancestors; when as from thence the Hungarians in time of Peace had at their pleasure, whilst your Father was then occupied in the Persian War, spoiled the Borders of Servia and Illy∣ria. The same Hungarians about five years after, for that they had in cruel manner slain your Embassa∣dors, you overthrew in battel, and slew their King; and possessed of Buda, to manifest and make known by a notable demonstration, the magnificence of your heroical mind, even unto the remotest Enemies of our name, did choose out of the reliques of that vanquished Nation, one whom you might grace with the honour of the Regal Crown, although not born of Royal Blood, or unto you known for any other desert, than that he was a little before, both your publique and private Enemy; and coming gainst you with a strong power out of Transilvania, he had in the mean time lost his Brother, a better man than himself, slain with our Sword. After that, rose up the Austrian King, a new Enemy, to expulse this Hungarian, reigning by your courtesie, and so you took in hand the third War against the Germans, which you so effectually prosecut∣ed, that having forthwith restored the King, you car∣ried the terror of your self not only to the Walls of Vi∣enna, but into the very heart of Germany. But two years yet scarcely past, the same King (never long contented with Peace or Wars) supported by the power of his Brother Charles, and in vain besieging Buda defended by your Garrisons, stirred you up again to revenge the Injury, Slaughter, and Spoil by his Soul∣diers done; for that you thought it to stand with your honour▪ to protect him with your power, whom you had of ••our rare Bounty made a King; and then desired above all things, to fight a noble Battel with the two Brethren for the Empire of the West. But they at such time as you with Fire and Sword ran through their ancient Kingdoms, endured not the noise of your coming. After that, ensued a Peace between the Hungarians and the Germans, your Majesty per∣mitting and approving it, at such time as you made haste to go against the Persians; but the German King so broke that Peace, that had not I in good time revenged his Treachery, by the overthrow of a great Army of his at Exek, you must of necessity have been sent for from Babylon your self, as but now you were glad to come in haste, by long and painful journeys from Constantinople, to aid us in time, and as I verily hope, to make an end for all; that all things set in firm order in Hungary, the inconveni∣ences of so many labours and so great charge, five times undertaken for another mans profit, might now at length take end; except (as I see some wish) you be in mind never to give over the protection of the Child and Widdow, a matter full of infinite labour and peril, not to be countervailed with that glorious shew of honour, which by these (in my opinion) too too wise men is pretended to your haughty mind, ever desirous of Honour and Fame. But I as a blunt man understand not this high point of Wisdom, abounding with Glory, which in the very course thereof cutteth in sunder the sinews of Victory, and is never by po∣litique Generals admitted into their Camps. In which doing, as I wish you more fortunate than your An∣cestors, who have united eighteen Kingdoms to this your Empire, so would I not have you more wise than they; for what can be a more unwise part, than al∣ways to play the unwise man? that is to say, always to be careful of other mens Affairs, and in m••an time oftentimes to endanger his own Estate, his Health, his Wealth, his Honour. You have satisfied, and that (in my opinion) plentifully the duty both of Cha∣rity, Fidelity, and if it must needs be so, of Honour and Glory also; if it be to be gotten rather by Courtesie, Clemency and Lenity, than by the invincible strength of wise Policy, and the constant resolution of a Mar∣tial Mind; for by those instruments, and none other, have worthy Vertues always promoted and supported the Othoman Kings. Wherefore let those vain shews (as seemeth unto me) of counterfeit honour delight the minds of idle and sloathful Kings; assuredly they never pleased your armed Ancestors, but after the Enemy was quite overthrown, the Triumph made, and the Trophies of Victory erected. But let this be as best pleaseth your high Wisdom and Iudgment, whereunto the greatest Wits gave place. Truly I (if I well foresee the chances of War, and the assured events of things) will not follow that manner of Counsel which the pleasure of my mind perswadeth me unto; when as necessity, which ruleth all things, presently forceth me and shew∣eth me a far better Course. The Hungarians above all other things notably warn us not to trust them, who in∣famous for their unconstancy after Revolt and Treache∣ry, are still at variance amongst themselves; and their banished men are continually setting on the Ger∣mans to invade the Country, and the weak power of the Queen and the Child is not such as may withstand so near and so mighty an Enemy; so that another mans Kingdom must of necessity be defended by our help, which may not be less than a strong Army without our great peril. To be brief, every year to take in hand so long an expedition of so great labour and travel,

with an Army furnished with Horsemen, Footmen, Ar∣tillery, and a Fleet of Ships for defence of another man, as commonly we do, seemeth to me meer madness; nei∣ther do I think it to stand with the Majesty of the Otho∣man Emperors, thus to be moved every year at the re∣quest of a puling Woman, crying for help; except you think it more profitable and honourable to maintain a defensive than invasive War: Wherefore (in my opinion) it is best to turn this Kingdom (so often conquered and defended by Law of Arms) after the manner of your Ancestors,* 10.356 into the form of a Pro∣vince; the Queen I would have sent to her Father, and the Boy her Son brought up in your Court at Constantinople, and there instructed in our Religion; the Nobility of the Country I wish to be slain, and their Castles rased, and the notable Families which bare the bravest minds, to be carried away out of all parts of the Country into Asia; as for the base multitude, I would have kept under with good Gar∣risons, to till the ground, and inhabit the Cities. By this only means (mighty Solyman) shall both the Hungarians perceive themselves conquered, and the Germans glad to forbear coming into Hungary, unless they will rashly and unfortunately hazard both Styria and Austria.

But Solyman thinking it good to do sacrifice before he would resolutely determine of so great a matter,* 10.357 entred into Buda with his two Sons, Se∣lymus and Bajazet, the thirtieth of August in the year 1541. and there in the Cathedral Church dedicated to the Virgin Mary (being before by his Priests Purified after the manner of their Supersti∣tion) sacrificed the first Mahometan Sacrifice in Buda. Shortly after, he as it were moderating the opinions of his great Counsellors, provided out of them all both for his own security and honour, and published a Decree, the fatal Doom of that flourishing Kingdom, whereunder it yet groaneth at this day; That Buda should from that day be kept with a Garrison of Turks, and the Kingdom converted into a Province of the Turkish Empire;* 10.358 and the Queen with her young Son should presently depart the City, and live in Lippa,* 10.359 in a fertile and quiet Country beyond the River of Tibiscus, which something to com∣fort her, was near unto the Borders of her Fa∣ther Sigismund his Kingdom, to be safely con∣ducted thither with all her Wealth and Jewels by his Janizaries. Wherefore the Queen and her Son, according to this Decree, with Tears and Mourning, detesting in her heart the Ty∣rants perfideous dealing (which necessity infor∣ced her then to dissemble) departed from Buda, constrained by the Turks to leave behind her all the Ordnance in the Castle and City, with all other the Warlike Provision and Store of Victual. The Noblemen went with her also, who although they went sorrowful for this wo∣ful and unexpected change of things, yet were they very glad of their Liberty and Safety, whereof they had for the space of three days despaired. Only Valentinus was kept in safe cu∣stody in the Camp, because he was a Martial Man of greatest power amongst the Hungari∣ans; and besides that, much hated of the Turks for the hard pursuit of Cason and his Horse∣men, slain at Storamberg in Austria. Thus the Royal City of Buda fell into the hands of the Turks, whereupon not long after ensued the final ruin of that Kingdom, sometime the strong Bulwark of Christendom, but lost to the great weakning of the Christian Commonweal; which may justly be imputed to the Pride, Ambi∣tion, and Dissention of the Hungarians amongst themselves, and the calling in of the common Enemy; the due consideration of whose only coming, might well have sufficed to have made them agreed.

Whilst these things were doing at Buda, King Ferdinand expecting the event of this War at Vi∣enna, and hearing of the shameful loss of his Army, and that the General deadly wounded was fled to Comara, and that Solyman (Fame en∣creasing the evil News) was coming towards Vi∣enna; sent Leonardus Velsius (who never liked of the Siege of Buda) to Comara, to stay the further Flight of the Souldiers, and to gather together so well as he could the dispersed Reliques of the scattered Army, and to comfort again the discouraged men with the hope of new Supplies and of Pay. And somewhat to stay Solyman, who as it was thought would suddainly come to Vienna,* 10.360 he sent Count Salma and Sigismund Lithestain, a noble and grave Counsellor, his Embassadors, with Presents and new Conditions of Peace to Solyman. The Presents were a high standing Cup of Gold after the German fashion, curiously set with Stones; and a wonderful Globe of Silver of most rare and curious device, daily expressing the hourly passing of the Time, the motion of the Planets, the Change and Full of the Moon, the motion of the superior Orbs, ever moving by certain Wheels and Weights curiously conveyed within the same, and exactly keeping due time and motion; lively expressing the wonderful motions and conversions of the Celestial Frame. A most curious and strange piece of Work, devised and perfected by the most cunning Astronomers for Maximilian the Emperor, whose noble mind never spared for any Cost to obtain things of rare and strange device. The Embassadors passing down the River of Danubius, were at their landing first received by Cason the Admiral of Solymans Fleet, and by him brought into a rich Tent, the ground un∣der their Feet being all covered wich rich Car∣pets; to whom Rustan Bassa sent such good chear as the Camp afforded, but especially most excellent Wine, no less forbidden the Turks by their Law, than desired of the Germans. The next day after, the great Bassaes feasted the Em∣bassadors, Solyman himself dining not far off in his Pavillion; at which Feast the Bassaes for the more courtesie dined with the Embas∣sadors, not sitting with their Legs gathered un∣der them flat upon the ground, as their manner was, but sitting in Chairs at a high Table, after the manner of the Christians; only Mahometes Gover∣nor of Belgrade, for his Age and Valour, an ex∣traordinary Ghest, sat down upon a Cussion be∣neath the Bassaes.* 10.361 Their Chear was only Rice and Mutton, and that so plainly and sparingly dressed, as if they had thereby noted our gor∣mandise and excess; who measure not our Chear by that which Nature requireth, but that which greedy Appetite desireth, as if therein consisted the greatest Nobility; and the Drink for the great Bassaes themselves, right easie to be had, was fair Water out of the River Danubius. After Dinner the Embassadors were brought in unto Solyman, each of them led betwixt two Bassaes holding them fast by the Arms, as it had been for honours sake, and so brought to kiss his Hand. For the Turks suffer no Stranger other∣wise to come unto the Presence of their suspi∣cious Emperor, but first they search him that he have no Weapon about him, and so clasping him by the Arms under the colour of doing him honour, dissemblingly bereave him of the use of his Hands, lest he should offer him any vio∣lence; yet hath he always as he sitteth in his Throne, lying at hand ready by him a Target, a Scimeter, an Iron-Mace, with Bow and Arrows.

The great Globe was also brought in by twelve of the Embassadors Servants, which with the strangeness thereof filled the mind of Solyman, and the Eyes of his Bassaes with admiration; for Solyman was of so sharp a Wit, that he was not learned only in such Books as contained the Laws and Rites of the Mahometan Superstition, but had also curiously studied Astronomy, and especial∣ly Cosmography, in which profitable and plea∣sant study he much recreated himself as his lea∣sure served. The Embassadors desired that he would give the Kingdom of Hungary to King Ferdinand,* 10.362 almost upon the same conditions that Lascus had before required it for him at Constanti∣nople, paying him such yearly Tribute as King Iohn had usually paid, and promising farther to draw Charles the Emperor his Brother into the same League; so that Solyman delivered of all fear that way, might at his pleasure turn his Forces upon the Persian, which it was thought he most desired. Besides that, they said he should deal neither honourably nor indifferently, if he should prefer the young Child before King Ferdinand, who beside his ancient Right unto that King∣dom, (which they were not now to urge, as op∣pressed by his happy Victories, but might in time be revived) had also a late interest by a League betwixt him and King Iohn, wherein he had expresly covenanted by the solemn con∣sent of the greatest part of his Nobility, that King Ferdinand should succeed him in the King∣dom. Whereby they excused him of the late War, as justly taken in hand against the Queen and her Son usurping upon his Right; which King Iohn knowing to be good, and mo∣ved with Conscience, had by his solemn act ac∣knowledged, though to the great offence and prejudice of Solyman his setter up and defender, as also to the touching of himself in honour, to have so unthankfully and fraudulently dealt with his Patron, to whom he was by the Oath of Obedience bound. Wherefore they requested, that sith he being a Prince of all others most mighty and magnificent, standing upon his up∣right dealing both in Peace and War, had so lightly regarded the slie dealing of so ungrateful a man; he would rather accept of King Ferdi∣nand so many ways injured, as his Friend and Tributary, than to have him his perpetual Ene∣my. Concluding, That nothing could be unto him, for the good report of his Justice more com∣mendable, or for the assurance of a perpetual Peace more profitable, or to the immortal praise of his Bounty more honourable, than to call a King of a most ancient Discent, famous for his Vertue and Fidelity, chosen for a King by the Bo∣hemians, desired for a King by the Hungarians, Emperor elect of the Roman Empire by the Ger∣mans, and the natural Brother of the great Em∣peror, his Tributary King of Hungary. Solyman with chearful countenance accepting and com∣mending of the Presents,* 10.363 answered them two days after by Rustan the Bassa his Son in Law, that this was his resolute condition of Peace and Friendship; If King Ferdinand would forthwith restore all the Cities, Towns, and Castles, which were before be∣longing to King Lewis, and for ever after abstain from Hungary; and whereas he had been so often provoked by him to War, and had therein be∣stowed so great charges, and taken so much Tra∣vel, he could for that be content with an easie pain (which should be for his great honour) to impose an easie Tribute upon Austria; upon which Conditions he was content to enter into League with them; but if so be that those Conditions seemed unto them too heavy, and that they would rather make choice of War than Peace, he would bring to pass by continual War, that such things as they had taken from the Kingdom of Hungary, should be requited with the destruction of Austria. But the Embassadors, although they were much moved at the proud Demand of Tribute for Au∣stria, as that wherein the two Brethren of mighty power, Charles the Emperor and King Ferdinand were disdainfully abused; to keep the best course of their Negotiation, and to win some time in so hard estate of things; required a Truce until such time as King Ferdinand and the Emperor his Bro∣ther might be made acquainted with the matter. Which their request the Turk (perceiving their drift and purpose) would in no case grant, for Winter was now fast coming on. It was lawful for the Embassadors all the time they were in the Turks Camp, to view every part thereof, Rustan Bassa conducting them from place to place; where above all things, they most wondred at the perpetual and dumb silence of so great a multi∣tude, the Souldiers being so ready and attentive, that they were no otherwise commanded but by the becking of the Hand, or a Nod of their Com∣manders; they marvelled also at the exquisite order and sweetness of the Turks Camp, finding there∣in nothing disordered or noysom;* 10.364 so that it seem∣ed not the Camp of such a rude and barbarous Nation, but rather of them which were the Au∣thors of Martial Discipline. The Embassadors being rewarded, and so sent away, Solyman com∣manded the old Governor of Belgrade to spoil the Borders of Austria all alongst Danubius; Cason also General of the voluntary Horsemen, he sent into Moravia for like purpose; who neither of them did any great harm, by reason of the suddain ri∣sing of the great Rivers, with the abundance of Rain then falling in Autumn. After that, Solyman appointed one Solyman an Hungarian (who taken Prisoner in his youth by the Turks, had from that time followed the Mahometan Super∣stition) Governor of Buda; who by the upright administration of Justice, and courteous using of the People, with Verbetius the old Chancellor, should do what was possible to put the People in hope of long Peace and Tranquility.* 10.365 Which things done, after he had staid about twenty days at Buda; he determined to return again into Thracia, be∣cause the Rain of Autumn and the cold of Win∣ter was now come in; and was also in doubt to be shut in with the rising of the great Rivers, where∣with the Country of Hungary is in every place so watred, and on every side, so compassed, that it is an hard matter to pass. By the way he set Las∣cus, King Ferdinands Embassador, again at liberty,* 10.366 whom he had left in Prison at Belgrade; but he long enjoyed not that benefit; for shortly after returning into Polonia, he died of the Flux; which caused many to suppose; that he was poisoned by the Turks. A man for his Vertue and Learning famous worthy of a longer life, whose death the King himself much lamented.

As Solyman was returning into Thracia, and was come to the River Dravus, it was told him, That Stephen Maylat, Vayvod of Transilvania, who took King Ferdinand his part; a professed Enemy of the Turks, was taken by the cunning of Peter of Moldavia, and Prince of Valachia; and that all the Country of Transylvania was well pacified, and yielded to his Obedience. Of which News Solyman was passing glad; for he exceedingly hated Maylat, a Martial man of a froward Nature, de∣sirous of rule, and ready upon any occasion to revolt; forasmuch as he remembred Grittus his Legate, and the Turks by him slain; and knew also, that the Transylvanians, an invincible Peo∣ple, born to trouble, and more delighting in un∣certain War than assured Peace, was by him

stirred up; whom he wished rather by gentleness to appease, than by force of Arms and strong hand to subdue. But because we have oftentimes before made mention of this Maylat, of whose taking Solyman so much rejoyced, it shall not be amiss in few words to declare in what fineness he fell into the hands of this treacherous and bloody man, Peter of Moldavia.

This Moldavian by the commandment of So∣lyman (as is aforesaid) had joyned his Forces with Achomates, Governor of Nicopolis, against Maylat; which being united, were in number fifty thousand Horsemen, beside Footmen; which after the manner of those Countries, were not many, every man almost in the Country, be he never so poor, keeping a Horse to serve upon. Maylat beset with the multitude of his Enemies,* 10.367 and finding himself too weak to encounter them, despairing also of aid from King Ferdinand, whom he knew to be busied in a greater War, forsook the Field, and fled again into the strong Town of Fogaras, as he had done the year before, when he was overcharged by King Iohns Power; for there as in a most strong place both by nature and fortification, he had laid up his greatest Sub∣stance and Provision for the Wars, but especially the rich Spoil he had long before taken from Grit∣tus. Achomates coming thither with his power, and perceiving the place was not to be battered or taken by force, but with much labour and long time, thought it best, to assay if he could over∣come him by c••aft and deceit. Wherefore he sent a Messenger unto Maylat, to perswade him to yield himself unto Solyman, and to make choice rather to be called of him his Friend, than to be judged his Enemy; of whom he might well hope of all goodness, which had given whole King∣doms unto his Enemies; promising, that he would use the uttermost of his Credit, which was not small, and labour for him as a Friend, that he might feel the fruit of his Clemency and Boun∣ty, and still enjoy the Government of Transylvania, paying him some small yearly Tribute, as he had before requested; forasmuch as he could take no course better, being beset with so ma∣ny Enemies, than to make his Peace upon rea∣sonable Conditions, and that with as much speed as were possible; in which doing, besides that he should well provide for his own safety, he should also save both his Wealth and Honour; for So∣lyman was coming (as he said) with his victori∣ous Army, who would with assured death re∣venge his vain hope of holding out the Siege, if he should upon a stubborn and obstinate mind then refuse to obey his command. Whereunto Maylat, who foresaw that it was better for him to make a certain Peace, than to endure an un∣certain War, answered, That he could be con∣tent to conclude a Peace, so that it were not upon any bad conditions; and would not greatly refuse Solymans command, which was wont to be both reasonable and just; wherefore upon suffici∣ent Pledges he would come into the Camp, in pre∣sence to agree upon the Conditions of the Peace and demanded to have Achomates his Son, a valiant young Gentleman, delivered in Hostage. Which thing Achomates denied, for that he had (as he said) before given him to Solyman, as the man∣ner was, and therefore had over him no more power; but he promised for him, that was but one, to give four of his best Captains. Which offer Maylat (misdoubting no deceit) accepted, and with a great and gallant retinue attended upon,* 10.368 came into the Enemies Camp, where he was courteously and honourably received. But the Parly, as it could not be conveniently begun immediately after the first salutation, so could it by no means be then ended, but was deferred until the next day; to the intent, that the treache∣rous Moldavian might take his well acquainted and well known Guest, whom he had against that time invited to a solemn Banquet. By that means, the next day about the midst of Dinner, Fortune so favoured the intended Treachery, that Maylat (who was of so proud and cholerick a nature, that he could not well brook the least indignity) was by occasion of some insolent Speech, of purpose ministred by the Moldavian Ghests, put into such a fret, that laying his hand upon his Sword,* 10.369 he in a rage flung from the Ta∣ble; at which time all the other Ghests starting up also, laid hands upon him and took him, fuming, and in vain crying out, that he was shamefully betrayed. His Followers were all forthwith stript of all their bravery by the needy Moldavians, and their Horses and Armor taken from them. Whilst Maylat was yet furiously ex∣claiming of this Treason, in came Achomates, who to seem guiltless of the matter, with deep dissimulation sharply reproved the false Molda∣vian, that he had in doing so foul a Fact shame∣fully violated the Laws of Hospitality, reverenced of all Nations, falsified the Faith which he had given him for his safety, and betraied the lives of such notable Captains as lay in hostage for him. Whereunto the Moldavian (as if it had been in contempt) scornfully answered, that he had up∣on good cause taken Maylat Prisoner, and so would in safety keep him for Solyman, unto whom it only belonged to judge, whether he had justly or unjustly kept him.

Not long after, the strong Town of Fogaras was delivered, with the Hostages, but whether by fear or corruption of Maylats Lieutenant, is un∣certain. So Valentinus Turaccus, and Maylat, two of the greatest Noblemen of Hungary, sufficient of themselves to have restored the Hungarian Kingdom (first rent in sunder with civil Discord, and afterward with the invasion of the Turks) fell into the hands of the Enemy, not van∣quished in Battel, but deceived by Treason.* 10.370 The Town being thus surrendred, almost all the Coun∣try of Transylvania, was by Solymans consent de∣livered to the young King, unto whom all the People most willingly submitted themselves, and took the Oath of Obedience, remembring that his Father had almost for thirty years space with great Justice and quietness governed that Province; and with many Presents honoured the young King lying in Lippa, with the Queen his Mother, and his two Tutors, the Bishop, and Vicche.

At the same time, Charles the Emperor at the importunate suit of his Subjects of Spain, had pre∣pared a great force both by Sea and Land for the conquering of Algiers; from whence the Turkish Pyrats did so infest all that Coast of the Country, from Gades to the Mountains Pyrenei, that the Spaniards (all Trade of Merchandise be∣ing set apart) were glad to keep a continul Watch and Ward all alongst that Coast for defence of the Country.* 10.371 Wherefore although he well knew of the coming of the Turks to Buda, and how hardly he was by the Lantgrave and others spoken of, for leaving his Brother so hardly bestead, to go against a sort of Pirats in Africk, yet persisting in his former determination, he departed out of Germany into Italy, where by the way he met Octavius Farnesius his Son in Law, Alphonsus Vastius his Lieutenant, by the Venetian Em∣bassadors, near to Verona, and so brought to Mil∣lain, where he was with great Solemnity joyfully received of the Citizens, and under a Canopy of Gold brought unto the Palace; he himself

going in a plain black Cloke, and a homely Cap in mourning wise; when as the Women and vul∣gar People, upon a curious simplicity, expected to have seen so great an Emperor in his Royal Robes, glistering with Gold and precious Stones, and the Imperial Crown upon his Head. His heavy Countenance answerable also to his Attire was much noted, as presaging the woful over∣throw which was the day before received at Buda, but not yet known in Italy. From Millain he departed to Genoa, where he was advertised by Letters from his Brother King Ferdinand, of the overthrow of the Germans, of the Victory of the Turks, and the coming of Solyman. Upon which news, Vastius and Auria, his two chief Commanders, the one at Land, the other at Sea, would have perswaded him to have deferred his intended expedition for Africa until the next Spring; and with such power as he had already raised in Italy, and brought with him out of Germany, to stay still in Italy, so to make shew unto the Turks as if he would have returned and holpen his Brother; and in the mean time to assure himself of his state in Italy against the French, who (as it was thought) would be ready to take all occasion of advantage, if any mishap should befal him, either by the force of the Enemy, or violence of Tempest. But he con∣stant in his former resolution, answered them as they sat in Counsel, that they had perswaded him for great reasons to stay in Italy; but that he was for far greater to pass into Africk; for if he should then stay in Italy, it would be thought that he was for fear of the Turks fled out of Germany; which disgrace could no otherwise be prevented, but by the present prosecuting of his former determination for Algiers, and satisfying the expectation of his Subjects of Spain; and so by Sea valiantly to prove their better For∣tune, which had of late not so well favoured them at Land; in hope that Algiers might be won before the Seas should grow rough and dangerous with Winter Tempests; which if it should fall out according to his mind, he would not, as he said, greatly care what the French could do. Yet was it thought, that the dissem∣bling Friendship betwixt the French King and him, would not long endure; and the rather, for that there was a new grudg risen betwixt them about the death of Antonius Rinuo, who for cer∣tain years had lien Embassador for the French King at Constantinople, to Solyman, and was a few months before sent back again by him in∣to France to the King; but returning back again with new instructions from his Master, for the confirmation of a further League betwixt the Turkish Sultan and him, he was by certain Spaniards of the Emperors old Souldiers,* 10.372 who had knowledge of his coming, belaied upon the River Padus as he was going down to Venice, so to have passed into Epirus, and slain, together with Caesar Fregotius; or as the common report went, first taken and tortured, to get from him the secrets of his negotiation, and afterwards slain. Which report so much touched Vastius in Credit, that in purgation of himself, he offered the Combat to any man of like quality to him∣self, that durst charge him with the truth there∣of. But many were of opinion, that he was well and worthily taken away, for undertaking so odious a Charge, as to stir up the Turks against the Christians, and to shew unto them such op∣portunities as might best serve their purpose, by discovering unto them the Emperors Designs, to the great hurt of the Christian Common-Weal. But were it well, or were it evil, as Paulus the third of that name then Bishop of Rome, meet∣ing the Emperor at Luca as he came from Ge∣noa, could not, or would determine,* 10.373 sure it served as no small occasion to set those two great Princes again at ods, whereby the wished Uni∣ty of the Christian state was sore shaken, and a way opened for the Turk. The Emperor at his coming to Luca, was honourably received by the Cardinals and Bishops, and lodged in the Court; the great Bishop was before placed in the Bishops Palace, whither the Emperor came thrice to talk with him, and the Bishop to him once. But the Bishop having nothing at all pre∣vailed with the Emperor and the French Em∣bassador, for the appeasing of the troubles even then like to arise betwixt him and the French King; did what he might to perswade him to employ such Forces as he was about to pass over with into Africk, against the Turks in defence of his Brother Ferdinand, and of the Country of Austria, if Solyman should happily pursue his late obtained Victory at Buda. But he still resolute in that fatal determination of invading of Africk, rejected that the Bishops request also. So the great Bishop having moved much, and pre∣vailed little, in the greatest matters which most concerned the common good, taking his leave of the Emperor, returned by easie journies to Rome.

The Emperor in the mean time with certain Bands of Italians, under the leading of Camillus Columna and Augustinus Spinola, and six thousand Germans, came from Luca to the Port Lune, and there imbarking his Souldiers in certain Merchants Ships provided for the purpose, and five and thirty Gallies, departed thence, com∣manding the Masters of the Ships to direct their Course to the Islands of Baleares; but after they had put to Sea, they were by force of Tempest suddainly arising, brought within sight of Corsica; where after they had been tossed too and fro two days in the rough Seas, and put out of their Course, the Wind something falling, they put into the Haven of Syracusa, now called Bonifacium. The dispersed Fleet once come together into the Port of Syracusa, and the rage of the Sea well appeased, he put to Sea again for the Islands Baleares,* 10.374 now called Majorca and Minorca; where in his Course he met with a Tempest from the West, more terrible and dreadful than the first; wherein divers of the Gallies having lost their Masts and Sails, were glad with extream labour and peril in striving against the rough Sea to get into a Harbor of the lesser Island, taking name of Bar∣chinus Mago the famous Carthaginensian, whose name it retaineth until this day. From hence the Emperor with all his Fleet passed over to the greater Island, being wonderful glad that Ferdinand Gonsaga his Viceroy in Sicilia was in good time come with the Sicilian Gallies and Ships of Italy, in number an hundred and fifty Sail, wherein he had brought such store of Bisket and Victual as might have sufficed for a long War. Mendoza was also expected to have come thither with his Fleet from Spain; but he by reason of contrary Winds being not able to hold that Course, altered his purpose according to the Tem∣pest, and so happily cut over directly to Algiers. So the Emperor nothing misdoubting the careful diligence of Mendoza, and thinking that which was indeed already chanced, and the Wind now serving fair,* 10.375 by the perswasion of Auria his Ad∣miral hoised sail, and in two days came before Algiers, and there in goodly order came to anchor before the City in the sight of the Enemy. Whilst the Fleet thus lay, two of the Pyrates which had been abroad at Sea, seeking for prize, returning to Algiers, not knowing any thing of the Fleet,

fell into the Bay amongst them before they were awar; the bigger whereof Viscontes Cicada stemmed with his Gally and sunk him, the other with wonderful celerity got into the Haven. In the mean time Mendoza with his Gallies had pas∣sed the Promontory of Apollo now called the Cape of Cassineus, and in token of honour saluting the Emperor after the manner at Sea, with all his great Ordnance, gave him knowledg that the Spanish Fleet was not far behind. In this Fleet was above an hundred tall Ships of Biscay and the Low Countries,* 10.376 and of other smaller Vessels a far greater number. In these Ships, besides the Footmen, were embarked a great number of brave Horsemen out of all parts of Spain; for many noble Gentlemen had voluntarily of their own Charge gallantly furnished themselves with brave Armor and couragious Horses, to serve their Prince and Country against the Infidels. Over these choice men commanded Ferdinand of Toledo, Duke of Alva,* 10.377 for his approved Valor then ac∣counted a famous Captain. These Ships going altogether with Sails, were not able to double the Cape as did Mendoza with his Gallies, for now it was a dead Calm; howbeit the Billows of the Sea went yet high, by reason of the rage of the late Tempest, and did so beat against the plain Shore, that it was not possible to land the Souldiers; but that they must needs be washed up to the middle; which thing the Emperor thought it not good to put them unto, and so to oppose them Sea∣sick and through wet against the suddain and desperate Assaults of their fierce Enemies. He also staied for the coming of the Spanish Ships for two causes; first that he might with his united Power more strongly assault the City, and terrifie the Enemy; then, to communicate the whole glory of the action with the Spaniards, at whose request and forwardness and greatest Charge he had undertaken that War. Which fatal delay of two days,* 10.378 although it was grounded upon good reason, did not only disturb an assured Victory, but to the notable hurt of the whole Army, opened a way to all the calamities which after∣ward ensued.

* 10.379In the mean while the Emperor sent a conve∣nient Messenger to Asanagas, otherwise and more truly called Assan-Aga, or Assan the Eunuch; who with a little Flag of Truce in his hand making sign of a Parly, and answered by the Moors with like, as their manner is, went on shore, and was of them courteously received and brought to Assan. This Assan was an Eunuch, born in Sardinia, brought up from his youth in the Ma∣hometan Superstition by Barbarussa, a man both politick and valiant, and by him left for the keep∣ing of his Kingdom of Algiers in his absence with Solyman. This Messenger brought into his pre∣sence, required him forthwith to deliver the City (first surprised by Force and Treachery by Horruccius, and afterwards to the destruction of mankind, fortified by Hariadenus Barbarussa his Brother) to Charles the mighty Emperor, come in person himself to be revenged on those horri∣ble Pyrats; which if he would do, it should be lawful for the Turks to depart whether they would, and for the natural Moors to abide still with their Goods and Religion wholly reserved unto them untouched, as in former time; and for himself, he should receive of the Emperor great Rewards both in time of Peace and Wars, so that he would remember himself, that he was born in Sardinia, and was once a Christian; and accept of the fairest occasion which could pos∣sibly be offered for him to return again to the worshipping of the true God, and to enjoy the favour and bounty of the most mighty Emperor, and withal to revenge himself of the cruel Ty∣rant Barbarussa, for the unnatural Villany done unto his person. But if he would needs daily on the time, and make proof of the strength of so great preparation, he should undoubtedly, with the rest of his Followers, receive the same reward of his obstinacy, which they had to the example of others, received at Tunes.* 10.380 Whereunto the ungracious Eunuch answered, That he thought him altogether mad, that would follow his Ene∣mies Council; and with a grinning countenance askt him, Upon what hope the Emperor trusted to be able to win the City? the Messenger point∣ing with his finger directly to the Fleet, told him, That which you see, with his great Artil∣lery, and Valour of his Souldiers, both Horse and Foot; whereat the Eunuch scornfully laugh∣ing, replied, And we with like Force and Valour will defend this City, and make this place, al∣ready famous for your overthrows here twice, now the third time, of all others most famous by the Emperors discomfiture. It is reported, That there was in Algiers an old Witch, famous for her Predictions, who had (as it was said) foretold the Shipwracks and misery of Didaco Verra, and Hugo Moncada, to them of Algiers, and also prefixed a time when as the Christian Em∣peror adventuring to besiege that City, should there receive great loss both by Sea and Land. The fame of which blind Prophecy serving fitly to confirm the hope of good success in the minds of the vulgar multitude, Assan so fed and aug∣mented (although he himself being a crafty wise Fellow, believed no such vanity) that he did there∣with not only encourage his own Souldiers, but also struck a terror into the minds of the weaker sort of his Enemies, seeing themselves cast upon so dangerous a Coast upon the approach of Winter. There was in Garrison in the City but eight hun∣dred Turks, and most of them Horsemen, but such, as whose Valour and resolution far exceeded their number. For Assan had lost many of his best men, some in fight against Mendoza, and othersome at Sea, slain or taken by Auria in Corsica, and in other places by the Rhodian, Neapolitan, and Si∣cilian Gallies; but many more were by his leave gon to aid the Moors against the Portugals; the other multitude did scarce make up the number of five thousand; which were partly natural Moors born in that Country, and partly such as were born in Granado; to whom were joined many Fu∣gitives out of the Islands of Majorca and Minorca, who in former time having entred into Rebellion, and fearing condign punishment, were fled to Al∣giers, and there revolted to the Mahometan Super∣stition. But the Captains of the wild Numidi∣ans made up a great number both of Horse and Foot, which lying stragling without the City in the open Fields, should night and day vex and mo∣lest the Christians, This brutish People, natural∣ly Enemies unto the Christians, had Assan with rewards and hope of a rich Spoil, allured out of the Countries thereabout to aid him; neither was it lawful for any man to carry his Wife or Children out of the City, into places of more safety farther off, or to shew any small token of fear, pain of death being by the imperious Eunuch proposed to whosoever should but look heavily for fear of dan∣ger, or speak a word favouring of Cowardise. The Emperor by Auria making choice of a most convenient place for landing his men,* 10.381 laid his Gallies so close unto his tall Ships, that his armed Souldiers might with ease come out of the high built Ships into them, and so out of them into the long Boats, to be forthwith set on shore. And such was the speedy diligence of them that had the charge of that matter, and the plenty of

Boats still ready to receive the Souldiers as fast as they could come out of the Gallies, that the Footmen were in a very short time all landed. The Emperor having a little rested and refreshed his Souldiers, divided his Army into three equal Battels; which was in number about twenty thousand Footmen, besides Horsemen and others, who of their own voluntary Will then followed the Emperors Fortune. Unto every Battel he ap∣pointed three Field-Pieces, to terrifie the Numi∣dian Horseman, which were still pricking up and down about them, ready to charge if they could take them at anyadvantage. And so setting forward a few Furlongs, encamped in a strong and con∣venient place, near unto the City, between two deep Ditches, which the Water falling from the Mountains had naturally worn so deep, that nei∣ther Horseman nor Footman could well pass over, but by Bridge; and fast by upon the left hand was an Hill, from the top whereof it seemed the City might with great Ordnance well be battered.

The City of Algiers, sometime the Royal Seat of the great King Iuba,* 10.382 called of the Romans Iulia Caesarea, is in form of a Triangle, situate fast by the Sea towards the North, having a Ha∣ven, but neither great, neither safe from the North-Wind. The Houses farther off from the Sea, stand in seemly order upon the rising of a steep Hill, as it were upon degrees; in such sort, that the Win∣dows of one row still overlooks the tops of the next beneath it, into the Sea, most beautiful to behold. The Emperor having divided his Camp into three parts, every Nation by themselves, lying on the East side of the Town, was in great hope to win it; and the rather, for that whilst he as∣saulted it on that side, his Ships and Gallies from the North side, might in time of the Assault with their great Ordnance beat the Enemy all alongst the Wall; which still rising higher and higher according to the rising of the steep Hill, could not conveniently be defended with one Bulwark, as we see it may in plain ground. Nearest unto the rising of the Hills, lay the Spaniards; in the midst,* 10.383 the Germans with the Emperor; and in the Plain nearest to the Sea, the Italians. In the mean time whilst the great Ordnance was land∣ing, and the Horses unshipping, the Numidians with a hideous outcry shewed themselves upon the tops of the Mountains above the Spaniards, and from thence easily gauled them with their Darts and Shot; for they nimbly running too and fro in the known parts of the rough Mountains, would suddainly and fiercely assail them, but after the manner of their Nation skirmishing afar off, rather than near at hand. In which manner of light skirmishes, all the day was spent until night, with small danger but much trouble to the Spaniards. And when night was come, these wild People, one Company still succeding ano∣ther in the place they had before taken, never left shooting; for wheresoever they saw any Fire in the Spanish Camp, thither came Arrows, Darts, and Stones flying as thick as Hail;* 10.384 for remedy whereof, the Spaniards were glad to put out their Fires, and with silence to expect the day, that they might come nearer unto them. Wherefore as soon as the Sun was up, the Spaniards by the perswasion of Alva••es Sandes, Master of the Camp, valiantly climbing up the high Mountains, re∣pulsed and put to flight the Numidians, and took the top of the Hills, and there lay as it were encamped in the poor Shepherds Cottages. But the same day such a multitude of the wild Peo∣ple was flockt about them, that they were com∣passed in round, and glad to fight on every side in a Ring. Yet this fierceness of this barbarous People, was by the Valour of the Sicilian Com∣panies quickly repressed, whose Pikemen glister∣ing in their bright Armor, made small account of the Numidians Arrows and Darts, but orderly stepping forwards with their Pikes, and the Har∣quebusiers close by their sides, easily repulsed their naked Enemies. The Numidian Footmen are for most part Youths half naked,* 10.385 with long hair not unlike the Irish, using no other Weapons but Darts; they fight mingled with their Horsemen, trusting the one to the other, and are of a won∣derful swiftness▪ and agility of Body. Their Horsemen use long Spears, armed at both ends, which they with a marvellous dexterity use, to the endangering of their Enemy pursuing them; they use also long and light Targets made of Leather, wherewith they so cunningly defend themselves and their Horses, both in their Charge and Retreat, that for a small trifle, in respect of the danger, they will give a man leave to cast seven Darts at one of them, which they will all most surely avoid either with the Spear, or receive them without harm into their Target. In the mean time, whilst this wild People thus skirmished all the day, at night a suddain mischance overthrew all the Emperors hope; for as he stood beholding the unshipping of his great Ordnance, his Horses, Victual and other necessaries of the Army, a storm of Wind and Rain began about six a clock in the Afternoon, holding on all the night without inter∣mission, with such rage, as if Heaven and Earth should have gone together;* 10.386 wherewith the whole Army at Land was wonderfully troubled, and a great part of the Fleet at Sea by force of Tempest driven aground, perished. That night three Com∣panies of the Italians, by the appointment of their General, lay without the Trenches against the suddain Assault of so uncertain an Enemy, who when they had all the night endured the vehement Rain and extream cold, were so over∣come with the extremity of the Weather, that neither were their minds able to relieve their weak bodies, neither their feeble bodies their daunted minds; for they could neither conveniently stand nor lie down, all the ground being so miry, that at every step they sunk up to the calf of the Leg. Upon these starved Companies, the Turkish Horsemen and Moors Footmen, who diligently observed the Watch of the Christians, perceiving their distresses, suddainly sallied out in the dawn∣ing of the day; and so fiercely charged them, their Match and Powder being now so wet that they could not use their Pieces, that they all fled, except a few Pikemen, who made a stand, and were all quickly slain by the Turks; who so desperatly pursued the rest in chase, that they fol∣lowed them over the Trench into the Camp. This Alarm being heard, Camillus Columna the Italian General came presently thither, being sent by the Emperor, who with certain Companies issued out over the Bridge against the Enemy; who now in shew discouraged with the coming out of this new Supply, did indeed, or at leastwise made as if they did disorderly retire for fear. At which time Ferdinand Gonzaga, Viceroy of Sicilia, a man of greatest account in the Army next unto the Emperor, coming in also, and an∣gry with them which had before fled; per∣swading them as valiant men, to recompence their shamful flight with a fresh Charge, by dri∣ving the Enemy home to his own door; which thing Columna said could not be done without great peril, but Gonzaga being a man of a no∣ble Courage, desired to have the disgrace which the Italians had received, salved some way, al∣though it were with never so great danger; thinking also that it might happily fall out, that the

Enemy being put to flight, and hastily pursued, they might together with them enter the City, without danger of the Artillery.* 10.387 So without farther delay, the rest of the Italian Companies were led forth of their Trenches with great chearfulness by Augustine Spinola, who so valiant∣ly charged the Enemies, that they put them to flight, and pursued them so hard, that they came with them to the very Gates of the City; where many shut out for fear of letting in the Italians together with them, escaped by known ways, some to another Gate, and some into the Moun∣tains. But then these barbarous People, with Darts and Shot from the Walls, began to over∣whelm the Italians which were unadvisedly come within their danger,* 10.388 and with terrible, outcries to terrifie them; and they which before were fled without the Walls, returned again to fight. They also which had shut the Gate, sallied out again, and hardly charged the Italians, who already gauled with shot from the Walls, and rent in sunder with the great Ordnance, fled most disor∣derly; for why, they were but raw Souldiers taken up in hast, little or nothing acquainted with the Wars. At which time Assan also sallying out, who was easily known by his Countenance and rich Attire, pursued the chase with his Troops of Turks and Moors Footmen. Only certain Knights of the Rhodes fought valiantly, and retired orderly; and Spinola with some other Gentlemen making a stand at a little wooden Bridge, somewhat staid the Enemy and saved the lives of many. So the Italians which first char∣ged most valiantly, being in the flight become hindermost, the Enemy striking them down as they fled, covered the Fields with their dead Bodies by the space of half a mile, especially they which fled towards the Sea; for there they were circumvented and slain by the merciless Numidians, who beholding the Shipwrack, were come down to the Sea side for prey. But the for∣most Companies of the Italians which first fled into the Camp, fled in so much hast and so great fear, that none of the Leaders in so great and suddain a perplexity, remembred either the com∣mon safety, or performed the duty of an ad∣vised Captain; so that all seemed at once lost both by Sea and Land. Only the Emperor, armed with an invincible courage against all the chances of fortune, and notto be dismaid with any mishap, was both unto himself and others that day the greatest Captain; for when all was almost lost, he in good time staied the matter by coming on with the Squadron of Germans, whereof he sent before three Ensigns to stay the flight, and with them as a sure and fresh supply to guard his Camp beyond the Bridge which was over the Ditch, serving his Army for a Trench as we have before said. But such a fear had pos∣sessed the minds of the flying Italians, and such was the fierce pursuit of the Enemy, that those Germans (not before wont to turn their backs) as if they had been afraid of the Turks white Caps, or not able to abide their sight, or to hold up weapon against them; by and by turned their backs, and shamefully fled for Company with the Italians.* 10.389 Then the Emperor galloping forth with his Horse, and his Sword in his Hand drawn, reproving them of Cowardise that fled, set for∣ward with the German Squadron; and with a stout and manly Courage spake to them these few words in their own Language: When will you (fellow Souldiers) shew your Faces to your proud Enemies, if now when you should fight for the honour of the Christian Name, for the glory of the German Nation, for the safegard of your own Lives, in the presence of your Emperor, you fear a few disordered and naked Barbarians? Immediately when he had thus said, the Germans touched with shame, and disdaining that it should be thought they needed any exhortation to perform the parts of valiant Souldiers, issued out against the Enemy; who moved with their coming, and seeing the Italian battel again restored by the valour and travel of certain valiant and expert Captains, stood still a while and began to retire; whether it were be∣caused they feared the great Artillery and assault of the Germans, or that they thought they had done enough for that sally; when as for the full ac∣complishment of the Victory they saw the Chri∣stian Fleet overcome with a most horrible Tem∣pest, miserably to perish before their Faces; and many of their Men, especially the Moors, hasted to the Sea side in hope of a more certain Prey, whereas no Enemy was to be feared.* 10.390 For the blustring Winds blowing from divers quarters, as if they had conspired to raise a most horrible Tempest, had made such a rough Sea, and the huge Billows went so high, that the Ships by the violence of the Weather, and rage of the Sea, put from their Anchors, fell foul one of another, and were so lost; or else driven upon the Main, were there beaten in pieces in the sight of the Army; so that all the Sea Coast Westward from Algiers to Cercello, lay full of dead Men and Horses, and the Ribs of broken Ships.* 10.391 The Numidians beholding this miserable Wreck, came down by great Companies from the Mountains, and with∣out mercy slew all that came alive to Land. In the space of a few hours was lost about a hun∣dred and forty Ships, and all the small Boats and Carvels, which were in number many. Some of the Gallies, when they had from midnight to the next day at noon, by the painful labour of the Mariners, and skilfulness of the Masters, rid it out; being no longer able to endure the rage of the Tempest, and fearing to be eaten up with the Sea, with Sails and Oars ran aground; but the Souldiers and Mariners swimming to Land in hope to save their Lives, and thinking that the greatest danger had been now past, were by the Numidian Horsemen which ran up and down the Sea side, slain. There might a Man have seen Free-men of all sorts, with Tears commend∣ing their lives and liberty to their own Gally-slaves, that by the speech and entreaty of them, which by the suddain change of fortune had but even now shaken off their Irons, and with merry Hearts swam out to their liberty, they might be saved from the cruelty of the fierce Numidians. It was a most grievous and woful sight for divers hard extremities,* 10.392 when as every Man according to the disposition of his mind and skill in Swim∣ming, standing doubtful in most assured death, which to receive or refuse, was by fatal Destiny drawn to his end, and either drowned in the Sea, or thrust through with the Enemies Lance; yet most made voice to abide the danger of the Sea, and to expect the event of the Tempest, ra∣ther, than to hasten their end by the Enemies mer∣ciless Hand. By that means it came to pass, that that barbarous Cruelty of the Enemy (as a thing most feared of the Mariners and Souldiers) saved many Gallies, which by the appointment of the fearful Mariners and Passengers should o∣therwise have been run on ground.* 10.393 But after that, a notable Galley wherein Iannettin Auria went, was seen to come near unto the Shore, and to be driven upon the Sands by force of Weather and the beating of other Gallies. The Emperor not enduring to see so valiant a young Gentleman, Captain of many Gallies, slain with∣out help by the Moors in the sight of Auria his Uncle; sent by and by one of his Captains called

Antonius of Aragon, with three Bands of Italians to the Sea side; by whose coming the Moors were put to flight, and he with the rest in the Galley saved; but so, that the saving of him was the loss of divers other Gallies. For many de∣livered of the fear of the Numidians, and trust∣ing to the rescue of the Souldiers came down to the Sea side, desiring to save themselves from the rage of the Sea, ran their Gallies on ground; and had not some bold Captains (grieved to see so great a loss) ran up and down the Banks with their drawn Swords in their Hands, and by threat∣ning death unto the Galley-slaves and Mariners, staied their rowing, most part of the Gallies had by the example of the others perished. Auria, not so angry at himself as at the Emperor (who, contrary to the observation of skilful Sea-men, could not be disswaded from taking in hand that great expedition in so suspicious a time of the year) with an invincible courage strove against the violence of the Tempest, and rage of the Sea; insomuch, that being requested by some of his Friends to save himself, whatsoever became of the Galley; he was so angry thereat, that he commanded them to be bestowed under Hatches. Four Gallies also of Virginius Ursinus Earl of An∣guillaria, and as many of the Rhodians, after his example rid it out, the reputation of their ho∣nour exceeding the fear of death. Certain Gal∣lies also of Sicilia, Naples, and Spain, happily en∣dured all the rage of the Tempest; yet was there fifteen great Gallies cast away; with the loss whereof, besides the loss of so many Ships, the Tempest still enduring, so great sorrow and desperation in the woful expectation of the Wreck of all, possessed the whole Army, that not only the young Souldiers regarding only their own lives, but even the most valiant Captains careful of the common Estate, were utterly dis∣couraged; for never was Army in any memory overwhelmed with a greater concourse of cala∣mities, when as all their Victuals being lost in three days, nothing was left to relieve them with∣al, and they wanted Tents wherein to shroud and rest the Souldiers spent with labour, hun∣ger, cold, and wounds, in such perpetual Rain and so dirty a Country. In which so great mi∣series a wonderful care,* 10.394 heavier than the former fear, exceedingly troubled the minds of all Men, to think upon that horrid Wreck; when as ha∣ving lost so many Ships, and they poor Men landed in Africk, were in doubt however to re∣turn again into their native Countries. Yet the notable courage of the Emperor still kept the distressed Men in hope, which never altogether forsaketh wretched Men in the midst of their calamities; for he with a couragious heart and chearful countenance performed all the parts of a provident and courteous General. For when he had again made sure his Camp against the as∣saults of the Barbarians,* 10.395 he commanded the wea∣ried Captains, especially the Duke of Alva (wonderfully wearied in the late skirmish, and dung wet) to spare themselves and take their lest; he comforted the wounded Men, and caused them to be carried and cherished in the Tents which by chance yet stood (for the tempestu∣ous Wind had almost overthrown them all) and so not sparing himself for any pains, being in his Armor and through wet, won the hearts of all his Souldiers the more. In this conflict he lost about three thousand Men, amongst whom was five of his forward Captains, and three Knights of the Rhodes; but many more were hurt. The greatest loss was thought to be in loss of the Ships and of the Mariners, which was also en∣creased by the loss of a wonderful deal of great Ordnance, reckoned so much the greater, for that it would come into the hands of the Moors, to the common harm of the Christians, so soon as the Sea would give them leave to dive for it. Shortly after, Auria (as he was to foresee a Tempest, a wonderful observer of the Sea, of the Heavens, and of the Clouds) mistrusting that place, departed with the remainder of the Fleet to the Cape called Metafusium, because it was a place of safer riding for his Gallies, and better for the taking in of the Souldiers; advising the Emperor to march thither by Land. Which his Counsel the Emperor liking well of,* 10.396 to relieve the hunger of his Souldiers, commanded first all the draught-Horses which were first unshipped for the drawing of the great Ordnance, and af∣ter them the Horses for service, to be killed, and divided for Meat among the Souldiers. As for Wood to make Fire of, they had plenty of the Planks and Ribs of the broken Ships, Fortune as it were with that one poor benefit recompensing so many calamities.* 10.397 The next day the Emperor departed from Algiers, with his Army divided into three Battels, the sick and wounded Men be∣ing received into the middle; and when he had marched seven miles (the Enemies Horsemen still hovering about him) he came to a heady Brook which the Moors call Alcaraz; which was grown so high with the abundant Rain and the check of the Wind and of the Sea, that being but a shallow thing before, it was not now to be passed over by a good Horseman. Wherefore the Em∣peror of necessity there encamped, in such sort, that lying with his Army in form of a Tri∣angle, two sides of his Army was defended with the Sea and the Brook, and the other with a strong Guard of armed Men, for he thought it not good to depart from the Sea, a sure defence for his Army on the left hand, to seek a Foord farther off. Many adventuring to swim over, were by the violence of the Stream carried away and drowned. Wherefore the Emperor caused a Bridge to be made over it, of the Masts and Sail-yards of the broken Ships, which were by chance there taken up, and so passed over the Italians and Germans. The Spaniards marching higher up the Brook, found a Foord whereby they passed over. After which time the Turks pur∣sued them no further, being called back again by Assan their Governour; as for the Moors and Nu∣midians which still followed at hand always ready to skirmish, they were easily repulsed by the Har∣quebusiers and Field-pieces appointed to every Nation; but upon such sick and wounded Men as were not able to keep way with the Army, they exercised all manner of cruelty; for there was none which in that small hope, possessed with fear of their own safety, was greatly moved with the compassion of their Fellows misery. The next day passing over another little River, which the Souldiers waded over up to their Brests, they came in three days march to the Rode where the Fleet lay, and encamped in the Ruins of the old City Tipasa near unto the Sea side, which served them in stead of a Fortress against the Barbari∣ans. The Sea was now calm, the Wind laid,* 10.398 and the Weather so fai•• that all Men thought the Souldiers might now well be embarked and tran∣sported into Europe; wherefore the Emperor to the great joy of the whole Army commanded every Man to make himself ready to go aboord, in such sort, that first the Italians, next the Ger∣mans, and last of all the Spaniards should be em∣barked; but so many Ships and Gallies, as is be∣fore said, being lost by Shipwreck, it was thought that those which were le••t were not able to re∣ceive the whole Army, although it was crowded

together as close as were possible.* 10.399 Wherefore the Emperor commanded the Masters and owners of the Ships to cast all the Horses overboord in∣to the Sea, reputing it an unmerciful part, to pre∣fer the safegard of those Horses (although they were of great worth) before the life of the basest common Souldier or Horse-boy in his Camp. Which thing much grieved the minds of the Noblemen and Owners of those goodly Beasts, not only for that they were (not without extream necessity) for the present deprived of such an inestimable Treasure, but should for ever, as they said▪ lose the most notable race of Horses in Spain; there with grief and vain compassion, was to be seen goodly Horses of service, bearing up their proud Heads, swimming all about the Sea unto the Ships nearest unto them for safegard, as if it had been to the Shore, and in the end wearied with long swimming to be there drown∣ed. But scarce half the Souldiers were yet em∣barked, when the East and North-East Wind, and straitways after divers contrary Winds almost as great as the first, rose; whereupon the Ships which had already taken in the Souldiers, not ex∣pecting any command, for fear of being driven upon the Rocks, directed their Course according as the Wind carried them, with full Sails alongst the Coast; They were quickly out of sight, and dispersed with the Tempest, some into one Country, some into another, carrying the Fame of that Shipwreck, and the report that all was lost, into the Islands of the Mediterranean and Ports of Italy. The force of this Tempest was so great,* 10.400 and the Billows went so high, that some of the Ships were in the sight of their Fellows swal∣lowed up of the Sea. But amongst the rest two Spanish Ships full of Souldiers were by wonder∣ful mishap by contrary Winds driven again to Algiers, and there set fast upon that fatal Shore, where the Numidian Horsemen with a multi∣tude of Moors following them, came running down to the Sea side to kill them as they should come to Shore; for the barbarous People thirst∣ing after Christian Blood, would not receive them to mercy, although they were ready to yield themselves, and covenanted nothing but the safe∣gard of their lives. At which their cruelty the Spaniards disdaining, with their Weapons in their hands got to Shore, and standing close together as desperate Men, withstood them who had with their multitude quickly compassed them in round; yet in despight of what that barbarous multitude (without regard of humanity or Law of Arms) could do, they made way through the midst of them, from the place where they were cast on Shore, unto the very Gates of the City. But seeing the Turks sally out, they called unto them, offering to yield themselves Prisoners to Assan without further resistance, if they would assure them their lives, which they were in good hope of, for that he was born of Christian Pa∣rents in Sardinia, and was attended upon with many Renegate Spaniards.* 10.401 So Assan coming forth of the City, gave them his Faith for their safety, and beating away the Moors and Numi∣dians, courteously saved them all, wisely making great account of so great a gain as would re∣dound unto him by so many Prisoners, joyned with no small commendation of his clemency in saving them. Of the Germans the third part never returned home, but were either lost with Shipwreck, or else dead of the Sickness ensuing so great miseries.* 10.402 The Emperor perswaded (or rather overruled) by Auria, to avoid the violence of the Tempest, sailed alongst the Coast of A∣frick Eastward to Buzia; the Castle whereof was kept with a small Garrison of Spaniards; where the Emperor landing, found some fresh Victual, though not much, yet such as did both him and the other Noblemen no small pleasure. Whilst the Emperor lay at Buzia expecting fairer Wea∣ther, a great Ship of Genoa laded with Victual chanced to come into the Bay, to the great re∣joycing of the hungry Souldiers; but such was the violence of the Tempest, that her Anchors came home, and she driven upon the Flats was cast away; yet so, as that part of the Victual driven to Shore, and half spoiled with the Salt-water, well relieved the encreasing want. In the mean time the Emperor when he had long look∣ed for the asswaging of the Tempest, and was now out of hope of any new supply of Victual, sent away Gonzaga with the Sicilian and Rhodi∣an Gallies; for the Wind before at North was now come to Northwest, and put them in hope to adventure again to Sea, rather than to stay there longer. So although with a troublesome yet a prosperous Course, they came in short time to the Port of Utica, now called Farinas; where Muleasses King of Tunes bountifully relieved Gon∣zaga and his Fleet with all kind of Victual and other necessaries. From whence they afterward departed, and landed all in safety at Drepanum in Sicilia. The blustring Winds were now at length weary of blowing, and the raging Sea became calm, so that the skilful Sea-men for fear of new dangers, and weary of those that were past, thought it best to adventure again at Sea. Al∣most every hour they were reasoning in Coun∣cil, What Course they were for most safety best to take; when some were of opinion, that it was best to bear for Sardinia or Corsica; and other∣some would have had them to have kept alongst the Coast of Africa, and so directly for Sicilia. But the Wind coming fair at East, the Emperor directed his Course to the Islands Baleares,* 10.403 and from thence at length arrived at the Port of New Carthage in Spain, greatly commended even of his Enemies, for the wonderful courage and constancy in passing through so many extremities, in such sort as if he had triumphed over the ma∣lice of fortune.

About this time the dissembled friendship be∣twixt Charles the Emperor and Francis the French King brake out into open hatred. [year 1542.] * 10.404 The King first thinking himself deluded by the Emperor, who had long time fed him with the vain hope of the restitution of the Duchy of Milan, when as he meant nothing less; and of late abused by the death of Rinco his Embassador, slain by the Spa∣niards in passing down the River Padus, as is be∣fore declared. In revenge whereof he raised a great power in France, and at such time as most Men thought he would have invaded Italy, sent Charles his Son with the one part of his Forces into the Low-Countries, which were then go∣verned by Mary Queen of Hungary the Emperors Sister; and Henry his other Son with the other part of his Forces to invade Spain; both young Princes, of great hope. And not so contented, but desirous by all means to trouble and molest the Emperor, as he did in the Low-Countries by setting on the Duke of Cleve; so by Anto∣nius Polinus his Embassador, a Man of great dis∣cretion, he earnestly solicited Solyman the Great Turk, with whom he was then in League, to spoil the Borders of Spain with his Gallies, at the same time that Henry his Son was besieging Perpenna in Spain. For which practice he was of most Men discommended, as too much fa∣vouring his own grief, and especially by such as affected the Emperor. But how this matter (which drew upon the French King no small envy) was carried in the Turks Court, shall not

(as I hope) be unto this History impertinent to declare.

After the death of Rinco slain by the Spaniards, Francis the French King sent Antonius Polinus a Man of great dexterity,* 10.405 his Embassador to Soly∣man; who passing by many by-ways to Venice, and so over the Gulf to Sibinicum, crossing over Illyria, met with Solyman in Misia, as he was coming from Buda; and there first offered unto him the Present sent from the King his Master (for with empty hands no Man might presume to come to those barbarous Kings of the East) which Present was a Cupboord of Plate curi∣ously wrought, in weight six hundred Pounds; and five hundred rich Garments of all sorts of Silk and Skarlet to be bestowed upon the Bassaes and other great Courtiers. Solyman after he had read the French Kings Letters, and heard what he had further to say, seemed to be greatly moved with the death of Rinco, and promised Polinus not to be wanting unto the French King, by Sea or Land to give him aid in his just Wars against Charles his Enemy, for breaking of the League, but forasmuch as nothing could be well deter∣mined of such matters in his Journy of so great hast, he told him, that as soon as he was come to Constantinople, he should then have answer by his Bassaes of all his demands.* 10.406 The Embassador above all things desired that he would send Ha∣riadenus Barbarussa with his Fleet against the next Summer into Provence, there to be received in∣to the French Harbors, and to be imployed a∣gainst the Emperor as occasion should require; and further, That he would request the Vene∣tians, with whom he was able to do much, to joyn in League with the King his Master against Charles the Emperor, whose power began now to be dreadful to their Estate. Polinus was not slack in his business▪ but all the way as he went sought to win the favour of the Bassaes, still giving them one Present or other, and filling their minds with the hope of greater. But when they were come to Constantinople, in the later end of Decem∣ber, Solyman promising what he had before said, advised Polinus to return to France with his Let∣ters, and to bring him certain word back again from the King, of the determinate time and full resolution of taking those Wars in hand; and that he would in the mean time send Iunusbeius his Embassador to Venice, who had been there di∣vers times before, and would provide to have such a Fleet in readiness as he desired.* 10.407 Polinus ex∣ceeding glad of that answer, with great speed returned back again to the King, bringing with him as Presents from Solyman two goodly Turkish Horses and a Sword richly set with Stones of great price. The French King having by his Embassador received Solymans Letters and Pre∣sents, and three days together discoursed with him at large of the manner of his proceeding in the Turks Court, in short time after sent him back again to Solyman with full instructions both of the time and places,* 10.408 and other circumstances of the intended War. Polinus coming to Ve∣nice, found not Iunusbeius there, as he had well hoped; yet to lose no time in expecting his coming, he with Pell••cerius Embassador Lieger for the French King▪ and other of the French Facti∣on, laboured the Senators in the behalf of the King. For it was thought like enough, that the Venetians still measuring all their Councils by their profit, would easily consent to that League, especially being requested thereunto by Solyman, and put in hope to have the Port-Town Mara∣nus delivered unto them in reward thereof; which otherwise the French, in whose possession it was, threatned to deliver to the Turks, and to make them their evil Neighbours, rather than to have it taken from them by the Germans. Wherefore Polinus having audience given him in the Senate, notably pleaded the French Kings cause, grievously lamented the death of the Em∣bassador slain by the Spaniards, and bitterly en∣veighed against the ambition of the Emperor, who as he said aspired to the whole Monarchy of Italy, not by true vertue and valour, but by meer craft and deceit, encroaching still upon the li∣berties of the Free-States, and by little and little imposing upon them the Yoke of Bondage; In confirmation whereof he produced many exam∣ples, to them well known, requesting them as ancient Friends and Confederates of the French, to joyn their Forces with the Kings; in which doing, they should assure themselves of such re∣ward of the undoubted Victory, as they could not desire greater. Whereas if they should re∣fuse so to do, and would rather sit still and look on as neuters, they should undoubtedly, Fortune having decided the quarrel, grievously offend both, and might worthily expect of the vanquish∣ed, hatred; and of the conqueror, injury. Be∣sides that, in taking up of Arms they should highly gratifie Solyman, who provoked with late injuries, had determined with a puissant Army to invade Hungary, and at the same time to send Barbarussa with a great Fleet against the Spani∣ards their common Enemies; for the imparting of which his designs he would shortly send unto them Iunusbeius his Embassador: As for the event of the War they needed not to doubt, when as they of themselves were strong enough quickly to thrust the Emperor out of the Duchy of Mil∣lan, being generally hated of the people, feeding his Souldiers with the spoil of the Country, and and on every side beset both by Sea and Land by two of the greatest Monarchs of the World. Whereunto the Senate delaying the time for cer∣tain days,* 10.409 that Iunusbeius might in the mean time come thither, gravely answered, That the amity they held with King Francis, ought to be unto them an ornament, but no burden; the like also they held with the Emperor, whom they would in no case seem to cast off, although they had been by him overwraught; Wherefore the Senators and all the Citizens in general were of opinion, to preserve their Peace, as they which in the hard times of War had endured great extremities, which would hardly be recovered with long Peace: But if they did once see the Ensigns dis∣plaied, and the Wars begun, they would then take further advice, Whether it were good for them to thrust themselves into those Wars or not, when as they were in League and Friendship with three of the greatest Princes of the World.* 10.410 In the mean time Iunusbeius arrived at Venice, and was there honourably received. He requested, That the League before made at Constantinople by Badoerius their Embassador, might by the autho∣rity of the Senate be confirmed; and so com∣mended the French Kings cause to the Senate, that he requested no more, but that unto that amity which they already held with the French, they would joyn further courtesies, the rather for that Solyman had accounted him for his Bro∣ther, and had undertaken to aid him against Charles King of Spain; but as to joyn in League with him, or in his quarrel to take up Arms, he requested nothing. Which was quite beside the expectation of Polinus and Pellicerius, who by urging of the matter, and by telling of all, had thought easily to have perswaded the Senate to have granted what they requested, and therefore thought the Turk (who had so coldly spoken in the cause) to be some way corrupted. But as

it afterward appeared, there was such equity and modesty in Solymans Letters (who was otherwise of a proud and insolent nature) that he would not as then exact any thing of them, which should not stand with the good of their Estate. Wherefore Polinus having in vain staied certain days at Venice,* 10.411 was in one of their publick Gallies transported to Ragufium, and from thence travel∣led by Land to Constantinople, where he found all things more difficult than ever he dreamed of. For the great Bassaes said, There could no Fleet be set out that year, by reason that he was come too late to sue for such a matter, the Spring of the Year being now past, of all other times most fit for to take in hand so long a Voyage. So that Polinus was above measure vexed with care and grief, that he had so evil sped, and was come so out of season both at Venice and Constan∣tinople. Dixius also, one of the Masters of the Rhodian Gallies, was come to Constantinople, to carry news into France of the coming of the Turks Fleet; who told Polinus, That the Kings Sons were with strong power far entred into the Low-Countries, and had already invaded Spain, ex∣pecting nothing more than the coming of the Turks Gallies. Wherefore Polinus (as it easily chanceth to Men deceived by trust reposed in any other Mens promises, and bewailing the evil success of their vain travel) wonderfully tor∣mented himself, cursed the froward and uncon∣stant manners of the Bassaes, called upon the Faith of Solyman; and besought the great Bassaes one by one, that they would not contrary to their promise forsake the King, who upon the hope of the coming of the Turks Fleet, had now invaded both the Low-Countries and the King∣dom of Spain; forasmuch as by that delay, which was unto them neither honourable nor profitable, was (as he said) betraied the Majesty of his King, and a most assured Victory now as good as gotten, quite marred. In which his obtesta∣tions, he was so importunate and tedious, that he became unto those proud Bassaes rather loath∣some than gracious; insomuch that to end his sute, they thought it best sharply to take him up, and for that time to shake him off. And therefore sending for him and the other French Gentlemen which followed him, to the Court, the great Bassaes then sitting in Council, and Bar∣barussa with them for the Honour of his place; as soon as they were come into the Council-Chamber, Solyman Bassa the Eunuch turning him∣self about, spake unto them in this sort.

* 10.412Frenchmen (said he) this place for dispatch of most weighty Affairs, appointed by the grave Iudg∣ment of our most mighty Emperor to us his faithful Servants, doth (as it best beseemeth) receive us daily coming unto it, void of love and hatred; and withal doth notably put us in remembrance, to speak our minds freely. Neither would I, that this frank∣ness of speech (the Messenger of truth, and therefore the faithful keeper of friendship) should be unto your Ears unpleasing or troublesome; for sithence your King hath been called the friend and fellow of the Otho∣man Name, we may not now either forget the duties of love, or loath your friendship; seeing that our Emperor doth marvellously affect you, and is not a little desirous to strengthen you with his power, and by overcoming your Enemies to encrease your power and honour. But in your demands is no equity, no modesty, so that we term you unmodest and impor∣tunate; and others which favour you not so well, call you plainly by your right Names, unreasonable and shameless Men; who as too too forgetful of your duties, do most fondly trouble the Laws of amity and friendship. For Leagues are confirmed by like profit, making even the charge and mutual dangers; but if neglecting your Friends kindness and courtesie, you will make no requital, they will quickly grow weary of you. So happeneth it unto you Frenchmen, who ever forgetful and negligent in our dangers, but in your own always mindful and diligent, have shewed your selves friends unto us when need was, not in deeds and certain aid, but only in bare Letters, and Embassages. Tell me I pray you where ever you shew∣ed any sign or token of your good will or aid? Where∣by the minds of our Enemies might at the leastwise have but been kept in suspence of some doub••ful fear, when as Charles with all the power of the West came into Hungary: And Corone and Patras were in the mean time shaken in Grece with the Ene∣mies Fleet; and last of all Tunes taken with so great a Fleet? But all this we pardon you; yet this it is which is hardly to be endured, that you did not so much as once grieve at our so great injuries, as you ought to have done; but sent your gratulatory Em∣bassadors unto the bloody common Enemy, who had but even then slain so many of our people. At length our Emperor came to Aulona to your great profit, about to pass over into Italy; but neither then in the arrival of our Fleet appeared the good wills of the Apulians towards you, which were o•• you so vainly promised, neither did you so much as once move to invade the upper part of Italy; so ne••••her serving our turn, nor well fitting your own, you have always lost the occasion of the good success of your affairs. But neither then, neither at any time after∣wards, needed we your Couns••l or united Forces; for the Venetians to their pain felt both our Forces and our Faith; as for the rest, War, the notable reven∣ger of our wrongs, most happily brought to pass, at such time as you of your own voluntary heads made Peace with the common Enemy, to invade us; and did as unkindly as impudently as it were blow Wind in his Sails. But we, without your help, have notably re∣pressed so great assaults of our Enemies; when as this same Hariaden Barbarussa put to flight their Fleet at Ambracia and happily slew the Spanish Pyrats of Castrum, and having again recovered our own Cities, took also from them some of theirs; wherefore we are bound unto you for no desert, but we had rather for∣get these unkindnesses, than to fail you whom we have once received into our friendship. For we perform our fidelity in deeds; but it is his part to regard the time, to way the danger, to wait occasion; which will not rashly commit his actions to the hazard of Fortune. You are come later than you should have done for the setting forth of our Fleet; for Summer now well spent, followeth the pestilent time of Au∣tumn, so that Mariners cannot in convenient time be taken up, or safely thrust into the Gallies; for in long sailing, who would not think, but that such a Company of Sailers usually sick at the change of an unacquainted Air, would be in danger of their lives? Who would not fear Shipwreck in their return, when as this same Hariaden so great a Master at Sea, driven upon the Acroceraunian Rocks in the Month of August, lost so many Gallies? A Fleet would be rigged in Winter, furnished and set forward in the Spring, in Summer is safe sailing and making War. Which that it may be so done, we will for the Com∣mon-wealths sake perswade the Emperor; for the Navy once lost, cannot upon the suddain be again re∣stored for much Gold, whereof the Othoman Em∣peror wanteth no store, heaped up by many Ages. If thou be wise take these things in good part as friend∣ly spoken; but whether the Emperor will pardon thy boldness or not, let himself consider; truly we have satisfied both him and our selves in speaking to thee so plainly.

These things severely spoken by the Eunuch Bassa, did so much the more trouble Polinus,

for that they seemed to have been sent from the mouth of Solyman himself, who was thought to have heard all that was said. For behind the Bassaes as they sat in Council, was a Window with a brasen Grate, and a Curten drawn be∣fore it, that the Emperor when he pleased, might unperceived hear the complaints and sutes of all Nations, and note the manners of his great Counsello••s; whose care for the administration of Justice was so much the greater, for fear of his presence. Yet did not Polinus for his repulse, detesting the double dealing of the Bassaes,* 10.413 so give over his sute; but winning by gifts the fa∣vour of the Capiaga or chief Porter, a Man ever of great authority in the Turks Court, labour∣ed by him to be brought to the speech of Soly∣man himself; who faithfully performed what he had undertaken. So the French Embassador brought by him into the secretest place of the Court, which few Christians had ever been, and so unto the presence of Solyman, recounted unto him how all matters had before passed, and most earnestly besought him not to fail the Kings expectation of the Fleet he had before promised, who at that present was invading his Enemies in three places.* 10.414 Whereunto Solyman courteously and expresly answered, That the opportunity of sending out of his Fleet was past; not by his will, which was always immutable and firm, but by his late coming, and the time of the year half spent; but promised the next Spring without doubt to send unto the King his Friend and Bro∣ther, twice so great a Fleet as he had desired a∣gainst Charles their Enemy. With which answer, the Embassador dispatched away Dixius into France, upon whose arrival, King Francis called back again Henry his eldest Son with his Army, from the Siege of Perpenna in Spain.

The Princes and States of Germany, at the re∣quest of King Ferdinand and the Nobility of Hungary,* 10.415 about this time decreed with one con∣sent, to take up Arms against the Turks, for the recovering again of Buda, and other the lost parts of Hungary. For besides the dishonour done to their Nation at Exek under the leading of Caz∣zianer, and again at Buda under the leading of the Lord Rog••nd••rff; they well saw, that if they did not speedily relieve the Hungarians over∣whelmed with the calamities of the Turks Forces, they should in short time be enforced to fight for their Religion, Children, Wives, and Lives, against the same mighty Enemy, at their own Doors. For preventing whereof, the Princes and free Cities of Germany, set out thirty thousand Footmen, and seven thousand Horsemen; a∣mongst whom was Mauritius, afterwards Duke of Saxony, then a young Gentleman about twenty years old. But the General of these German Forces, was Ioachimus Marquess of Brandenburg, a Man more for the honour of his House than the valour of himself preferred to that place; yet so, that unto him was joyned eight others, Men of great years and experience, by whose Counsel he was to be directed. When they were come to Vienna, King Ferdinands power met them; where, beside such as were taken up in Austria, Huganot Governour of Stiria came in with ten thousand Horsemen. Unto these the Noblemen of Hungary, Gasper Seredius, Andreas Bathor, and Petrus Perenus, a Man of the greatest authority, power, and experience, amongst the Hungari∣ans, joyned themselves, with fifteen thousand Horsemen; whither also Paulus the third of that Name then Bishop of Rome, sent three thousand chosen Footmen out of Italy, conducted to Vienna by Alexander Vitellius, a most famous Captain. The Marquess with this great Army marched from Vienna alongst the River Danubius, but so softly, that the Hungarian and Italian Captains said plainly, That the best part of the Summer and fittest time for Wars, was passed over in loitering and dallying out the time to no purpose; especially Iacobus Medices; who had long before perswaded the King, to be ready to set forward his Forces with the first of the Spring, before the Turks could either augment their Garrisons, or put in any new Forces; for that by such resolute and speedy invasion, it was like enough he might recover both Pesth and Buda. Which politick and wholsome Counsel so well given, King Fer∣dinand too much crediting the great Men of his Court (liking nothing but what proceeded of themselves) rejected, expecting the full assembly of all his Forces, before the setting forth of his Army. At length the Marquess was by soft marches come to Strigonium (King Ferdinand him∣self staying behind at Vienna) where it was com∣monly reported, That Solyman fearing to lose Buda, was either in person himself coming into Hungary, or else sending down the General of his European Horsemen, who might never set foot forward to War, without sixty thousand Horse∣men. Which news so troubled the Germans, that they made no great hast forward, doubting how they should return again if they chanced not to get the Victory; beside that, it was thought that the Marquess never purposed to fight a Battel, or endanger himself or his Army for the Kingdom of Hungary, but only to defend the bounds of Austria, and by shewing the strength of Germany, to terrifie, if he could, the Turks, if they not content with Hungary, should also pro∣voke the Germans. But after it was by certain Espials from Samandria, known that all that re∣port of the coming of the Turks great Army was but vain, and that there was scarce a thou∣sand Janizaries and twice so many Horsemen come to Buda, and that the Turks Fleet was both for number and strength far inferiour to the Kings, they set forward again with more chear∣fulness, much encouraged by the forwardness of the Hungarians, especially of Perenus; assuring them, that if they would without delay march on, and spend no more time in vain, they should not find at Buda any such number of Turks as was worth the name of an Army; for that Solyman using but every second Year to make War, did that year take his rest, and was not like to undertake any great expedition. For these reasons all Men being ready chearfully to set forward, the Marquess appointed to pass over Danubius; which this Perenus, Huganot, and Me∣dices, all expert Captains liked not of; wishing him rather to hold on his way directly still on that side the River to Buda, the chief City of the Kingdom. But it was the mind of the Ge∣neral and all his Counsellors, first to besiege P••sth, which might be done with less labour and dan∣ger, and there having made proof of the Ene∣mies strength and purpose, to come to the Siege of Buda; for then would the Souldiers with much more courage and chearfulness endure the Siege of Buda, if they had by good fortune first beaten them out of Pesth: Which Counsel was both best liked and followed, and the Army by two Bridges with great and painful labour made over Danubius (which was in that place divided into two parts) transported. At the same time Medices an Italian Captain, Admiral of the Kings Fleet, came down the River, and in despight of the Turks took the Island of St. Ma••garet, ly∣ing in the River a little above Buda, and by force repulsed the Turks Fleet unto the Suburbs of the City. The Marquess to avoid the danger of

the great shot from Buda, after he was passed the River,* 10.416 fetcht a great compass about, and so came to the North side of Pesth; for on the South it was defended with the River Danubius, running betwixt it and Buda; and on the East and West the great Ordnance on the one side from the Castle of Buda, and on the other from Mount St. Gerrard, did so scour all alongst the Walls, that no Man could without most manifest dan∣ger there abide. For Buda standing upon the Hill, and divided from Pesth only with the River, so overlooketh and commandeth all the plain Country about Pesth, that without peril no Man can stir on any side of the City, but North∣ward towards Agria, covered by the City from the shot out of Buda. As the Marquess was coming thither, he was told by certain Fugitives, That Balis Governour of Buda (who in that place succeeded Solyman the Hungarian Rene∣gate, lately before dead of the Plague) had in Garrison in Buda two thousand Horsemen; and that Ulames the Persian Governour of Bosna, was come unto him with three thousand more; whereunto Amurathes had also joyned another thousand which he brought out of Dalmatia; and that Segemenes was come thither also with a thousand Janizaries from Constantinople; as for the rest of the Footmen, that they were but wild Country people, fitter for labour than for service in Wars. They told him also, that the Enemies Fleet consisted of sixty small Pinnaces, ten Gallies, and a few other great Boats; and that Solyman had commanded his Captains in any case to defend Buda and Pesth, to the last Man, without regard of any other place. And had proposed unto the valiant, great rewards; and to the cowardly, extream punishment; char∣ging them further, that if need were, they should in time send for Achomates the General of his European Horsemen, to Sophia, to aid them. The Turks upon the approach of the Christians,* 10.417 issued out at one of the Gates of the City, and skirmished with the Hungarians; but after they had sufficiently proved one anothers strength, and some few were on both sides slain, they retired into the City, and the Hungarians to the Camp. The next day after, Vitellius going out of the Camp near the City with five com∣panies, to chuse a place for planting the Battery; the Turks at one instant sallying out at two Gates of the City, gave him a hot skirmish, where at the first, the fight was begun with like courage and force; but the Turks still sending forth new supplies both of Horse and Foot; first the Chri∣stian Footmen, and after that the Horsemen, not able longer to endure the force of the Jani∣zaries, were constrained disorderly to retire, ha∣ving lost in that retreat four of their Captains and two Ensigns; and had not Vitellius with one Company of Horsemen serred together, valiant∣ly repulsed the insolent Janizaries, the loss had been much greater. Vitellius exceedingly grieved with this loss, and perceiving the manner of the Enemies fight, encouraged his Souldiers, pur∣posing if he could to be fully revenged; and above all others, requested Perenus to be ready to joyn with him as occasion should require. Vi∣tellius lay encamped in the Kings Orchards, walled about as it were a mile, equally distant both from the great Camp and from the City; out of these Orchards he went with twelve Com∣panies under their Ensigns, commanding the rest to stand still within the Walls, in readiness at all assaies; and so fetching a great compass about, marched alongst the River side towards the City; neither did the proud Enemy (brag of the former days Victory) make any delay, but bravely sal∣lied out at the East side of the City, and coura∣giously charged them. But Vitellius warned of his former harm,* 10.418 and seeing his Enemies come on as he desired, covered his shot with his Pikes, and standing close, received the Enemies charge; his shot still playing under the Pikes, oftentimes upon their Knees; many of the Turks were there laid on the ground, whilst they desperately fought to have broken the order of the Christians. In the mean time, when many of the Turks Horse∣men and Janizaries coming out of the Gates, and divers others beholding the fight were come over the River from Buda, to be partakers of the Victory, had filled the hithermost Bank; Vitellius in good time, of purpose by little and little retired, as if he had been overcharged; then began the Enemy to give a great shout, and more fiercely to assail the Christians; their Horse∣men also clapt behind them, to have there charged them. Which thing Perenus diligently nothing, and that the Turks in following of Vitellius were drawn a great way from the Gates, he suddain∣ly with his light Horsemen clapt in betwixt the City and the Turks at their backs; after whom followed also Mauritius (afterwards Duke of Saxony) with a strong Troop of German Horse∣men, of purpose to have shut them in for re∣tiring back again into the City. But then the Turks perceiving the danger, and finding them∣selves shut in, stood as Men more than half dis∣maied, bethinking themselves which way to take, and so began to retire. When Vitellius coming on couragiously with his Pikemen and his Har∣quebusiers divided into two Wings, charged them fiercely; and the Hungarian and German Horse∣men breaking in amongst them on the other side, made great slaughter of them, and struck such a fear amongst the flying Turks, that many of them in running to the Gate, thrust one another through with their Pikes; divers other were al∣so by the Horsemen driven into the River and there drowned. This day Segemenes lost above an hundred of his Janizaries, and four hundred others. The chiefest commendation for this piece of service was given to Vitellius, who had so well and so quickly revenged himself of the Turks; and next him to Perenus, who as a skilful Cap∣tain had so well awaited the time to entrap the Enemy;* 10.419 Neither is Mauritius the young Saxon Prince unworthy his due praise, who valiantly charging the Turks, and having his Horse slain under him, was in danger to have been there lost himself, had not Nicholas Ribishe one of his Followers, covered him with his own Body, until such time as that he was rescued by others, Ribischi himself presently dying of his Wounds, This little Victory so encouraged the Germans, that the Marquess commanded the great Ord∣nance to be presently brought forth, and the Battery planted, which was at the first placed so far off, that it did little harm, although the Wall were both old and thin, not above five Foot thick; and the Ordnance laidl either a little too low, or mounted too high, either shot short, or quite over the City into Buda; which fault once perceived, the Battery was removed nearer,* 10.420 and a fair Breach soon made in the Wall, with the continual beating of forty great Pieces of Artil∣lery. Vitellius was the first that offered to as∣sault the Breach, so that the Germans would pre∣sently second him, which thing they all by hold∣ing up of their hands promised couragiously, but cowardly by and by broke that pro∣mise; for oftentimes it chanceth, That they which before the danger are readiest to promise their help, are in the very danger it self of all others most slack. The Hungarians also for their

parts promised not to be behind. The silence of the Enemy at the Breach and in the City, was wonderful, so that many thought he had been fled back over the River to Buda; for Segemenes Captain of the Janizaries, an old beaten Soul∣dier, ordered all things with as little stir as was possible; he had received new supplies from U∣lamas, and had cast a deep Countermure within the Wall against the Breach, and on the inner side of the same had made a strong Barricado, with Gabions and Wine Vessels filled with Sand and Earth; behind which stood the Janizaries, and next unto them the Turkish Archers; and last of all the Horsemen, who had left their Horses to serve on Foot. The signal for the assault once given, four Italian Captains ran desperate∣ly with their Companies by the ruins of the Wall to the Breach;* 10.421 but whilst they there set up their Ensigns, and wondring at the Enemies fortification, were ready betwixt hope and fear to leap down, they were suddainly overwhelmed with a shour of Arrows and Bullets. Yet Vi∣tellius still encouraging them, brought them still on, who did what they might to have entred; but the German Footmen with their General stood still under the Walls, looking on, as Men nothing moved either with the hope of Victory or danger of their Friends; and the Hungarians not so much as once looking upon the Enemy, retired; two of the Italian Captains, Rufus and Fiolla were there slain, and Carolus Vitellius his Nephew, shot in the Shoulder. The Turks with Shot and Stones still repulsed and beat down the Italians,* 10.422 whereof the Germans also standing still, felt part, and were more gauled than a Man would have thought Men could have been, that did nothing; for there they still stood for shame, lest if they should have also first retired, they should have encurred a second infamy as bad as the first; which thing Vitellius perceiving, would in no case depart from the Breach, but wished rather to lose his Men by whole Compa∣nies, than to leave the least colour of excuse to the Germans, or that they should say they staied longest, of whom he with greater anger than grief complained, that he was forsaken and co∣wardly betraid. In time of this assault one of the Turks was heard to speak aloud in the Italian Tongue,* 10.423 Why do not you valiant Italians spare your selves, and give place to those lasie Germans? We all wish to spare you, and to beat the drunkenness out of their most cowardly heads, that they should no more hereafter provoke us. At length the Germans wea∣ry of their hot standing and nought doing,* 10.424 got them farther off, after whom the Italians forth∣with retired; but so disorderly, to be quickly out of the danger of the Enemies shot, that if the Turks had at the same time sallied out at all the Gates, it was thought that the whole Camp had been greatly endangered. In this attempt rather than assault, seven hundred Christians were slain outright, and many more hurt, who died afterwards of their wounds.

All this while the Marquess and Hugonot the great Commanders of the Army, kept them∣selves so far from Gunshot, that they were no where to be seen, until that Torniellus and Fotiscu, two valiant Captains, finding them out, wished them for shame to shew themselves for the com∣forting of the Army. A little before night they consulted with the other Captains, whither they should forsake the Siege, or continue it still; whereof most of the Germans best liked to be gon, as the safest way; though Vitellius and some others spake earnestly to the contrary. At which time a Spy coming in, brought news that Acho∣mates, Solymans Lieutenant of the European Horse∣men, had passed over the River Savus at Belgrade, and was coming to Dravus; whose coming either cunningly fained, or vainly be∣lieved, caused the Germans to make a short con∣clusion, and to resolve flatly to return to Vienna, fearing that if they should longer continue the Siege, they should be staied against their wills by Achomates. Which thing made many of the old German Souldiers to hang their heads for shame, and the Hungarians to curse both the Germans and the hard fortune of their Nation, vainly wishing for a General in courage answera∣ble to the strength of that great Army. Sege∣menes perceiving how much the Christian Army was discouraged by the last days evil success, early in the Morning couragiously sent out all the Horsemen, and after them certain Compa∣nies of Footmen, to relieve them in their retire; who in many place skirmished with the Hunga∣rians, being nothing inferior unto them either in courage or skill; and the matter was brought to that pass, as if it had been so agreed upon, that many of the most notable and expert Souldiers on either side encountred together hand to hand in the sight of the Italians and Germans,* 10.425 the Hungarians mixt with the Turks, and the Turks with the Hungarians, with such fidelity, that they regarded no other Enemy but him whom every one hand singled out for hims••lf, as if it had been in a triumph for exercise hand to hand. It hapned, that a notable Captain of the Turks, desired to see Vitellius, who being shewed unto him (for he was easie to be known by his Armor) the Turk ran unto him to embarce him for his honour, and so departed.* 10.426 About five hundred Horsemen so encountred one ano∣ther hand to hand that day, of whom many were slain or hurt. The night following the Bat∣tery was removed, and the Army marched to∣wards the River to the Fleet. The Turks per∣ceiving the Christians to be departed, sallied out of the City on all hands, and with a great cry upbraiding them of Cowardise, hardly pursued the Rereward of the Army. Ulamas was come over himself from Buda, and so eagerly followed the Army, that it could hardly have escaped without great danger, had not Vitellius with his Italians made a stand, and requested the Hun∣garian and German Horsemen to turn back upon the Enemy; which they at his request did, and not only repulsed the Enemy, but also put him to flight, and in the chase slew many. After which time the Army passed on quietly; yet seven hundred Germans which were sick and stragled behind the Army, were by the Turks Horsemen miserably slain in the sight of their Fellows. The Germans thrice foiled by the Turks, first at Exek, then at Buda, and now at Pesth, returned full of heaviness and grief, as they which were now to forget the subduing of Hungary, and to become careful of Germany it self. The Army coming to Vienna, was there broken up,* 10.427 and the Italians sent home into their Country, who for most part died by the way, of infection taken in the Camp in strange Air, and a most quesie time of the Year.

But to cover the shame of this unfortunate ex∣pedition,* 10.428 and to turn Mens talk another way by some notable accident; Petrus Perenus the noble Hungarian was the Man pickt out for the pur∣pose to fill Mens mouths. He, belayed with the envy of the Court, was for suspicion of aspiring to the Kingdom of Hungary, by the command∣ment of King Ferdinand apprehended by Lisca∣nus, a Spanish Captain in the Castle of Strigonium, as a Traitor, and presently delivered to Medices the Admiral, to be conveied up the River to

Vienna. Liscanus at the time of his apprehension most covetously and uncourteously took from him his Chain,* 10.429 and a rich Cloak lined with Sables; which indignity done to so noble a Gentle∣man, so much offended the minds of the rest of the Hungarians, that above twelve thousand of them thereupon presently returned home to their own dwellings, cursing the Germans to the Di∣vel. This Perenus was one of the greatest Peers of Hungary, but of a most haughty and magni∣ficent mind, so that he would sometime have almost a hundred goodly spare Horses fit for service led before him without their Riders; and would sometime speak too liberally against the bareness of King Ferdinands Court, who polled by his Courtiers, hardly maintained his State; which his surpassing magnificence and princely Port was cause enough for the other great Cour∣tiers to envy at his Estate, and to seek his over∣throw; who as Men overcharged with the bur∣then of another Mans vertue, whereof they never bore the least part, and always gaining by the depraving of other Mens perfection, conspired together his overthrow and oftentimes pointing at him with their fingers, would say, That he favoured of a Crown. This notable Man, as he had many worthy Vertues, so was he not without cause noted of ambition and unconstan∣cy; for after that King Lewis was lost, he dis∣daining the preferment of Iohn the Vayvod to the Kingdom of Hungary, took part with King Ferdinand against him, in hope as it was thought to be next in honour unto himself; but after he saw King Iohn again restored, and his State strongly supported by Solyman, and that all things stood doubtful and fickle with Ferdinand, he with like levity sought means by Abraham the great Bassa to be reconciled to King Iohn; which was hardly obtained of him by the intercession of Solyman himself (as is before declared) to whom he gave his Son as a Pledge of his Fidelity. After which time he lived in great Honour and Loyalty all the Reign of King Iohn;* 10.430 but after he was dead, and saw George the Bishop the Kings Tutor doing what he list, to reign like a King, he disdained his Government, and soli∣cited by King Ferdinand, revolted again unto him, and furthered him in what he could for the ob∣taining of the Kingdom. But now falling into the envy of the Court, Malice found out matter enough to work his confusion. First it was given out, That his Son who had many years been detained in Solymans Court as a Pledge of his Fathers Faith, was even then under the colour of a fained escape come into Transylvania; when as he had secretly agreed with Solyman, that his Father being a Man much favoured of the People, should by promising them all possible Freedom, allure them to the Turkish subjection; in reward of which good service he should be made Governour of the Kingdom of Hungary, and put in hope also to be made the Tributary King thereof, if it should fortune the young King to die. Besides that, it was accounted a thing very suspicious, that he had the Winter before used great kindness and friendship toward the Turkish Captains, by sending them great Presents, and receiving the like again. And last of all, his Letters directed to certain Hungari∣an Captains were produced, wherein he seemed to promise them as his Friends and Followers, greater entertainment than agreed with his pre∣sent Estate. All which things King Ferdinand (of his own disposition not easily to be per∣swaded to conceive evil of the Germans his Countrymen, were it never so apparent or true, but of Strangers any thing) quickly believed, and therefore caused him (as is before said) to be apprehended. But Perenus as he was brought by Medices the Admiral to Vienna, when he was come near unto the Gate of the City, and heard that Philippus Torniellus with certain other brave Captains of his acquaintance, were come to meet the Admiral; he requested that the close Coach wherein he rid might be opened, and that he might have leave to speak to those noble and valiant Gentlemen. Which thing was easily grant∣ed, for that the Nobility and approved valour of the Man seemed unto them which had the charge of him, unworthy of such restraint of liberty or imprisonment, yea or of the least su∣spicion thereof. So he turning himself towards them, spake unto them in this sort:

Wretched I,* 10.431 noble Gentlemen (said he) whom de∣spightful envy hath circumvented guiltless; but much more miserable King Ferdinand, whom domestical Thieves bereave of Substance, of Friends, and Ho∣nour all at once. For so it cometh to pass, that by this inconsiderate wrong done unto me, he shall ut∣terly lose the love and fidelity of the Hungarian Na∣tion, and may therefore for ever not without cause despair for the obtaining of the Kingdom of Hunga∣ry, sithence that it is not lawful for me (inferiour to n••••e of my Nation in Birth, and having for my good and faithful service well deserved r••ward of a just King) so much as to rejoyce for the deliverance of my Son from the Captivity of the Turks, but that by my sinister fortune, dreadful death in stead of in∣comparable joy must be presented to mine Eies. For will these malicious Pick-thanks, guilty of th••ir own Cowardise, the wicked Contrivers and Witnesses of my wrongful Accusation, spare me being laid fast and in¦durance, which never spared the Kings Honour? For every Man of what Nobility soever, be he never so guiltless, when he is once in hold, must be content to endure, not what he hath deserved, but what his hard fortune assigneth. Yet my upright mind and clear conscience, which thing only God the most just Iudge leaveth as a comfort to Men in misery wrongfully accused, delivered me of this care; and so will the Marquess our General, to whom I before upon a mis∣trust foretold, that such a danger would shortly be∣fal me, and that I had rather be slain guiltless, than to withdraw my self from Trial; which thing I told him at such a time as I was so guarded with mine own strength, that I feared no Mans force.* 10.432 I be∣seech you do me this honourable favour, as to request King Ferdinand in my behalf quickly and honourably to proceed to the Trial of my Cause, and according to his own princely disposition, and the will of others, to discern betwixt his faithful Friends and fained Flatterers. Truly we are too too unfortunate Captains, if for a little evil success we shall be so adjudged as Men that had overthrown their Fortune. Caz∣zianer peradventure received the just punishment he had deserved, for the shameful forsaking and losing of the Army at Exek, when as he possessed with an uncouth fear, forgot the duty of a General, more a∣fraid of death than dishonour; for when he had vo∣luntarily committed himself to safe custody, he was so generally condemned of Cowardise, that despairing to defend his Cause, he brake Prison, and as wick∣edly as unfortunately revolted to the Turks; But nei∣ther was I of late the General, neither were we van∣quished, although we prevailed not, but honourably re∣tiring, valiantly repressed the insolency of the pursuing Enemy. As for the Kingdom of Hungary, I might then well have affected the same, and easily have deserved it at Solymans Hands, when as King Fer∣dinand after the death of King John was making his preparation for that War; at which time my Friends and Followers at my devotion, with the love of the Hungarians towards me, seeming of no small impor∣tance

for the obtaining of the Victory, might have ministred no unreasonable or unseasonable hope to have drawn a Man into courses not altogether beseeming a Christian. Wherefore I have, and will so long as I live fight against the Turks, if King Ferdinand shall shew himself an indifferent Iudge in this accu∣sation, falsly surmised against me by the malice of mine Enemies.

When he had made an end of speaking, the Admiral courteously perswaded him to have good hope in the clemency of the most just King; and shortly after performed his request; for he and Torniellus taking the King as he was Hunt∣ing, entreated him to deal favourably with Pere∣nus.* 10.433 For all that, Perenus could not obtain that his cause might be openly heard, but was com∣mitted to safe keeping, there to remain in per∣petual Prison; but whether it was for the mis∣prision of new Treason, or for revenge of his old unconstancy, is uncertain. Thus three the only great Princes left of the Hungarian Blood, equally worthy of the Kingdom, Valentine, May∣lat, and Perenus, snarled almost in like Snares of envy, cut off all hope of raising a King to their seditious and therefore miserable Countrymen; when as Perenus lay too late bewailing his un∣constancy in perpetual Prison; and the other two fast in Chains near unto the Euxine Sea, expect∣ed death the end of their miseries. This end had the Wars taken in hand against the Turks by the general consent of the Germans in the year 1542. which many thought might worthily be compared with the greatest losses of those times; when as King Ferdinand having in vain spent a great mass of Treasure (the fittest stay for the imminent War) and lost the opinion be∣fore conceived of the strength of Germany; had now as a weak Prince, and subject to injury, provoked him against the Turks, bold enough otherwise, but as then insolent for their late Victories.

[year 1543.] Polinus the French King Embassador still fol∣lowing the Turks Court, ceased not by all means to solicite Solyman, with his Gallies to aid the King his Master in the invasion of the Domi∣nions of Charles the Emperor, in Italy, Sicily, and Spain. In which sute he was so crossed by Solyman the Eunuch Bassa, then Visier, that he was almost in despair of speed; for the Malici∣ous Eunuch being himself a great Sea-man, and envying the Honour of Barbarussa (who was to be employed in that service) sought by keep∣ing him out of all honourable Actions, to di∣minish his former Glory; and concerning the present, protested openly as he sat in Council, That he saw no other cause why the Turkish Emperor should to his great charge and the com∣mon danger, send out such a Fleet, but to serve Barbarussa his own turn. But Solyman having diligently heard, and deeply considered of that the Bassaes had said, rejected their opinions, who would not he should have given the French King any aid; and honourably decreed accor∣ding to his promise, whatsoever should ensue there∣of, to send his Fleet unto the King by Barba∣russa.* 10.434 Two days after, the French Embassador before in despair, but now revived with that Decree, was solemnly Feasted by Rustan Bassa (Solymans Son in Law) and by Solyman the Eunuch Bassa; for so it was their great Masters pleasure, both of them joying of him for the friendship confirmed betwixt the two Princes by sending this Fleet. After which, divers Gifts were bestowed upon the Embassador and his chief Followers; and at such time as he was to take his leave, Solyman gave him great charge of his Navy, that it might be safely kept, and so after the service done, again returned; and withal delivered him Letters unto King Francis, wherein after the glorious rehearsal of his proud Titles, he writ unto him as followeth:

We have upon a brotherly Bounty granted unto Polinus your Embassador,* 11.1 such and so great a Fleet as you have desired, throughly furnished for all as∣saies; whose direction we have commanded Haria∣den our Admiral to follow, and by your appointment to proceed against the Enemy. But you shall do well and friendly, the Wars once happily ended, to send back again my Fleet to Constantinople. All things shall undoubtedly fall out according to your own desire and mine, if you shall carefully take heed that Charles the Spanish King your perpetual Enemy, do not again deceive you with the motion of a deceitful Peace. For then shall you bring him to a most indifferent Peace, when you have brought upon his Countries all the calamities of War.

Polinus taking his leave of Solyman then lying at Hadrianople, returned to Constantinople, where he found Barbarussa with an hundred and ten Gal∣lies and forty Gallions, ready to put to Sea, which he had with incredible celerity rigged up and fur∣nished. And so setting forward the eight and twentieth of April in the year 1543, and passing the Straits of Helespontus, he arrived first at Caristi∣us, in Euboea; and from thence to Malea, where he was by contrary Winds cast into the Bay of Lacedemon, and there staied nine days before he could double the Cape of Metapanium, called in ancient time Tenarus; After that he came to Me∣thon, and from thence crossing the Ionian, came to the Strait of Messana; where the Turkish Py∣rats being come with their Galliots within the sight of Rhegium, began to land their Men. They of Rhegium seeing so great a Fleet, and the Turks already landing, fled out of the City for fear; but the Castle was still kept by Didacus Gaietanus a Spaniard, who refused to have any parly with Po∣linus the French Embassador, and with shot out of the Castle slew certain of the Turks; where∣with the rest being enraged, brake into the City, and finding it desolate, set it on Fire, sore against the will of Polinus and Barbarussa, who sought to have found out the Authors thereof, and to have punished them accordingly.

After that, certain Pieces of great Ordnance were landed and planted against the Castle, which with a few Shot so terrified the Captain, already troubled with the crying out of his Wife, that he without any more ado yielded himself and the Castle with all therein, into the hands of the Enemy; unto whom with his Wife and Chil∣dren, Barbarussa at the request of the French Embassador granted both life and liberty; the rest he shut up in a Church, and gave the Spoil of the Castle to his Souldiers. There was in the Garrison of the Castle about seventy Spaniards, but many more Citizens, which were all carried away Prisoners. One of the Captains Daughters,* 11.2 a young Gentlewoman of exceeding Beauty, had with her good Grace so warmed the withered affection of the old Pyrat Barbarussa, that he (now fitter for the Grave than for Marriage) became amorous of her person; so that taking her from her Father, and entring her into the Mahometan Superstition, he made of her as of his Wife; insomuch that certain Months after he welcomed and bountifully entertained the Captain as his Father in Law, coming to see his Daughter at the Port called Portus Herculis in Tuscany, where the Turks Fleet then lay. Bar∣barussa sailing alongst the Coast of Italy, came to

Ostia, in the Mouth of the River Tibur, and brought such a fear upon the City of Rome, that the Citi∣zens were ready generally to have forsaken the City; had not Polinus by his Letters to Rodolphus the Cardinal, then the great Bishop Paulus his Legate in the City, in part staied the suddain Tu∣mult. The Bishop himself was then at Buxetum, a Town betwixt Cremona and Placentia, travelling (in shew) with the Emperor, to have made a Peace betwixt him and the French King; but labour∣ing in secret to have bought of him the Dukedom of Millan, for Octavius his Kinsman the Empe∣rors Son in Law. Polinus his Letters written to the Cardinal at Rome, and sent by the Governour to Tarracina, were to this effect.

* 12.1This Fleet which is by Solyman sent for the de∣fence of France by Barbarussa his Admiral, is by his appointment at my command; so that it is not to hurt any but our Enemies. Wherefore make it known to the Romans and others dwelling alongst the Coast of the Popes Territory, That they fear of us no Hostility; for the Turks will never violate the Faith of their Emperor solemnly given unto me; and you know most assuredly, that the French King desireth nothing more, than that the Estate of Rome might not only be kept in safety, but also flourish most gloriously, and be therefore pre∣served from all injury. Farewel.

In like manner he also comforted up them of Neptunianum and Ostia, so that they brought un∣to the Turks all manner of Victual, and some∣times for four Sheep or a couple of Oxen re∣deemed a good Prisoner taken in some place of the Kingdom of Naples. Yet for all this, the Ro∣mans did not so much credit the Embassadors promise in the behalf of the Turks good dealing, but that many of the weaker sort fled out of the City into the Country by night, although the chief Magistrates did what they might to have staied them.* 12.2 When Barbarussa had thus lien three days in the Mouth of the River Tibur, and there watered, he passed alongst the Coast of Etruria and Liguria, without doing any harm; and so sailed directly to Marseilles. Where leaving him with his Fleet for a while, expecting the French Kings further pleasure, we will again return un∣to Solyman, who at the same time that Barbarussa was spoiling the Frontiers of the Emperors Do∣minions in Italy, came with a great Army into Hungary, for the more assured possession of that Kingdom, whereafter he saw King Ferdinand so much longed. And because he would make all sure before him, he sent Amurathes Governour of Dalmatia, and Ulamas the Persian Governour to Bosna, to besiege Walpo, a strong Town situate upon the River Dravus, not far from Exek, fa∣mous for the overthrow of the Christian Army under Cazzianer; after whom followed also A∣chomates the great Commander of his European Horsemen. This Town (part of Perenus his pos∣sessions) was against all these Forces kept and worthily defended by Perenus his Wife (her Hus∣band then lying in Prison at Vienna) and her Friends by the space of three Months;* 12.3 but was at last by the treacherous Souldiers delivered to the Enemy, together with their General; whom when they could by no means perswade to consent to the yielding up thereof, but that he would needs hold it out to the last, they took him perforce, and so delivered him with the Town to the Turks; who received him with all courtesie, and used him honourably; but those traiterous Souldiers, whether it were in detestation of their Treachery, or for the spoil of them, were all put to the Sword; the just reward of their Treason. The rest of the Ci∣tizens were taken by the Turks to mercy, and well used. The Bishop and chief Men of Quin∣que Ecclesiae (a famous City not far off on the other side of Dravus) hearing of the loss of Walpo, and terrified with the greatness of the Turks Army, fled for fear, leaving none but the meaner sort of the People in the City, who wil∣lingly yielded the same unto the Turks. The next Town of any strength was Soclosia, belong∣ing also to Perenus; which for a while held out against the Turks, for that divers Gentlemen of the Country which were fled into the City, encouraged the Citizens to stand upon their de∣fence. But after much harm done on both sides, when they were no longer able to hold out, they retired into the Castle, in hope to have so saved their lives and liberty by yielding; but Amurathes was so offended with them, that he would come to no reasonable composition, or promise them any thing more, than that they should at their pleasure come forth; and so as they came out at the Gate, slew them every Mo∣thers Son, thereby to terrifie others from making like resistance.

Solyman understanding of all these things,* 12.4 gave those Towns which were taken, to Amurathes the General; and having put all things in readiness, departed from Buda with all his Army to be∣siege Strigonium; which was then kept by Lisca∣nus and Salamanca, two proud covetous Spaniards, with a Garrison of one thousand three hundred Souldiers, whereof some few were Spaniards and Italians, and the rest Germans. Paulus Bishop of Strigonium got himself out of the City betimes, despairing of all mercy if he should have fallen into the power of Solyman, by whose intercession he had been once before reconciled to King Iohn, and had again revolted from him to King Ferdi∣nand. The Castle of Strigonium was situate upon a high Hill overlooking Danubius running under∣neath it; the Walls were built even without any Flankers, after the old manner of building be∣fore the invention of Guns; for which cause Vitellius and Torniellus two expert Captains (the year before sent from the King to view the place, and the manner of the Fortification) were of opinion, that the City could hardly be de∣fended, if it were besieged by any strong Enemy; being subject also unto a Hill not far from the Gates of the City. Against which inconveni∣ences the old Garrison Souldiers which Wintred in Strigonium, cast up new Bulwarks and Fortifi∣cations, and after the manner of windy headed Men, making great boast before the danger, what they would do, seemed to wish for the coming of Solyman. But after that the Barbarous Ene∣my had with his Tents covered the Fields and Mountains round about the City, and withal brought a gallant Fleet up the River, all those brags were laid in the Dust, and every Man be∣gan to grow doubtful of his own safety; for that they being but few (although Men of good worth) were to withstand the infinite number of such Enemies, as oftentimes used most desperately to expose their lives to all manner of dangers. This their fear was also encreased by the coming of certain Messengers from Solyman, who under∣standing of what Nations the Garrison consisted, sent unto the City three of his own Guard, one a Spaniard, another an Italian, and the third a German, all Renegate Christians; that every one of them might without an Interpreter speak unto their Countrymen in their own Language; These Men admitted into the City, offered great rewards and large entertainment in the Name of Solyman, to such as would in time yield; de∣nouncing all torture and extremities unto them

which should endure the summons of the Can∣non. Whereunto it was answered by the Cap∣tains, That those faithful and valiant Souldiers, who had reposed their last hopes in their Arms, were neither to be won by gifts, nor terrified with threats. With which answer the Messen∣ger returned,* 12.5 and the same day the Turks great Ordnance were planted upon the Hill before the Gate of the City, and the weakest parts of the Walls round about the City, so well pickt out by the Turks to be assaulted, as that they could not more skilfully or commodiously have been chosen out of them which had within most dili∣gently viewed every thing; so that it is to be thought that the Christians wanted not only For∣tune against the Turks, but also Faith amongst themselves. Salamanca distrusting the Fortifica∣tions of the Suburbs, retired into the City, con∣trary to that he had before vainly boasted. A∣chomates General of the European Horsemen, laid siege to that part of the Wall which was next to the Bishops Gardens; Ulamas the Persian besieged the Tower near unto the Gate towards Buda: The Asapi or common Souldiers were by their Captains brought on to dig Trenches, and cast up Mounts, as was thought most convenient. It is incredible to be spoken,* 12.6 with what fury the great Ordnance were discharged without ceasing; insomuch that the Tower with a great part of the Wall near unto it, shaken with continual Bat∣tery, fell down with such violence, as if all had been shaken with a most terrible Earthquake; neither was any Man able to stand upon the Walls, but that the Janizaries with their Harquebusies out of their Trenches, and from their Mounts, would most certainly fetch him off; and many which stood within farther off, were with the Turks Arrows, falling from high as if it had been out of the Air, grievously wounded. But that which most troubled the Defendants, and did them greatest harm, was the Stones, which beaten in sunder with the great Shot, and not to be avoided, did with their Pieces kill or maim the Souldiers near hand: With which dangers they were enforced to forsake the uttermost Wall, and to cast up new Fortifications within, that they might with less danger defend the place. Neither in the Enemy wanted courage to assail the Breach;* 12.7 thrice they desperately attempted to have entred, and were always with loss repul∣sed. In which assaults, amongst others, Bultaces Sanzack of Selymbria, and a Man of great ac∣count among the Turks, was lost. Whilst the Defendants were thus busied, many of the Soul∣diers and Mariners which came up the River with all things necessary for the Army, from Buda, went on shore, and lay in the Suburbs of the City in such security, as if there had been no Enemy nigh; which thing they in the City perceiving, suddainly sallied out upon them fearing no such matter, and slew many of them before they could arm themselves, and drave the rest of their Fleet; so that betwixt fighting and flying there was about two hundred of them slain. Zimar a Per∣sian, Admiral of the Fleet, in rescuing of them which to save their lives fled unto the River, was shot through with a small Shot and slain. Whilst these things were in doing, and the Turks having in many places sore shaken the Wall, did with greater force daily assail the City, and the Defendants with their continual loss,* 12.8 and out of all hope of relief, were more and more discouraged; an old Calabrian Engineer which had long time served King Ferdinand, fled out of the City to the Turks; who being courteously entertained by Solyman, and examined by the Bassaes of many things concerning the strength and state of the City, satisfied them in all that they desired; and further, directed them in plant∣ing their Batteries in places most convenient for the speedy taking of the Town. In the mean time whilst the Turks were with restless labour battering the Walls, and working in their Mines, it fortuned that a gilt brazen Cross which stood upon the top of the Steeple of the Cathedral Church, was by the continual shooting of the Turks thereat, at length beaten down; at the sight whereof, it is reported that Solyman after the superstitious manner of that Nation taking the chance as a token of good luck, cried out present∣ly, Strigonium is won.

Liscanus and Salamanca fearfully consulting of the event of the Siege, and secretly conferring to∣gether, resolved to save themselves, and to give up the Town. Liscanus was no great Souldier, and yet by continual spoil grown exceeding rich, and therefore thought it but folly to buy the Name of a resolute Captain at too dear a price, with the loss of his Life and Wealth. The like feeling was also in Salamanca, who preferred the safety of himself and of that which he had got in long service, before all credit and honour, were it never so great. This their purpose was not kept so secret, but that it was noised abroad a∣mongst the common Souldiers, of whom almost the third part was now either slain, or with wounds or sickness grown weak; yet were they all of opinion generally, that they were still strong enough to defend the Town. But the under Captains and Antients using to flatter their Gene∣rals, liked well of the motion, to yield unto Soly∣man upon reasonable conditions, rather than to expose themselves to most certain death, which should nothing better King Ferdinands cause. Not long after, an Antient was by night let down over the Wall;* 12.9 and having by an Interpreter received the Turks Faith, called forth Salamanca, that he might upon better conditions go through with them for the yielding up of the Town. Who without further delay coming out, went to A∣chomates; before he went, commanding them which defended the Water Tower next to the River side, a place of great danger, for safegard of their lives to get them into the City; who terrified with that news, and hastily retiring, were by the vigilant Turks which lay at the siege thereof, perceived; who suddainly breaking in, slew such as were not yet gone, and possessed the Castle. But Salamanca being brought before the great Bassaes, when he had stood upon many nice terms, and required many things to have been granted him, obtained no more, but that they should without delay yield up the City, and put themselves wholly to the mercy of Solyman. So the Spaniard being there staid, himself writ to Liscanus, how he had sped; willing him forth∣with, if he loved his own safety, to yield the City, without standing upon further terms.* 12.10 Liscanus upon receit of these Letters coming forth to the Souldiers, declared unto them the necessity of yielding up of the Town, and what hope there was to escape with life and liberty. But whilst the Souldiers filled with indignation, stood as Men in doubt what to do, Halis Commander of the Janizaries came unto the Gate, and with chear∣ful rather than stern countenance required to have it opened unto him, according to the a∣greement made by Salamanca in the Camp; which was forthwith opened by Liscanus, and the Keys delivered unto him. The Janizaries en∣tring peaceably into the City, possessed themselves of the Walls and Fortresses round about, com∣manding the Christian Souldiers to give place, out of whom they chose all the beardless Youths,

and commanded the rest to cast down their Har∣quebusies and other Weapons in a place appoint∣ed, which they all for fear did, expecting nothing but some cruel execution to be done upon them by the barbarous Enemy. Which their fear was the more encreased by a strange accident then unluckily chancing; for whilst the Souldiers did as they were commanded, with their Harquebu∣sies cast their Flasks full of Powder also, one of them suddainly took fire of a Match which was by chance cast in amongst them with fire in it, which firing the rest, blew about all that heap of Weapons among the Turks, which so filled them with anger and fear of some suddain Treachery, that they fell upon the Christians and slew divers of them; until such time as Halis (perswaded that it was a thing hapned rather by chance than malice) commanded his Janizaries to stay their fury. This tumult appeased, Halis caused procla∣mation to be made, That all such Christian Soul∣diers as would serve Solyman in his Wars, should have such place in his Army as their quality re∣quired, with bountiful entertainment; yet of all the Christian Souldiers were found only seventy, which careful of their lives, accepted the offer, fearing that the Turks would upon such as re∣fused, exercise their wonted cruelty. Halis en∣tertaining them courteously, sent them away with the other youths whom he had before culled out, down the River to Buda; the other Souldiers he took into his protection, and used their labour to help the Turks to make clean the Castle. But Liscanus,* 12.11 who to save his Gold had made Shipwreck of his honour and reputation, was glad to give unto Halis the fair Chain of Gold which he had most covetously and insolently before taken from Perenus; when as Halis (who would otherwise have taken it from him by force) by way of military courtesie now craved it of him, as a strange kind of ornament among the Turks; with which gift he was in hope to have saved the rest of his Coyn. But fortune favoured not so much the covetous Coward; for when he was about to depart away with his Horses of service, which he kept very good, and had cunningly stuffed the Saddles full of Gold, thinking so slily to have conveyed it; the Turk laughing at him, took from him his Horses furnished as they were, saying, That he which was to go by Water needed no Horses. So was the covetous Wretch at once quit of the great Wealth which he had in long time evil got. The Captains with the rest of the Souldiers dispoiled of the Arms, were conveyed over the River of Danubius, and so travelled on foot to Possonium, where the Count Salme by the commandment of the King apprehended Lisca∣nus, Salamanca, and some other of the Captains for suspicion of Treason, and committed them to safe custody, there to answer for their cowardly yielding up of the City.

* 12.12Solyman entred into Strigonium the tenth of August in the year 1543. and there converting Christian Churches into Temples for the Maho∣metan Superstition, first sacrificed for his Victory (as he had before done in Buda) and after with all speed so strongly fortified the City, as if he would thereby for ever have taken from the Christians all hope of recovering the same again, deriding the slothful negligence of the Germans, who possessed of it fourteen years, had neglected all that time to fortifie it. Not long after, Solyman leaving Ossainus a valiant Captain Go∣vernour of Strigonium, and sending his Tartari∣an Horsemen to spoil the Country on the left hand, as far as Alba Regalis; went himself to besiege the Castle of Tatta, called in ancient time Theodota. The Garrison Souldiers terrified with the loss of Strigonium, and the sight of the Turks Army, upon the first summons yielded the Castle without resistance, and were so suf∣fered quietly to depart. That Castle after the manner of the Turkish Discipline, (who with few and those very strong Holds keep their Pro∣vinces in subjection) was by Solymans command∣ment presently rased down to the Ground.* 12.13 Tor∣niellus General of the Italians caused Hanibal, Captain of the Castle, to have his Head struck off for his cowardly yielding up of the place he had taken charge of; thereby to admonish others, which had the charge of strong places, not to refuse an honourable death in defence of their Country, for fear of an ignominious death at∣tending their Cowardise.

Tatta thus laid in the Dust,* 12.14 Solyman marched with his Army towards Alba, surnamed Rega∣lis, for that the Kings of Hungary by an ancient custom used there to be Crowned and also bu∣ried. Buda, Strigonium, and Alba Regalis, three princial Cities of the Kingdom of Hungary stand in manner of a Triangle, almost equally distant one from another, about a hundred miles in compass. Buda and Strigonium are situate upon the River of Danubius; but Alba standeth more into the Land, strongly seated in the midst of a great Lake, but not so wholsomely, especi∣ally in the Summer time, the Winter Waters then decreasing, and gross vapours arising with the heat of the Sun.* 12.15 From the City through the Marish or Lake, unto the firm Land, lie three broad and high Causeys (in manner of the streaks of a Cart-wheel) well built, with fair Houses and Gardens on either side, and a broad way in the middle, whereby Men pass in and out of the City. At the end of every Causey to∣ward the Land were cast up strong Bulwarks, which the Citizens used not to watch but in dan∣gerous times of War; so that by these Bulwarks, the Houses of the Suburbs standing upon these Causeys, were safe from the danger of the Enemy, the Lake filling up all the spaces betwixt the Causeys; which, what for the Depth, what for Mud; Flags, and Bulrushes, growing in it, was not by Horse or Man to be passed through. And the City it self standing in the midst of the Lake, compassed round about with a strong Wall, and a deep Ditch always full of Water, was hardly to be besieged; for which causes a great number of the Country people upon the coming of Solyman, fled into it with their Cattel, as unto a most sure hold. In the City lay in Garrison two Compa∣nies of Germans, and two hundred Horsemen, unto whom were joyned five hundred Hungarian Horsemen, such as in time of Peace lived by Rob∣bing, and are by an infamous name called Usar••us, unto these the Italian Count Torniellus, who with his Italians was come as far as Iavarinum, or Rab, sent four Captains with their Companies, such as were most forward in that service; after whom followed Barcotius, Captain of the Kings Guard, with a Company of Horsemen, appoint∣ed by the King for General. Who was no sooner come into the City, but news was brought of Solymans approach. Whereupon he in hast cal∣led together the other Captains, with Birrous then Mayor of the City, and other the chief Citi∣zens to consult with them, What was best to be done for the defence of the City, but especially, Whether the Suburbs of the City, standing upon those three broad Causeys, were to be destroyed or not?* 12.16 That so the City standing in the midst of the great Marish, might both with less labour and danger be defended. This question was se∣riously debated, and great reasons alledged; at last the Citizens cried out with one voice against

the matter, and said, That they would never suf∣fer those goodly Suburbs, wherein were so many Churches and fair Buildings as might compare with the City it self, to be so shamefully destroy∣ed, to the utter undoing of so many rich Citi∣zens; for what could be (said they) more disho∣nourable or lamentable, than to the encouraging of the barbarous Enemy, to shew such a token of extream fear; and with their own hands to burn and destroy those stately Buildings, which might by strong hand be well enough defended against the Enemy, if they did not play the shameful Cowards. Of which opinion with the Citizens was also Octavianus Serosactus an Italian Captain; alledging that both the City and the Suburbs might both with like danger be defend∣ed; forasmuch as they were equally fortified with the benefit of the Marish, and if the worst should happen, the Defendants might yet safely enough retire into the City. At last standing up as one thrust forward, both with the publick hard Fortune and his own, said, Valiant Gentle∣men, what shew will you give of your valour, or what honour shall you have of your service, If you shall defend so famous a City, by deforming of it your selves, and cutting off the Suburbs, as it were the Arms thereof, before the danger, upon too hasty desperation? Verily you shall do nothing, either in the service of the King, or the honour of your selves, except this City (if God so please) be of you whole and sound valiantly defended. Upon this Speech they all arise, the wiser sort and of greatest experience giving place to the importunity of the ignorant and simple. Barcotius himself full of care, and overcome with the vain opinion of the greater part, yielded also unto that fatal resolution of saving the Suburbs. For it often falleth out, that they, who wisely weighing dangers in the ballance of reason, and do therefore fearfully resolve of the event of things, and do thereupon oftentimes give more hard and resolute judgment of things than Men of greater courage; yield neverthless to be partakers of other Mens follies, yea even to most assured death, rather than by maintaining their fearful opinion, to be deemed Cowards. So fell it out with Barcotius the Gene∣ral, who setting a good countenance on the mat∣ter which nothing liked him, went out to the Souldiers, declaring unto them the reasons why the Suburbs were to be defended; exhorting them with like valour on their parts to answer that honourable resolution, promising to provide whatsoever should be necessary for the obtaining of the Victory; assuring them of great rewards and preferment, which should by their good ser∣vice deserve the same. Hereupon the Suburbs were by the common labour of the Souldiers and the Citizens quickly fortified, the great Ordnance in places convenient orderly planted, and Watch and Ward kept by the Captains and their Com∣panies by their turns day and night. But the Turks drawing near to the City, bent their Forces only against the Suburbs of the Gate lead∣ing towards Buda; for that they perceived the Marish was in that place drier than the other, and the sandy Ground more unfit for the making of Bulwarks and other Fortifications for the safe∣ty of the Defendants, than in other places where the ground yielded better Turf. Barcotius per∣ceiving the Enemies purpose, drew all the Ita∣lians and Germans from the other Gates into the Suburbs of the Gate of Buda, leaving the Country-people which were fled into the City, and the Citizens, in their places. At the first coming of the Turks, the Hungarian and Ger∣man Horsemen, with the Italian Footmen; sallied out of the Suburbs, and after certain light skir∣mishes retired. Which manner of fight was con∣tinued by the space of three days without any great harm done on either side; for the Captains, had warily commanded, That the Souldiers should not adventure out too far. But after that Solyman himself was come and had with the multitude of his Tents beset the City far and near, to the terror of the beholders, the Christians shut up all the Gates, and sallied out no more. Which thing caused the wild Hungarian Usarous (used to open skirmishes) to provide for themselves in time, and not to suffer themselves to be coupt up (as they termed) within the Walls of the City; so for fashion sake, asking leave to be gone (who were not against their wills to be staied) they by night departed, being not to be en∣treated by the General or Citizens to stay, and by known ways escaped through the Woods from the Enemy. In the mean time the Turks were come with their winding Trenches within shot, and with their Arrows and small Shot so scoured the top of the Bulwark, that no Man could there possibly appear but he was straight wounded; and such was the fury of the great Artillery; that it had in short time battered in sunder the Planks and Timber which kept in the sandy Mould, whereof the Fortress was made, more for shew than for strength; in such sort, that the great Shot flying quite through all, slew and wounded many that were a far off; in which distress of the Defendants, the Turks Asapi with small danger filled up the Ditches of the Bul∣wark,* 12.17 and divers places of the Marish with Earth and Wood, which they brought continually from a Wood thereby with six hundred Waggons, so that in the space of twelve days they had made a firm way for them to pass over upon, both to the Bulwark and the Suburbs; a work be∣fore thought impossible to have b••en perform∣ed. The Ditches thus filled up, the Turks vali∣antly came on, seeking by plain force to enter the Bulwark. First came on the Asapi, whom as Men of least worth the Turks Captains use to thrust to the first danger; after whom followed the Horsemen, now on foot, with Swords and Targets, or else their Horsemens Staves, cover∣ing the Janizaries, who upon their Knees with their Harquebusiers sore gauled the Defendants. This hot fight endured above three hours with equal hope and courage; but the Turks still re∣lieved with fresh Souldiers, repulsed the Christi∣ans, and gained the uttermost Bulwark; never∣theless the Italian Fort was that day valiantly de∣fended, the very Women and Religious helping to defend it;* 12.18 in which assault a tall Hungarian Wo∣man, whose courage far exceeded the weakness of her Sex, thrusting in amongst the Souldiers up∣on the top of the Fort, with a great Sythe in her hand at one blow struck off two of the Turks Heads, as they were climbing up the Rampier. This assault was given the nine and twentieth of August, on which day the Turks had before taken B••lgrade, and also slain King Lewis at the Battel of Mohachz; and were therefore after their superstitious manner in observation of their fortunate and unfortuate days, in good hope to have then taken the City; wherein they were much deceived, being not able at that time further to enter, but enforced again to retire. Wherewith Solyman offended, sent for Abraham, Achomates, and Halis (the chief Captains in that assault) into his Tent, and reproved them sharp∣ly, for that the Bulwark being so valiantly and fortunately won, they had not with more cou∣rage prosecuted the Victory, but cowardly (as he thought) given it over, being in a manner already won; and therefore with stern counte∣nance commanded them to prepare all things

ready within three days for a fresh Assault, and never to return unto him, except they did win the City. Whereunto the Captains answered no more (for were they never so guiltless, they might not before him stand to excuse themselves) but that they would in short time accomplish his desire. Wherefore having made all ready, and encourag∣ed the Souldiers to this last Assault, they terribly assailed the Rampiers, and brought a great fear upon the Defendants; for taking the benefit of a thick Mist (as it oftentimes chanceth in marish grounds) they were with great silence (contrary to their manner) got up to the top of their Ram∣piers,* 12.19 and come to handy blows, before they were well discovered. The Fight was for the time fierce and terrible; but the Janizaries prevailing, at length put the Germans to flight, and after them the Italians also, so that now well was he that could run fastest towards the City. But that their hafty Flight little availed, when as they were to pass out by a little narrow Gate in manner of a Wicket; and they in the City, without regard of them that fled, had plucked up the Draw-Bridge over the Ditch. For naturally it cometh often∣times to pass, that the fear of the present danger, without blushing excuseth our foul dealing. So the barbarous and fierce Enemy pursuing the fly∣ing Christians at the Heels all the length of those Suburbs with most cruel execution, many notable men, some fighting, some flying, were there slain; amongst whom was Octavianus Serosactus, Au∣thor of the evil Counsel whereof insued that ca∣lamity. Barcotius the General flying on Horse∣back to the little Gate, which was not to be passed through, and crying in vain to them that fled, to have the great Gate opened, was by the coming of the Janizaries slain; whose Head and right Hand full of rich Rings, was by the barbarous Enemy carried about in derision upon a Launce. The rest of the flying multitude finding the little Gate shut up with the Bodies of the dead,* 12.20 and the Bridge maliciously drawn up, desperately threw themselves into the deep Ditch; where some of them labouring to swim out, were caught by the Legs and Arms by other that could not swim, and both together drowned. Some hardly crauling over, were shot in the Head or Back with the Turks Arrows; othersome sticking fast in the Mud, were as if it had been in sport shot to death by the Turks; some few there were which got over, and were saved.

There was yet left in the City the General of the German Horsemen, and Uscasades of Cremona, an Italian Captain; these two gathering the re∣mainder of the Souldiers which were left, placed them upon the Walls; but the Citizens were struck with such a fear, that they could not tell which way to turn themselves. For now Birrous the Maior, with the Aldermen and other chief Ci∣tizens, seeing the slaughter of the Italians and Germans, were so overcome with despair, that they thought no hope of their well doing was to be reposed in making of any farther resistance, but only in the mercy of Solyman. Wherefore Birrous spake unto the Turks from the Wall, That he might safely send Embassadors to Solyman, to intreat with him upon reasonable conditions, for the yielding up of the City; which thing Acha∣mates easily granted.* 12.21 With these Embassadors for the Citizens, went also the Generals of the Ger∣man Horsemen, and Carolus Rufus an Italian Captain (who of all others had born himself most valiantly in all the Assaults, to the great admiration of the Turks) to intreat for the safe∣ty and liberty of the Souldiers. The Embassa∣dors being brought before the great Bassaes, re∣quested, That yielding the City, the Citizens might injoy their Lives and Liberty; whereunto they were so answered, as that it seemed they should not all be pardoned; yet was the general fear well diminished, for that the punishment re∣spected but some few. Rufus was courteously entertained; and easily obtained, that the Italians might in safety depart with Bag and Baggage to Vienna; the like grace also had the General of the Germans for his Souldiers. Solyman the Eu∣nuch Bassa, offered utno Rufus honourable enter∣tainment, if he would have served Solyman; which when he refused as bound to King Ferdinand by Oath, in honour of his Valour he gave him a rich Cloak wrought with Flowers of Gold. The Embassadors returning into the City, and telling how they had sped, delivered the Citizens of a great fear. Shortly after the City being yielded, Achomates by open Proclamation in the Market place, commanded the Italians and Germans to make themselves ready against the next day to depart, and to take good heed that no Hunga∣rian went with them; he also straitly charged the Citizens to keep their Houses until the strange Souldiers were departed. At the time appointed, the Italians and Germans set forward, conducted by Homares with a Company of the Turks Horse∣men, who faithfully defended them against the Tartars, running up and down the Country after the Spoil; neither was any thing taken from them but their Dags, which the German Horsemen after a new fashion carried at their Saddel Bows; these the Turks greatly desired, delighted with the novelty of the invention, to see them shot off with a Firelock without a Match. But after the departure of Homares, they were in their tra∣vel set upon by the Hungarians, with whom they had many hot skirmishes, and had hardly escaped unspoiled, had they not been rescued by the Kings Souldiers lying in Garrison in the Castles as they passed along the Country. The few which remained, after many troubles came at last to Vienna, more like Ghosts than Men.

Solyman entring quietly into the City, first vi∣sited the Sepulchers of the Hungarian Kings,* 12.22 and gave out Proclamation, That the Hungarians should fear of him no harm; for that he was not come to conquer them,* 12.23 but to deliver them from the Bondage of the Germans, and so to restore again that entire Kingdom unto Stephen the right Heir of King Iohn. But within three or four days after, he called out the chief Citizens into a Field not far off, wherein the Bodies of con∣demned men were wont to be buried, as if he would have there taken an Oath of their Fidelity; whither, after they were all assembled in the best manner they could, as to some solemn Feast, the cruel Tyrant (without regard of his Faith or Pro∣mise) caused them all to be slain. Howbeit some report, that he caused them only to be put to death which bare office in the City, at such time as they revolted from the Obedience of the Queen and the Infant King, unto Ferdinand, and had then brought in German-Souldiers; and that he sent the rest into exile to Buda and Belgrade. So Soly∣man leaving Balibeius Governor of Alba Regalis, and Mahometes sometime Governour of Belgrade, his Lieutenant General for the whole Government of that Kingdom,* 12.24 returned again toward Constantino∣ple (Winter now beginning to approach) after he had that Summer won Strigonium and Alba Re∣galis, two of the chiefest Cities of Hungary. All this while King Ferdinand had raised no Power worth the speaking of, to withstand so mighty an Enemy; only at Vienna lay seven thousand Ger∣mans and four thousand Italians, at such time as Solyman departed from Alba Regalis, which were shortly after discharged.

Whiles Solyman thus lay at the Siege of Alba Regalis, he sent his Tartarian Horsemen which served him to small purpose in the Siege, to spoil the Country round about; these savage People doing much harm, were in divers places circum∣vented by the Hungarians, and about three thou∣sand of them slain; one of them being taken Pri∣soner, had found in his Knapsack half a Child of about two years old, the loathsome remainder of his barbarous feeding.

Barbarussa all this while lying with his Fleet (as we have before said) at Marseilles, fretted ex∣ceedingly, that he had to his dishonour undertaken so long a Voyage by Sea, to pleasure him which was not able (as he said) to direct his own de∣signs to any certain resolution, but shamefully suf∣fered the best time of the year for service, negli∣gently to pass away without any thing doing; the blame whereof would (as he said) be im∣puted to him at Constantinople; and that Solyman, who desired to aid the King his Friend and Con∣federate, and by all means to annoy his Enemies, would take in evil part to have it reported, that he ••ad with so great charge set out so great a Fleet, and so far off, to help his Friend hardly be∣set with his Enemies, and to have done nothing; besides that, he took on like a Turk, that he who in time of service never used negligently to let slip the least opportunity, should now blemish his former credit and estimation, by lying still all that Summer in the Harbor of Marseilles, where his Souldiers grew lazy with doing nothing. Where∣fore Polinus going to the King, told him of the proud Turks great discontentment for lack of em-employment; and returning to Barbarussa, brought order from the King, that he should ••ay Siege to Nice a City of Provence, then holden by the Duke of Savoy. This City standing upon the Sea, was by one of the French Kings for a great sum of Mony pawned unto the Duke; which Mony, King Francis had many times offered to have re∣paid, but could never get the City out of the Dukes hands. Unto which service, the French King sent also his Fleet of two and twenty Gal∣lies and eighteen Ships, wherein were embarked eight thousand Footmen, and Victual for many days. This Fleet departing from Marceilles, keep∣ing close by the Shore, came to the Port called M••noc; whither two days after came Barbarussa also with an hundred and fifty Gallies. From thence Polinus by commandment from the King writ to the State of Genoa, That they should not fear of that great Fleet any Hostility, which was not to hurt any but them of Nice, and not them neither if they would yield themselves. For more assurance whereof, he obtained of the Turks divers Genoa Captives, which had long time been chained in their Gallies, and courteously set them at liberty, and sent them home without ransom. After that, he friendly exhorted the Citizens of Nice, to yield themselves again unto their ancient and lawful Princes, renowned for his Bounty and Power; rather than to adventure their State to all extremities for that poor and distressed Duke, who between the Emperor and the French King, dispoiled of the greatest part of his Dominions, saw no other end of his miseries, but to leave that little which yet remained, as a Prey to the one or to the other, that should first lay hand thereon. Whereunto the Magistrates of the Town answer∣ed, That they knew no other Prince or Sovereign but Charles their Duke; wherefore he should de∣sist farther to solicite them by Letters or Messen∣gers,* 12.25 whom they would make no other account of but as of their Enemies. Wherefore the French∣men and Turks landing their Forces, laid Siege to the Town in three places. The Citizens had but a little before newly fortified their Walls, by the direction of Paulus Simeon, Captain of the Castle, and one of the Knights of the Rhodes, a man of great experience; who long before taken at Sea by Pyrats, had sometime served Barbarussa, and therefore perswaded the Citizens as resolute men to withstand the Turks. Which, that they should more constantly perform, he took their Wives and Children and weaker sort of the People into the Castle; and from thence furnished the Citizens with all things necessary for their de∣fence. The City was at once in divers places bat∣tered by the Turks and French, both by Sea and Land; so that at last the Turks had beaten down one of the new built Bulwarks, and made so fair a Breach, that with their Ensigns displaied, they attempted to have entred; whose forwardness Leo Strozza (then serving the French King with a Band of Italians) imitating, sought to have en∣tred also; but the Citizens standing valiantly up∣on their defence, manfully repulsed both the Turks and Italians, and caused them with loss to retire. In this Assault were slain about an hun∣dred Turks; and of Strozza his Souldiers two and twenty. Presently after, Barbarussa with all his force began a fresh Battery, in such terrible man∣ner, that the Citizens seeing their Walls in divers places opened, and the few Souldiers they had,* 12.26 sore wounded, and no hope to be in convenient time relieved, began to parly with the French General from the Wall, concerning the yielding up of the City; upon condition, that they might in all respects live under the French King as they had done under the Duke; for performance whereof the General gave them his Faith. But Polinus fearing lest the Turks should violate this composition, and for grief of the loss of their Fel∣lows, or for hope of the Spoil break into the City, entreated Barbarussa to recal his Souldiers, and to cause them to go aboard his Gallies. For which cause not long after, the Janizaries, as men de∣ceived of their hoped Prey, were about to have slain both Polinus and Strozza, as they came from talking with Barbarussa.

The City thus yielded, they began to consult for the taking of the Castle;* 12.27 the performance whereof consisted first in the assailing of the Castle it self, and then in defending of the City from the suddain sallies of them in the Castle; and likewise in defending of them which besieged the Castle, so that no Enemy should come to raise the Siege; of which two things, Barbarussa put the French to choice which they would take, shewing himself ready either to besiege the Castle, or to keep the Field. The French standing in doubt of which to make choice, the proud old Turk scorning their slow resolution, and them al∣so, as men unfit for the ready accomplishment of any Martial exploit; caused seven Pieces of Battery, whereof two were of wonderful great∣ness, to be placed in a trice in a place most conve∣nient, and the same quickly intrenched and for∣tified, to the great admiration of the French; with which Pieces he had quickly beaten down the Battlements of the Walls, and Centinel Houses, so that no man was able to shew himself upon the Walls. The Frenchmen likewise on the other side did with their great Ordnance continually batter the Castle; but with long shooting they came to such want of Shot and Pouder, that Po∣linus was glad to request, that he might either borrow or buy some of Barbarussa; whereat the Turk fretted and fumed exceedingly, That they should in their own Country stand in need of his Provision, who at Marceilles had better fraighted their Ships with Wine, than with necessaries for the Wars. For the rough and severe old Turk

could not forbear to taunt them, and oftentimes complained, that he was deluded with the hope of great matters which Polinus had promised at Constantinople; and that in such a rage, that he would threaten to lay hands upon Polinus, who had brought him from Constantinople thither,* 12.28 where∣as he must either lose his honour, or having spent his Shot and Powder, expose himself and his Fleet to all dangers. Wherefore being exceeding angry with the French, he suddainly called a Counsel of his Captains, and other chief Officers; giving it out, That he would presently return to Constan∣tinople, seeing that among these cowardly and un∣skilful men (as it pleased him to term them) he found nothing ready or according to promise. Yet for all that, when he had chafed his fill, by the fair intreaties and large promises of the French General and Polinus together, the Way∣ward old man was perswaded to change his mind, and to continue the Siege. But he was yet scarce∣ly well pacified, and his mind set again upon the Siege, but Letters were intercepted from the great Captain Alphonsus Vastius, to Paulus Cap∣tain of the Castle, wherein he requested him to hold out a while against the Enemy, till that he, who had already sent before his light Horsemen, might come also himself with his Men at Arms, who were upon the way alongst the Alps by the Sea side, and would in two days with the slaughter of the Turks put him and his Castle out of all fear and danger. Which thing once bruted in the Camp, such a great and suddain fear came upon the Turks and Frenchmen (the night following the more to terrifie them proving by chance very rainy and tempestuous) that they all forsook their Trenches and great Ordnance, and laying down their Weapons, by narrow Paths climbing over the top of the high Mountain, came down head∣long to the Sea side to the Fleet. But the day appearing, and no Enemy to be seen, they were ashamed of that they had done, and came a∣gain to the Siege. Not long after, when as the Castle in all mens Judgment was hardly to be battered,* 12.29 and standing upon a firm Rock, was not but in long time with hard labour and doubtful success to be undermined, it was ge∣nerally thought good to raise the Siege. The Turks upon their departure brake into the City, and when they had taken the Spoil thereof, set it on fire.

Barbarussa retiring with his Fleet to Antipolis, came to anchor at the Island Lerina, called of the Mariners Margarita; at which time Vastius and the Duke of Savoy, with Auria his Fleet arrived at Villa Franca; in the entrance of which Haven, the Gally wherein Vastius went, was like to have been lost. Four other Gallies by force of sud∣dain Tempest were driven upon the Rocks, and so suddainly beaten in pieces with the Surge of the Sea, that the Gally Slaves had not leisure to strike off their Irons, but were there all drowned, and all the Ordnance lost. Polinus understanding this distress of the Enemy, sent one Petrus Angelus to Barbarussa, to shew him the occasion offered, and to perswade him with all speed to hast thither with his Fleet, as to a most assured Victory. Bar∣barussa seemed to like well of the motion, and pro∣mised to go, yet he moved not, letted as it was thought with the contrary Wind, which then blew hard at East, and with the roughness of the Sea. But the Wind being fallen, and the Sea become calm, and he contrary to his wonted manner making no haste, set slowly forward, and being a little on his way, came again to anchor, and went no further; the Sanzacks and other Captains first marvelling, and afterward laughing thereat, scoffingly said, That Barbarussa did but reason to deal kindly with Auria, as his Brother and Friend of his own Profession,* 12.30 for that he had some years before received the like Friend∣ship at his hands, in letting him escape at Hip∣pona, which he now honestly paid him again. Whereunto Barbarussa both then and afterwards at Constantinople answered no otherwise, but,* 12.31 that he being an old Commander, and half blind, saw more in the matter than all those green Cap∣tains with their sharp sight. Not long after, he returned again to Marceilles, and put into the Ha∣ven of Tolon, called in ancient time Taurenta. Vastius and the Duke coming to Nice, commend∣ed the Captain of the Castle, and wondering at the cunning manner of the Turks Fortifica∣tions, preferred them in that point before the Christians. Barbarussa lying with his Fleet at Tolon, and by the Kings Officers entertained with all possible Courtesie, delivered five and twenty Gallies to Salec the famous Pyrate, and Assanes his nigh Kinsman; who passing the Bay of Narbona, rifled certain Towns in Spain stand∣ing upon the Sea-Coast, and about the Promon∣tory of Venus (called of the Mariners Creum) took great prize; and in the Haven of Palamos took one Merchant Ship and a Gally; with which Prey they passed over to Algiers as they were commanded, there to winter, and with the first of the Spring to return again to Barbarussa in Brovence. That Winter Barbarussa repairing his Fleet, was furnished with many necessaries by the Genowayes, and especially by Auria him∣self, who under the colour of redeeming of Pri∣soners, willingly furnished the Turk with such things as he wanted; for although he professed himself one of the Emperors Captains, yet would he not shew an Enemies mind, by the unseasona∣ble denial of a little Sea Furniture, lest in so doing he should have hurt his Native Country of Genoa, which he saw then subject to the injury of so great a Fleet so nigh at Hand. But leave we now Barbarussa to winter in Proveno••, and with the course of time turn a little out of the way, to see in Muleasses King of Tunes, the small assu∣rance the greatest have in highest place of world∣ly honour.

This Mahometan King, once before thrust out of his Kingdom by Barbarussa,* 12.32 and restored again by Charles the Emperor (as is before declared) hearing of his coming with this great Fleet, and imagining nothing less than that he should come to the aid of the most Christian King, doubted (not without cause) lest it was prepared against himself. Besides that, divers great Cities of his Kingdom, namely Constantina, Mahemedia, and Mahometa (called in ancient time Cyrtha) Leptis and Adrumentum, were then holden by the Turks, Barbarussas Favorites. Wherefore fearing the worst, about the same time that Barbarussa was sailing alongst the Coast of Italy, he passed over into Sicily to have met the Emperor at Genoa, and to have obtained of him greater Aid against the Turks. At his departure out of Africk, he com∣mitted the tuition of his Kingdom to such va∣liant men as he supposed would have been unto him most faithful: First, he appointed Maho∣metes (then Maniphet) to govern the City, and Corsus (otherwise called Fares) his old Servant to keep the Castle; leaving Mahometes his Bro∣ther, and Fares his Son, with Touarres a Spaniard (Captain of the Castle of Guletta) as Pledges, the one of his Brothers, the other of his Fathers Faith; but unto Amida his Son he committed the leading of his men of War for the defence of his Kingdom against the Turks and Numi∣dians. As he was passing out of Sicilia to have met the Emperor at Genoa, he was by contrary

Winds driven first to Cajeta, and afterward to Naples, where he was by the Viceroy honourably entertained, and a House appointed for him rich∣ly furnished; the Neopolitans wondring at the strange Attire of the People, with the manner of their feeding, and curious plenty of all man∣ner of sweet Perfumes; for into every Dish they put in Odors of exceeding price,* 12.33 so that it was well known, that a Peacock and two Pheasants dressed after the manner of the Kings Kitchen, cost above an hundred Ducats; so that not only the Dining Chamber, when they were carved up, but all the House was so filled with the strange and fragrant smell, that all they that dwelt near thereabouts were partakers of that unusual and de∣licate Perfume. From Naples he was about to have travelled by Land unto the Emperor, being then in conference with the Pope at Buzetum, (fearing to adventure the Sea, possessed by the Enemies Fleet) had not the Emperor by his Letters willed him to stay still where he was. But whilst he made his aboad at Naples, and carefully attended what Course Barbarussa would take,* 12.34 (who fur∣nished with so great a Fleet, was departed from Nice disappointed of his purpose) he was by cer∣tain Messengers advertised out of Africa, That Amida his Son was risen up against him, and pos∣sessing himself of the Kingdom, had slain his Captains, polluted his Wives, and taken the Castle of Tunes. With which news he being exceeding∣ly troubled, determined without delay to pass over into Africk, and though late, yet as he might to remedy his domestical troubles, in hope to oppress that Rebellion in the beginning, and his Son also, before he could gather any strength to rest upon. Wherefore he with all the haste he could opened his Coffers and entertained Soul∣diers, the Viceroy giving leave to all such ba∣nished Men as would, to come and give their names to pass over as Souldiers into Africk; upon report whereof, such a number of Malefactors and conde••ned persons came flocking to Naples, that it was thought a sufficient Army might have been made of such kind of men; every one of them chusing rather to enter into Pay, and blot out the infamy of banishment, and prove the fortune of Wars, than to live wandring up and down the Woods and in danger every hour to be hanged. Of these infamous Men, one Ioan∣nes Baptista Lofredius (a Man well born, but of a fierce and covetous disposition) undertook the leading; he covenanting with Muleasses to have three months Pay before hand, levied a thousand and eight hundred Men,* 12.35 which he presently shipped, and keeping the greatest part of their Pay to himself, passed over with the King into Africk, and landed at Guletta. But how Amida rose up against his Father, and what was the end of that bloody Rebellion, shall not be amiss briefly to rehearse. There were certain Noblemen of great Authority about Amida when Muleasses de∣parted, which at their pleasure ruled the young Prince, who easily hearkned unto their Counsel, and followed the same; the chief of these was one Mahometes Son of Bohamer, who in the Reign of Mahometes, Muleasses his Father, was Maniphet, whom Muleasses (possessed of the Kingdom) put shamefully to death by cutting off his Privities, because he had by hasty Marriage deceived him of Rhahamana a Maiden of incomparable Beau∣ty, the Daughter of Abderomen Captain of the Castle, whom he most passionately loved; for which cruel fact, Mahometes his Son had long time conceived a deadly hatred against Muleasses, which he had many years dissembled, that he might as occasion served be the more cruelly revenged. Next unto him was another Mahometes sirnamed Adulzes, whom Muleasses was wont com∣monly to call his worst Servant. These two with a few others conspiring together, gave it out, that Muleasses was dead at Naples, and before his death had most irreligeously (as they accounted it) revolted to the Christian Religion. With which report they perceiving Amida moved, came unto him and perswaded him quickly to enter into his Fathers Seat, lest Mahometes his younger Brother (then lying in hostage with the Christians at Guletta) should by the favour and help of Touarres, whose Garrison was ever ready, be preferred before him. For Mahometes was eighteen years old, resembling his Grandfa∣ther in Name, Favour, and Disposition, and therefore of the Citizens of Tunes best beloved. Wherefore Amida came in post haste out of the Camp to Tunes, to lay first hand upon his Fathers Kingdom. The People which as yet had heard nothing of the Kings death, received him with doubtful countenance; and as many stood mar∣velling that he was so rashly come into the City without his Fathers commandment, Mahometes (appointed by Muleasses to govern the City) came out and sharply reproved him as guilty of high Treason, perswading him to return again into the Camp; and seeing him stay, by force of multitude thrust him out of the City. Ami∣da deceived of his expectation,* 12.36 got him out of the way into the pleasant Country of Martia between Utica and the ruins of old Carthage. But Mahometes Governor of the City, after he had repulsed Amida, got him with all speed by Water to Touarres at Guletta, to know of him more assuredly, if any such evil News were brought from Sicily of the death of the King; and to complain of the rashness and intollera∣ble presumption of Amida. Where staying some∣what long in discoursing with the Captain, and afterwards returning to the City, he was suspect∣ed to have practised with the Captain to make Mahometes (the Pledge in Guletta) King in his Fathers stead; for so the common voice went. The Moors are by nature a faithless People, hasty, suspitious, desirous of News, which true or false, they for the time interpret as serveth best their Factions, whereunto they are exceed∣ingly given. So at the first there rose in the City a doubtful rumor of the making of a new King; the suspicion whereof more and more increasing, set all the City on an uprore. By occasion whereof, certain of the Citizens, to whom the very name of Muleasses was odious, speedily cer∣tified Amida (then in the Gardens of Martia, sighing and grieving at his hard Fortune) how all stood, and that now was the time to do him∣self good. He revived with that unexpected News,* 12.37 and encouraged by the perswasion of Bo∣hamer and Adulzes, and other his Followers; re∣solved to take hold upon that good offer of For∣tune, which would not always frown, and to follow his good hap. So in haste returning to Tunes, and entring in at the Gate, which he then found open, ran presently to the Governors House, and finding him not at home, cruelly slew all his Houshold, and with his bloody company went presently to the Castle; where Fares the Captain seeking to have kept him out, and boldly laid hands upon his Horses Bridle to have thrust him back, was by a desperate Ethiopian, one of Ami∣da his Followers, thrust through with a Sword and slain; over whose Body yet sprawling, Ami∣da forcing his Horse, brake into the Castle with his Friends, and finding Mahometes Governor of the City, presently slew him also. And so by this means Amida in the space of an hour (a little before, a man in despair) obtained the City, the

Castle, and the Kingdom together. After that, he murthred his younger Brethren, and embrued with blood, without shame polluted his Fathers Concubines. Muleasses landed (as we have before said) at Guletta, with such Forces as he had brought with him out of Italy; was advised by Touarres the Spaniard, not to adventure with such an handful of Men to go to Tunes, before he were well assured of the good disposition of the Citi∣zens towards him; and was the more earnest with Lofredius not to go, because the Viceroy had ex∣presly written, That he should in no case go any further than Guletta, except the King according to his promise had a good strength of the Numi∣dians to joyn with him. But certain of the No∣blemen amongst the Moors, which under the co∣lour of Friendship were fled out of the City, and had after the solemn manner of their Nation put their Swords unto their Throats, and sworn to be faithful unto him, wonderfully prickt for∣ward both the King and Lofredius (too hasty of themselves to their own Destiny) bearing them in hand, That Amida upon the first sight of his Father would forsake the City, and be∣take himself to flight. So without more staying, Muleasses with Ensign displaied set forward to∣wards Tunes, Lofredius chearfully following him; Touarres requesting them in vain to beware of the Moors Treachery.* 12.38 Muleasses marching still for∣ward, was come so nigh the City; that they might from the Walls descry him; when sud∣dainly a strong Troop of Moors sallied out of the Gate with a terrible Cry, and fiercely as∣sailed him; whom the Kings Horsemen valiant∣ly received, many falling on both sides. Mule∣asses in this hot skirmish fighting couragiously a∣gainst his Enemies, was wounded in the Face, and bled exceedingly; which so discouraged them about him, that they doubting of his life, turned their Backs and fled; when presently a wonder∣ful number of Horse and Foot suddainly issuing out of the Olive Gardens, had beset Lofredius and his Souldiers round; upon whom the Italians discharged certain Field-Pieces; but after they had once discharged them, they had no leisure to charge them again; for the barbarous Enemy came on so thick and so fast, that the Italians seeing themselves too weak, and compassed in round, let fall their Waepons as Men discouraged, and cast themselves into the Lake, so by swim∣ing and taking hold of the little Boats, to save themselves from the Enemies Sword; which Boats stood those distressed Men in great stead; for being furnished with small Pieces, they did beat back the Moors, who eagerly pursued them even unto the Lake with their Horses. Lofre∣dius as a Man amazed with the suddain coming of the Enemy,* 12.39 took the Lake with his Horse, and was there unhorsed by the Enemy and slain, as were divers with him. Some few there were that fought couragiously, chusing rather ho∣nourably to die in the midst of their Enemies, than shamefully to be strangled in the stinking Lake. Muleasses soiled with his own Blood and with the Dust,* 12.40 flying amongst the rest, was known and taken; nothing more bewraying than his odoriferous Perfumes. In this conflict a thousand three hundred Italians were lost; the rest which escaped, Touares relieved, and shortly after ship∣ped them over into Sicily, from whence they travelled home to Naples, but so poor, as well shewed the misery of their Fortune. Amida having thus obtained the Victory,* 12.41 was more careful of nothing than to make his Father unfit for Govern∣ment, which he did by the cutting the sight of both his Eyes with a hot Penknife; the like Cru∣elty he used upon Nahazar and Abdallas his Bre∣thren, then taken with his Father. After that, he certified Touarres Captain of Guletta, That he had taken a few Youths Prisoners, which he would deliver unto him; and that he had bereft his Father of his sight, who had deserved a worse punishment, as he that had long before done the like to his Brethren; but had yet left him his life, as an example to other Tyrants, and to shew that he dealt not altogether unmercifully with so per∣fideous a Father; last of all, he confirmed (upon certain conditions) the same League which his Father had with him; which he well saw was to great purpose, especially in the newness of his Kingdom. Neither did Touarres refuse the same as standing with his present profit; for upon this agreement, Amida was to give him certain Mony to pay his Souldiers, and to deliver him the Prisoners he had taken, with the Ensigns and Body of Lofredius. For more assurance whereof he gave Sehites his Son, then nine years old, in Hostage; yet upon condition, that if an assured Peace could not be agreed upon, but that they must needs enter into War, then Touarres should forth∣with restore him his Son Sehites in safety. These Capitulations, although they seemed not unreaso∣nable, and were of them well liked; yet Touarres thought it not altogether agreeing with the ho∣nour of the Emperor, that he should enjoy the Kingdom, who by most horrible Treason and detestable Villany had thrust himself thereinto without the Emperors leave. Wherefore he en∣tred into a new device to call in the rightful Heir, who might at the Emperors pleasure (offend∣ed with the injury done by Amida) reign in Tunes.

There was an exile amongst the Numidians one Abdamelech, ever since the time that Roscetes fled to Barbarussa. Him,* 12.42 because he was Mule∣asses natural Brother, Touarres sent for, putting him in hope of the Kingdom, supported by A∣nemseha a great Prince amongst the Numidians, who had all that long time courteously entertain∣ed him. Neither was Abdamelech slow to ac∣cept the occasion presented, especially incouraged thereunto by the Numidian Prince his good Friend, and the predictions of the Astrologers, who had foretold him, That he should die King of Tunes. Which vain kind of Divination having in it no manner of assurance, yet causeth great minds oftentimes to undertake great attempts be∣yond reason, which falling out with more hap than they were with reason foretold, giveth some credit to that Vanity, and causeth those cold Prophets to be of some accounted as great Wi∣zards. And to work this feat, such a time was offered, as a better could not be wished; for Amida having set all things in order as he pleased in the City, and casting no peril, was gone to Biserta, to take order for his Customs, which was there great upon Fishing. Wherefore Touarres to keep his promise, sent back Sehites, Amida's Son, in a Boat to Tunes, and received Abdamelech; who travelling most part by night, was secretly come to Guletta, and there resting himself and his Horses a few hours, to prevent the fame of his coming, posted in haste with a Troop of his Nu∣midian Followers to Tunes, and passing through the City, went directly to the Castle,* 12.43 which he entred without resistance of the Warders, sup∣posing him to have been Amida come from Bi∣serta; for Abdamelech had after the manner of the Moors covered his Face with a Skarf, as if it had been to have kept him from the Sun and the Dust, and by that happy slight got into the Castle be∣fore it was known who he was. The Warders perceiving their error, began as Men amazed now too late to betake themselves to their Weapons,

for in making resistance they were quickly slain by the Numidians which came in with Abdame∣lech; who thus possessed of the Castle (the chief strength of that Kingdom) let in his Friends, which were many in the City, by whom he was presently saluted King; the rest of the Citizens either well liking of the matter, or at least not daring for fear to stir. But as in these worldly things,* 12.44 for which Men so vainly toil, is no assu∣rance, so this new King shortly after fell sick and died, when he had reigned but six and twenty days, and was afterwards Royally interred. After whose death, his mighty Friends, with the chief of the Citizens (perswaded and encouraged by Touarres the Spaniard) chose Mahometes his Son (a Child scarce twelve years old) to reign in his Fathers place; appointing Abdalages Maniphet (Brother to him who Amida slew) Abdelchirinus Mesuar, Shyriffus (a great Man in the Mahome∣tan Superstition) and Perellus a Christian Knight, to be his Directors and Governors; which four swaied all at their pleasure. But Abdelchirinus ten∣dring the Welfare of his Country, and devising out of season how to set up one of the Royal Blood that were of himself able to govern the Kingdom (saying, That it was not for the com∣mon good to be ruled by a Child) was for his la∣bour by his other three Fellows suddainly slain, with all his Kindred and known Friends. After whose death the other three erected a manner of Triumvirat Government, every one of them lay∣ing hand upon one part of the State or other, as liked him best. Amida thus shut out of Tunes, and having lost his Kingdom, wandred up and down to Leptis, Cyrapolis, and many other places, cra∣ving Aid of every Man to recover his Kingdom, miserably rent in sunder (as he said) by most wicked Men who insolently triumphed over the Boy King. Which they of Tunes knew well to be true, and dayly complained of the death of Ab∣delchirinus, whom they called the faithful Coun∣sellor and Father of his Country. Whilst Amida is thus trudging up and down, craving help of this and that Prince, proving his Friends, and sound∣ing his Subjects Affection towards him; Muleasses grown miserable with his long imprisonment and the calamity of his disaster Fortune, obtained of the young King his Nephew so much favour, as that he might sometime go out of the Castle to the Church; under colour whereof he took Sanctu∣ary, a place in Tunes holden in such reverence a∣mongst the Moors, as that it was a most inviola∣ble Refuge to all such as fled thereunto. Not long after,* 12.45 at such time as Bernardinus Mendoza the Ad∣miral of Spain came to Guletta with the Spanish Fleet, Muleasses at the request of Touarres was con∣veyed out of the Sanctuary to the Lake, and so by Water to Guletta, there to be present at the Con∣sultation there holden for the utter subversion of Amida and the driving out of the Turks out of such Cities as they yet held alongst the Sea-Coast in Africa. Muleasses had hardly before escaped the hands of certain of his Enemies in Tunes, who sought after his life; preserved by an old Wo∣man, who moved with pity, hid him from their fury under a great heap of Garlike, and had he not now in good time escaped to Guletta, he had again fallen into the hands of his merciless Son Amida, who shortly after recovered again his Kingdom, and would not as he said himself, have spared him for the Reverence of any San∣ctuary. For the Citizens of Tunes weary of the evil Government of such as were in Authority about the young King, and not a little offended with the King himself, for espousing Melucca his Cousin one of Muleasses his Daughters, secretly encouraged Amida by Letters to repair to the City, promising to aid him in recovering his Kingdom. Whereupon he came in such haste, that the young King had scarce time to get out of the City; and Amida entring without resistance, and holpen by his Friends, easily obtained a∣gain the Kingdom,* 12.46 and exercised most exquisite Cruelty upon his Enemies; of whom he caused some to be torn in pieces and devoured of fierce Mastive•• kept hungry for that purpose. Perellus he caused to be tortured, his Secrets to be cut off, and himself afterwards burnt to ashes in the Market place.

But Muleasses staid not long at Guletta, offended with the Covetousness of Touarres, who (as he said) had not faithfully restored such things as he had before put him in trust withal, but had ava∣ritiously in his misery deceived him of part of his rich Housholdstuff, with certain notable preci∣ous Stones, and some of his Treasure; whereof the blind King so grievously complained to Charles the Emperor, that for deciding the matter, they were both commanded to repair unto him into Germany; where in conclusion to end the strife, Touarres was discharged of his Government, and Muleasses sent into Sicily, there to be kept of the common charge of that rich Island. Muleasses by the way coming to Rome, was honourably feasted by Cardinal Farnesius; at which time he shewed himself both in his Apparel and Beha∣vior not forgetful his better Fortune; and be∣ing brought unto the presence of Palus the great Bishop,* 12.47 would do him him no greater Honour but to kiss his Knee, accounting it too great an indignity to have kissed his Foot. He was of Stature tall, and of a Princely Disposition, un∣worthy of so hard a Fortune, had he not in the like manner before unmercifully dealt with his own Brethren.

Barbarussa weary of his long lying to so small purpose in Provence, [year 1544.] requested the French King either throughly to imploy him, or else to give him leave to depart; offering if he so pleased, to spoil all alongst the Coast of Spain, from the Mountain Pyrenei to Cadiz. But he not ignorant what hard Speeches ran of him already in all parts of Christendom, for bringing in the Turks, was loath to leave unto the memory of all Poste∣rity the foul remembrance of so woful a slaughter; besides that, he was advised to disburden his Coun∣try of such troublesome Guests, who roving about did much harm in the Province where they lay, and as it was reported, now and then snatcht up one Country Peasant or other, and chained them for Slaves in their Gallies. Wherefore in supply of the Turks that were dead, the King gave unto Barbarussa all the Mahometan Slaves in his Gallies, to the number of about four hun∣dred, and furnishing him with all kind of Pro∣vision, and bestowing great gifts upon him and his Captains, sent him away; and with him Stroz∣za with certain Gallies, his Embassador to Soly∣man. So the Turks departing out of Provence, kept alongst the Coast until they came near unto Savona, whither the Germans sent divers Presents and fresh Victuals to Barbarussa; which he took so thankfully, that he protested not to hurt any of their Territory. From thence he kept a right Course to the Island of Elba belonging to the Duke of Florence, over against Pop••••ona▪ where understanding that one of the Sons of Sinan his old Friend was there kept Prisoner, he writ unto Appianus Governor of the Island; for his delive∣rance, to this effect:

I know that a young man a Turk serveth thee,* 13.1 the Son of Sinan sirnamed the Iew (a famous Captain) taken of late at Tunes; him I would have thee friendly

to restore; which gift I will make thee to understand to be unto me most acceptable; for this our great Fleet in passing by you shall faithfully forbear to use any hostility. But if thou shalt in this so small a matter refuse to gratifie me, expect upon the Coast of thy Coun∣try all the harms that an angry Enemy can do.

Whereunto Appianus (shewing his men upon the Walls, in token that he was not afraid) an∣swered, That the young man was become a Chri∣stian, and therefore might not in any case be de∣livered to the Turks; but that he would in any other thing gratifie him in what he could, and for his sake use the young man as his Son. And to mo∣lifie the unkindness of his answer, he sent him fresh Victual with other Presents. But Barbarussa of∣fended with the answer, landed his men round a∣bout the Island, and commanded them to make what Spoil they could; which they performed ac∣cordingly, hunting the Island People up and down the Rocks and Mountains like Hares; until that Appianus not without cause doubting the utter Spoil of the Island,* 13.2 redeemed his Peace by deli∣vering the young man to Salec the Pyrat, who brought him to Barbarussa gallantly attired after the Italian manner; of whom he was joyfully received as the Son of a most valiant Captain his old Friend; and thereupon Barbarussa staied his Souldiers from doing any further harm upon the Island, and gave Appianus great thanks for him. This young Man Barbarussa honoured with the command of seven Gallies, and afterwards sent him to his Father then lying at Suetia a Port of the Red Sea, Admiral against the Portugals, who greatly troubled those Seas.* 13.3 But the old Jew over∣joyed with the suddain and unexpected return of his Son, whom he had for many years before given as lost, in embracing of him fainted, and so presently for joy died.

* 13.4This man for Valour was accounted little infe∣rior to Barbarussa, but for discretion and just dea∣ling far beyond him, nothing of so furious and waiward a disposition as was he. Barbarussa de∣parting from Elba, came into the Bay of Telamon in Tuscany, and in short time took the City, which he spoiled and burnt, but especially the House of Bartholomeus Telamonius; whose dead Body but a little before buried, he caused to be pluckt out of the Grave, and his Bones to be scattered abroad, because he being Admiral of the Bishop of Rome's Gallies, had in the Isle of Lesbos wasted Barbarussa's Fathers poor Possession; and march∣ing by night eight miles farther into the Land, surprised Montenum, and carried almost all the Inhabitants away with him into Captivity. The like mischief he did at the Port called Portus Her∣culis, but purposing to have taken Orhatello, and there to have fortified, he was by Luna and Vi∣tellius (two valiant Captains before sent thither, the one by the State of Siena, and the other by the Duke of Florence) repulsed. So though dis∣appointed of his purpose, yet having done great harm, and put the whole Country of Tuscany in exceeding fear, he departed from thence and landed again at Igilium, now called Gigio, an Island about twelve miles distant from Portus Her∣culis, where he quickly battered the Town, and carried a wonderful number of all sorts into mi∣serable Captivity; keeping on his Course, he passing the Cape of Linar, and coming over againg Centumcelle, had burnt that City for the same reason he did Telamon, had he not been otherwise perswaded by Strozza the French Em∣bassador, fearing to draw the French King into further obloquy. From thence he came with a direct Course to the Island of Ischia; where land∣ing in the night, he intercepted most part of the Inhabitants of the Island, as they were flying into the Mountains; and in revenge of the hatred he had conceived against Vastius at the Siege of Nice, he burnt Forino, Pansa, and Varranium, three chief Towns of that Island; but Pithacusa the dwelling place of Vastius, standing upon a broken Rock somewhat distant from the Sea, he durst not ad∣venture upon. Then scraping along the Island Prochita with less hurt, because most part of the Inhabitants were before fled to Pithacusa, he put into the Bay of Puteoli, and sent Salec the Pyrat with part of his Fleet, to make proof if the City of Puteoli might from Sea be battered. Salec draw∣ing near the City, shot into it with his great Ord∣nance, and by chance slew one Saiavedra a vali∣ant Spaniard, upon the Walls, and put the Citi∣zens in a great fear lest the whole Fleet should have landed, they themselves as then unprovid∣ed; but the Viceroy came presently with a power both of Horse and Foot from Naples, which Bar∣barussa discovering from Sea, as they came down the Mountains, called back Salec; and leaving the Island of Capri, and passing by the Promon∣tory Atheneum, was about to have seised upon Salernum, when a Tempest suddainly arising dispersed his Fleet, and drave him beyond the Promontory Palinurus upon the Coast of Cala∣bria, where he did exceeding much harm, espe∣cially at Carreato. From thence he departed to the Island of Lipari, betwixt Italy and Sicily, which Island he miserably spoiled, and with forty great Pieces so battered the City, that the Citi∣zens were constrained for fear to yield, whom he carried away all Prisoners about the num∣ber of seven thousand, of one sort of People and other, and burnt the City. So loaded with the rich Spoil of Italy and the Islands upon the Coast, he returned towards Constantinople with such a multitude of poor Christian Captives, shut up so close under Hatches amongst the excrements of Nature, that all the way as he went almost every hour some of them were cast dead over∣board; every man detesting the endless hatred betwixt the Emperor and the French King, the very ground of all this and many thousand other most woful and underserved calamities of the poor Subjects. With this rich Prey and an infinite number of Captives, Barbarussa ar∣rived at Constantinople in the beginning of Au∣tumn,* 13.5 in the year 1544: where he was ho∣nourably received of Solyman, and highly com∣mended for his good service both by Sea and Land.

Solyman triumphing at Constantinople of the good success he had in Hungary;* 13.6 in the midst of all his glory, was advertised of the death of Mahomet his eldest Son, whom of all his Children he held dearest; whose dead Body was shortly after brought from Magnesia, and with wonderful so∣lemnity, and no less mourning, buried at Constan∣tinople. How entirely Solyman loved this his Son, well appeared by the great sorrow he conceived of his death: and not contented to have built him a stately Tomb, erected also in memorial of him a Mahometan Church, called the Church of Mahomet the Lesser; for the difference of Mahomet the Great who won Constantinople. Whereunto he also annexed a Monastery and a Colledg, with many things more after the gross manner of their Superstition, for the health of his Soul, as he vainly supposed. Af∣ter that, Solyman according to his wonted man∣ner, which was but every second or third year, to take in hand some notable expedition, ceased from Wars by the space of two years; in which time many of the great Princes and worthy Men of that Age died; amongst whom was Francis

the French King. Hariadenus Barbarussa that fa∣mous Turk of whom we have so often spoken,* 13.7 who being of great years and no less fame, left this life in the year 1547. and was buried at a House of his own called Besictas, near unto Bosphorus Thracius on Europe side, not far from the Mouth of Euxinum, about four miles from Pera, where he had but few years before at one time sold about sixteen thousand Christian Captives, taken out of Corcyra; and to make famous that place appointed for his Burial, he of his own cost built there a Mahometan Temple, there yet with his Sepulcher to be seen; That place was in ancient time called Iasonium. About which time also,* 13.8 died of conceit that famous Captain Alphonsus Davalus Vastius, taken away by un∣timely death when he had lived but forty five years. At which time, Charles the Emperor by his Embassador Gerardus Veltunich, concluded a Peace with Solyman for five years, wherein King Ferdinand was also included; which Peace was afterwards before the expiration thereof, by Soly∣man (at the request of Henry the French King) broken. [year 1548.]

Solyman had now almost three years taken his rest, [year 1549.] when it fortuned that Ercases Imirza, King of Sirvan, moved with the often injuries of Tamas his Brother the great Persian King, fled to Solyman at Constantinople, to crave aid of him against his Brother. Solyman glad of such an occasion to work upon, entertained him with all courtesie, and promised to take upon him his quarrel, and to protect him against his unnatu∣ral Brother. And when he had made all things ready for so great an expedition, passed over in∣to Asia, and after long and painful travel en∣tred at last with a puissant Army into Armenia, and there in the Borders of the Persian King∣dom,* 13.9 first besieged the City of Van, which after ten days siege was yielded unto him, upon con∣dition, that the Persian Souldiers there in Gar∣rison, might with life and liberty depart with their Arms as Souldiers; which was at the first by Solyman granted, and so the City surrendred. From thence Solyman sent his chief Commanders with a great part of his Army, to burn and spoil the Enemies Country, which they for a time chearfully performed; and running far in∣to the Country, strive as it were amongst them∣selves who should do most harm; where Imirza amongst the rest, for whose sake Solyman had undertaken this War, was as forward as the best to wast and spoil his Brothers Kingdom, sparing nothing that came to hand; the best and richest things he got, he presented to Solyman, to draw him on still in that War. But that served not his turn to recover again his Kingdom of Sir∣van; for Tamas, without shewing any power to withstand the Turks, had after his wonted man∣ner, caused his people to withdraw themselves far into the Mountain Country, leaving nothing behind them in that wast Country to relieve them but the bare Ground; so that the farther the Turks went, the more they wanted, with∣out hope of better success than such as they had before to their loss made proof of, in their former expeditions into that great Kingdom. The conceit whereof so much pierced not the common Souldiers only, but even the Captains themselves; that to make an end of that long and unprofitable War, taken in hand for another Mans good, they consulted amongst themselves either to kill Imirza, or else to disgrace him with Solyman; Which they so cunningly wrought; some suggesting false suspitions of his treache∣rous dealing in the proceeding of that War; and others with like craft, under colour of friend∣ship giving him warning in secret of the danger he was in; the one filling Solymans Head with distrust, and the other Imirzas with fear; briefly to shut the matter up in their own terms, They perswaded the Hare to flie, and the Hounds to fol∣low. Imirza doubting some suddain mischief, fled for succour to an old acquaintance of his, one of the Princes of Chaldea, who most treache∣rously sent him in Bonds to Tamas his Brother his most cruel Enemy, who glad to have the author of all his troubles with the Turks, deli∣vered into his hands, cast him in Prison;* 13.10 and that Solyman nor any other should in his behalf fur∣ther prosecute the War, or by his means hope for Victory, caused him to be in Prison mur∣thred. In this expedition against the Persian King, Solyman was occupied a year and nine months; all which time the Turks endured great troubles, and were oftentimes hardly distressed by the Persians; until at last Solyman himself weary of that tedious War,* 13.11 wherein he had got neither honour nor profit, thought it best so to make an end; and thereupon returned again to Constantino∣ple in the year 1549.

In the mean time it fortuned, that one Dragut Raises a notable Pyrat of the Turks, [year 1550.] * 13.12 had craf∣tily surprised the City of Africa in the Kingdom of Tunes (called in ancient time Aphrodiseum) and also Leptis Parva (and now of the Moors called Mahamedia) and there setling himself, as in a place both commodious and of good assu∣rance, exceedingly troubled the Christians both by Sea and Land, especially such as traded in the Mediterranean. So that the Emperor, moved as well with the manifold injuries done by that Arch-Pyrat upon the Frontiers of his Domini∣ons, as by the daily complaint of his poor Sub∣jects, commanded the Viceroy of Sicily, and Auria his Admiral, to levy a sufficient power in time to repress that Pyrat, before he grew to farther strength. Whereupon, they with a strong Fleet well manned and throughly appointed for that purpose, and aided by the Knights of Malta, passed over into Africk, and landing their Forces, by the space of three months besieged the City before possessed by the Pyrat, which with continual Battery they had at length made assaultable. And hearing that Dragut was coming with a new supply to relieve it, they with all celerity assailed it both by Sea and Land, and in the space of a few hours took it by force the tenth day of September in the year 1550. in which assault many of the Enemies were slain, and the rest taken. Auria having thus dispossessed the Pyrat, and advisedly considering that the City was not without an infinite charge to be holden by the Christians, among so many of the Infidels, rased it down to the ground, carry∣ing away with him seven thousand Captives, and all the spoil of the City. And not so contented, did all the harm he could with Fire and Sword all alongst the Coast of Africa, to the intent that the Turks should there find no relief; and took twelve Prisoners out of Monasterium, a Town not far from the City of Africa; and so having done what he came for, returned again into Sicily. Dragut thus at once thrust out of all he had, with a few of his Friends fled to Solyman to Constantinople, and so incensed him with the grie∣vous complaint of the wrong done unto him by the Christians; that in revenge thereof, he resolved to make War both upon the Emperor and King Ferdinand, notwithstanding that the five years League he had before taken with him at his going into Persia, was not yet expired. So with chearful words and courteous entertain∣ment comforting up the desperate Pyrat, the

Spring following (which was in the year 1551. [year 1551.] ) he furnished him with a great Fleet in most warlike manner appointed, to revenge the injury done to him by Auria in Africk. With this Fleet in number a hundred and forty Sail, Si∣nan one of the Turks great Bassaes, accompanied with Dr••gut the Pyrat, by the appoinment of Solyman, departed from Constantinople; and cut∣ting through the Seas, arrived at length in Sicily, where they suddainly surprised the Town and Castle of Augusta, which they presently sacked. Departing thence, they came to the Island of Malta, and there landed their Men in the Port of Marza, otherwise called Moxet, near unto the Castle, which they battered with certain Pieces of great Ordnance, but so as was to no great pur∣pose. At which time divers Companies of the Turks running further into the Island, made havoke of whatsoever came in their way.* 13.13 After they had thus few days in vain battered the Castle, and saw themselves both there valiantly repul∣sed, and in other places by Ambushes and such like means cut off by the Souldiers and Inhabi∣tants of the Island, they removed thence to the Road of St. Paul, where they landed their Ord∣nance with purpose to have besieged the City; but perceiving by a little, what small hope there was to prevail, and seeing divers of their Men dying through the extremity of the Heat, they forsook the Island and went to Gaul••s now cal∣led Goza, a little Island about thirty miles in compass, five miles distant from Malta West∣ward, subject unto the Knights of the Religion; and there landing their Men, miserably spoiled the Island, and whatsoever they light upon, and carried away with them of one sort of People and other six thousand and three hundred Cap∣tives into most woful bondage. With which booty they put again to Sea, and sailed directly to Tripolis in Barbary, called of old Leptis Magna; which City Charles the Emperor had before given to the Knights of Malta, and was at that time by them kept. This City was the Mark where∣at the Bassa and the Pyrat shot;* 13.14 for taking whereof they landed their Forces, and by long and winding Trenches approached as near the same as they could. Which they did not with∣out great loss of their people; for they of the Castle having great store of great Ordnance, and most expert Cannoniers, did with continual shot so annoy the Turks, that they were oftentimes enforced to retire; yet with much troublesome labour and no less peril, they came at last with∣in eight hundred Paces of the Walls; where the Bassa caused his Gabions made of thick Planks, to be placed in the night, and his Battery planted. And the next day (which was the eighth of August) the Cannon began to play,* 13.15 which was again answered from the Castle with like, and every hour some of the Turks slain, the great shot still flying into their Trenches, so as that day four of the best Cannoniers in the Army were slain, with certain other Men of good ac∣count also; and the Clerk General of the Army, a Man of great estimation and well beloved of the Bassa, had his Hand shot off, and many o∣ther of the Janizaries and common Souldiers either slain or hurt; moreover they brake one of their best Pieces, and dismounted four others, which for that day made them to leave the Bat∣tery. The next night the Turks approached yet nearer unto the Castle, upon whom the Christi∣ans in the break of the day sallied out even un∣to their very Trenches, and afterwards retired. With the rising of the Sun (which the Turks have in great reverence) they renued their Bat∣tery with greater force than before; yet with such evil success, that the Bassa was almost mad for anger; for about the evening the Fire by mis∣chance got into their Powder, wherewith thirty of the Turks were burnt, many hurt, and one Piece broken. At length the Turks were come so near, that they had planted their Battery within a hundred and fifty Paces of the Wall; which they continued with such fury, that they had made a fair Breach even with the Ditch; but what was beaten down in the day time, the Defendants repaired again by night, in such sort, as that it was not to be assaulted. Yet in conclusion, a traiterous Souldier of Provence, be∣fore corrupted by the Turks, found means to flie out of the Castle into the Camp, where he declared unto the Bassa the weakest places of the Castle, by which it might be most conveniently battered and soonest taken; and especially one place above the rest which was against the Go∣vernours Lodgings; which standing towards the Ditch, and having underneath it Cellars to re∣tire the munition into, could not if it were once battered, well be repaired again or fortified. Which the Bassa understanding, caused the Battery there to be planted, laying the Pieces so low, that they did easily beat the Cellars and Vaults in such sort, that in short time the Walls were so shaken, that the Rampiers above through the continual battery, began greatly to sink; which so amazed the Souldiers, seeing no convenient means to re∣pair the same, that setting all honour aside, they requested the Governour, That sithence the mat∣ter began now to grow desperate, and that the place was not longer to be holden, he would in time take some good order with the Enemy for their safety, before the Walls were further en∣damaged. With which motion, Vallier the Go∣vernour (an ancient Knight of Daulphiny, and one of the Order) was exceedingly troubled; which Peisieu another of the Knights, perceiving, he as a Man of great courage, and of all others there present most ancient, in the name of the other Knights declared unto them, That the Breach was neither so great, nor so profitable for the Enemy, but that it was defensible enough, if they would as Men of courage repair the same; saying, That it was more honourable for worthy Knights and lusty Souldiers, to die vali∣antly with their weapons in their hands, fight∣ing against the Infidels for the maintenance of their Law and Christian Religion, than so coward∣ly to yield themselves to the mercy of those, at whose hands nothing was to be looked for but most miserable servitude, with all kind of cruel∣ty; and therefore perswaded the Governour to hold it out to the last. For all that, he over∣come with the importunity of such as would needs yield, who with all vehemency urged the imminent danger wherewith they were all like to be overwhelmed, and finding himself bere•••• both of Heart and Fortune, and forsaken of his Souldiers; without farther consideration, con∣sented that a white Ensign should be displayed on the Walls, in token that they desired parley; When a Turk presenting himself, they requested him to understand of the Bassa, if he could be contented that some of them might come to in∣treat with him of some good order to be taken for the yielding up of the Castle. Whereunto the Bassa willingly consenting, two of the Knights were forthwith sent out, to offer unto him the Castle with the Artillery and Munition, so as he would furnish them with Ships to bring them with Bag and Baggage safely to Malta.* 13.16 Where∣unto the Bassa briefly answered, That (foras∣much as they had as yet deserved no grace, pre∣suming to keep so small a place against the Army

of the greatest Prince on Earth) if they would pay the whole charges of the Army, he would condescend to their request; or if they would not thereunto consent, that for recompence, all they within the Castle should continue his Slaves and Prisoners; notwithstanding if they incon∣tinently and without delay did surrender the place, he would exempt out of them two hun∣dred. Whereupon the Messengers returning in despair, were staid by Dragut and Salla Rais, with flattering words and fair promises, that they would so much as lay in them, perswade the Bassa to condescend to a more gracious composition; fear∣ing indeed that the besieged through despair would resolve (as their extream refuge) to de∣fend the place even to the very last Man. Where∣fore they went presently to the Bassa, to declare unto him his oversight in refusing them who vo∣luntarily would have put themselves into his hands, whom reason would he should with all courtesie have received; for that after he had the Castle and the Men in his power, he might dispose of them as he should think good.* 13.17 The Bassa liking well of his counsel, caused the Messengers to be called again, and with fained and dissembling words told them, That at the instance of Dra∣gut and Salla Rais there present, he did discharge them of all the costs and charges of the Army, swearing unto them (the better to deceive them) by the Head of his Lord and his own, inviolably to observe all that he had promised unto them; which they too easily believed, and forthwith went to declare the same to the Governour, and others within the Castle. The Bassa, the better to come to the effect of his desire, after these Messengers sent a crafty Turk, whom he charged expresly to perswade the Governour to come with him into the Camp, for the full conclusion of the giving up of the Castle, and for the appoint∣ing of such Vessels as should be needful for their safe conduct to Malta; and that if he made any doubt to come, he should make shew as if he would there remain in Hostage for him; but above all things, to consider of the strength and assurance of the besieged, and of the disposition of all things there. Which the subtil Turk so finely handled, that the Governour by the coun∣sel of those who had perswaded him to yield (notwithstanding the reasons of Wars and Duty of his Office forbad him in such manner to a∣bandon the place of his charge) resolved upon so small an assurance of the Bassa, and gave ear to the miserable end of his Fortune. So taking with him a Knight of his Houshold (to send back unto those of the Castle, to declare unto them how he sped in the Camp) under the conduct of the Turk that was come to fetch him, he went straight to the Tent of the Bassa; who by the Turk that went first in, was advertised of the small courage of the Defendants, which he assured him to be no better, but that if he thought it good, he might bring them to such order and agreement as he would himself. Upon whose perswasion calling in the Governour Vallier, after he had rigorously reproved his rashness, said un∣to him, That forasmuch as he had once given his word, if he would pay the charges of the Army, he was content to let them go with Bag and Baggage, otherwise he would discharge but two hundred. Whereat the Governour greatly moved, answered, That that was not according to his last promise unto the Knights before sent. But when he saw it would be no better, he re∣quested him that he might again return to the Castle to know the minds of the rest; which the false Bassa would by no means grant, but only permitted him to send back the Knight that he had brought with him, to make report of these hard News to the besieged; as for the Governour, he was sent to the Gallies with Irons on his Heels. When they of the Castle understood what had passed betwixt the Bassa and the Governour, they began exceedingly to fear the mischief then at hand; yet took no other resolution, but to re∣turn the said Knight to the Bassa, to know whe∣ther they should expect from him no better an∣swer. Who as soon as he was come before him, the Captain of the Castle was brought in, of whom the Bassa asked, Which of the two he would chuse, either to pay the expences of the Army, or else both he and all the rest to remain his Prisoners? Whereunto the Governour answer∣ed,* 13.18 That a Slave had no other authority than that which by his Master was given him; and that having lost (besides his liberty) the power to command, if any thing were yet reserved in him, could not counsel him to command others to agree unto any thing, but that which was con∣cluded with them which were before sent. Which thing the Bassa hearing, for fear that such a re∣solute answer should come to the knowledge of the besieged, and cause them to become despe∣rate; having taken counsel with his other Cap∣tains, he took the Governour by the Hand, and with a smiling and dissembling Countenance told him, That he would without any doubt let them depart as he had promised;* 13.19 and that therefore with∣out fearing any thing, he should cause them all to come out of the Castle. But the Governour, because he had been before deceived, would not trust to his word, but said unto him, That he might command him that was come from the Castle, for that he knew they would now do never a whit the more for him. So the Bassa turning towards the other Knight, commanded him forthwith to go unto them in the Castle, and to cause them to come forth, swearing again as before, by the Head of his great Lord, and his own, That they should all be delivered and set at liberty, according to the conventions first agreed upon. Which the Knight believing, went to report to them this good news; which they received with such joy, that without further care or consideration of their mishap so near, they ran in haste with their Wives, Children, and best Moveables, striving who should first get out. But they were no sooner issued, but they were by the Enemies spoiled of all they had, and taken Prisoners; part of the Knights were sent to the Gallies, and the rest to the Bassa. Who being by the Governour put in remembrance of his Faith twice given, answered, That there was no Faith to be kept with Dogs, and that they had first violated their Oath with his great Lord, un∣to whom at the giving over of the Rhodes, they had (as he said) sworn never more to bear Arms against the Turks. The Castle was forthwith taken and spoiled, and about two hundred Moors of that Country that had served the Knights, cut in pieces, and thereupon, a great Peal of Ord∣nance discharged, with great cries and shouts in sign of their Victory. Thus the strong Castle and ancient City of Tripolis in Barbary was de∣livered unto the Turks the fifteenth day of August, in the year 1551. Whilst the Bassa lay at this Siege, the Lord of Arramont, who had many years lien Embassador from Francis the French King at Constantinople, and was now sent again by Henry the Second, came to the Turks Camp, being requested so to do by the great Master of the Rhodes, to have disswaded the Bassa from that Siege; wherein he nothing prevailed. Yet now grieved to see how the faithless Turk, con∣trary to his Oath, most villanously intreated the

Governour and the other Knights, lying at his feet as Men half desperate; was so bold as to put him in mind of his promise, confirmed by his Oath; which if he would not keep, that yet at the least according to his own voluntary offer, he would release two hundred of them; but he excused himself as before,* 13.20 saying, That no Faith was to be kept with Dogs, which had first broken their own Faith. Yet afterwards he con∣descended, that two hundred of the eldest and such as were most unfit for service (amongst whom was comprehended the Governour and cer∣tain other old Knights) should be set at liberty; who were forthwith sent aboord the French Em∣bassadors Gallies, and by him transported to Mal∣ta; where they were but hardly welcome, for that they had so cowardly surrendred a place, which they might much longer have defended. The next day after the Castle was delivered, which was the sixteenth of August, the proud Bassa for joy of this Victory made a solemn Dinner, whereunto he invited the French Em∣bassador, and Vallier the late Governour; which they refused not to come unto, in hope to re∣cover some more Prisoners. This great Feast for the more Magnificence was kept in the Castle-Ditch against the Breach, where were set up two stately Pavillions, the one for the Bassa, and the other for the Embassador and his Company, where he was honourably Feasted with wonder∣ful plenty both of Flesh and Fish and good Wines, which they had found in the Castle; which ser∣vice was done with Musick of divers sorts, and Officers in number above a hundred, apparelled for most part in long Gowns of fine Cloth of Gold, Tuffed or Fringed; and the other of Vel∣vet or Damask. The Bassa was no sooner set down, but all the Ordnance of the Fleet were discharged with such a noise and thundring, that it seemed the Heavens and Skies did shake.* 13.21 The Table being taken up, the Embassador and the late Governour Vallier, entred into the Pavillion of the Bassa, and beside the two hundred Men which he had promised, obtained twenty more, upon the Embassadors promise, That he should for them cause to be released thirty Turks taken at Malta, at the landing of the Army there. The Turks having in their hands an ancient Gun∣ner of the Castle,* 13.22 called Iohn de Chabas born in Daulphine (to the end that this triumphant Feast should not be unfurnished of some cruel sacrifice of the Christian Blood) for that he had in time of the Siege shot off the Hand of the Clerk Gene∣ral of the Army, brought him into the Town, and when they had cut off his Hands and his Nose, put him quick into the Ground to the Wast, and there for their pleasure shot at him with their Arrows, and afterward to make an end of him cut his Throat. The Bassa shortly after departing out of Barb••ry, left Dragut the Pyrat Governour of Tripolis, honouring him with the Title of the Sanzack of that place; from whence he many years grievously molested the Moors near unto him by Land, and the Christians by Sea. The same year 1551. Soly∣man notwithstanding the five years Peace before taken with King Ferdinand at his going into Persia, sent Achomates his Lieutenant in Europe with a great power into Hungary, who with Halis the Bassa of Buda invaded the upper part of Hun∣gary,* 13.23 and first took the City of Temeswar, and contrary to their Faith given, slew the Garrison Souldiers; after that, they took also the Castle of Zolnok, forsaken by the Christians, and cer∣tain other small Castles. But laying Siege to Ersa••, they were partly by the valiantness of the Defendants, and partly by the coming on of Winter enforced to forsake the Siege, and to get themselves into their Wintering places.

Queen Isabel, King Iohn his Widdow, seeing the Turks daily encroaching upon that little they had left her, and that she was not able by any means to defend Transylvania against them, by the advice of George Bishop of Veradium her old Counsellor, agreed with King Ferdinand to deliver unto him the Government of the Coun∣try, with all the Royal Dignity of Hungary, for which she was to have of him Cassovia, and a yearly Pension of an hundred thousand Ducats. Which agreement made and throughly concluded by Baptista Castalius an Italian (whom Charles the Emperor had but a little before sent to aid King Ferdinand) the Queen returned into Polo∣nia, her native Country; and so King Ferdinand by that means obtained almost all the Province of Transylvania, and what else the Queen had in Hungary. But the Bishop a little before made a Cardinal, being suspected by Baptista the Italian,* 13.24 that he favoured the Turks Faction more than King Ferdinand, and by that means sought to get the Government to himself, was by the Ita∣lians device suddainly murthred in his own House at Veradium; an end good enough for so trouble∣some a Prelate.

Halis the Bassa of Buda proud of the good success he had the year before, [year 1552.] understanding that divers of the chief Hungarians had with∣drawn themselves into the Castle of Agria, pur∣posed in himself with all his power to besiege it, and there to take them. So aided by Achomates, Chasan, and other of the Turks Sanzacks and Captains by Solymans appointment ready at his call, he came with an Army of thirty five thou∣sand Turks, and the tenth of September in the year 1552. encamped round about the Castle; where after he had placed his Artillery, he be∣gan a most furious Battery.* 13.25 But doubting to prevail that way, he attempted also to under∣mine the Castle, omitting nothing that could be devised for the taking thereof; but all in vain, for the Hungarians by the good direction of Ste∣phanus Dobus their Captain, couragiously endured the Siege and very manfully repulsed the Ene∣my. At length, the twenty ninth of September the Enemy with twenty eight Ensigns of select Souldiers gave a fresh assault to the Castle, and were by the Defendants enforced shamefully to retire; at which time four and twenty Barrels of Gunpowder by mischance caught Fire, and be∣sides that it blew up divers Captains and Souldiers, did much harm in the Castle, to the great dis∣maying of the Defendants. After that, the Turks with incredible pertinacy the twelfth of October fiercely assaulted the Castle from morning until night, and for desire of revenge and hope of spoil left nothing unattempted for the gaining of the place; but were by the greater valour of the Hungarians beaten back, and with great loss en∣forced at last to give over the assault. Thus the Bassa nothing prevailing by force, attempted by great promises and large offers to have brought them out;* 13.26 which he understanding to be nothing regarded, and his Letters scornfully burnt, brought on his Souldiers again, and gave unto them in the Castle a most furious assault, but with no better success than before; for having lost many of his best Souldiers, he was enforced to retire. So after he had in vain six weeks besieged the Castle, he was glad to raise his Siege, and to re∣tire to Pestum. After whose departure there was found twelve thousand great Shot, wherewith he had batt••red the Wall. In this Siege six thou∣sand Turks were slain, and of the Hungarians but three hundred. King Ferdinand glad of this

Victory, made Stephanus the worthy Captain, Vayvod of Transylvania, and bountifully re••ard∣ed the other Captains and Souldiers as they had well deserved.

Henry the French King, who together with his Kingdom had (as it seemed) received the here∣ditary Quarrels of Francis his Father against Charles the Emperor, had by his Embassador the Lord of Arramont so wrought the matter with Solyman, that the more to trouble the Emperor, he sent a great Fleet into the Tyrrhenum or Tuscan Sea, which in the year 1553, and the year fol∣lowing, [year 1553.] did great harm upon the Coasts of Ca∣labria, Sicilia, Sardinia, as also in the Islands of Elba, Corsica, Cerbe, and Maiorca, and such like places on the Frontiers of the Emperors Domi∣nions; yet were the Turks in most places notably again repulsed by the people of those Coun∣tries. The same year Solyman, seduced by Roxo∣lana (sometime his fair Concubine, but then his imperious Wife) and Rustan Bassa his Son in Law, most unnatu••••lly murthred his eldest Son Mustapha, the mirrour of the Othoman Family; Which tragical Fact (the like whereof both for the treacherous contriving and inhuman execu∣tion hath seldom times been heard of) I have thought good here in due time to set down, in such sort as it is by most credible Writers of that time reported.

Solyman after the manner of the Othoman Kings (who to avoid the participation of their Sovereign∣ty, use not oftentimes to Marry, but otherwise to satisfie their pleasure with such beautiful Con∣cubines as it pleaseth them to make choice of out of the fairest Captives of all Nations, most dainti∣ly brought up for that purpose in the Court) had by a Circassian Bondwoman a Son called Mustapha,* 13.27 who for his wonderful towardliness and rare perfection, was amongst the Turks had in such expectation and admiration, as that they in nothing accounted themselves more happy, than in the hope laid up in him; whose noble carriage was such, as thereby he so possessed the minds of all Men in general, (but especially of the Men of War) that he was reputed the glory of the Court, the flour of Chivalry, the hope of the Souldiers, and joy of the People. Whilst he thus grew,* 13.28 encreasing both in years and fa∣vour, it fortuned with Solyman as it doth with Men delighted in change, that he became amo∣rous of Roxolana, of some called Rosa▪ (but more truly Hazathya) by condition a Captive, but so graced with beauty and courtly behaviour, that in short time she became Mistress of his thoughts, and Commandress of him that all commanded; and that which more established her in posses∣sion of his love, she had in time made him Fa∣ther of four fair Sons, Mahomet, Selymus, Bajazet, and Tzihanger, and one Daughter called Chame∣ria Married to Rustan or Rustemes the great Bassa. In this height of worldly Bliss nothing troubled her more than the exceeding credit of Mustapha, Solymans eldest Son by the Circassian Woman; who honoured of the greatest, and beloved of the rest, stood only in her light, imbarring her and hers (as she thought) of the hope of the Empire, which he now above all things sought to bring to one of her own Sons; which the bet∣ter to compass, she under the colour of great good will and love, procured that Mustapha the young Prince and his Mother should as it were for their greater honour and state, with a Prince∣ly allowance be sent into Caramania to govern that great Country, far from the Court. Which was no great matter for her to bring to pass;* 13.29 for that the Turkish Emperors usually send their Sons after they come to any years of discretion; unto such Provinces as are far from the Court, attended upon with one great Bassa and some grave Doctor of their Law, so to acquaint them with the manner of Government; the Bassa in∣structing them in matters of civil Policy, and the Doctor in matters concerning their super∣stition; and yet by sending them afar off, to keep them from aspiring to the Empire by the favour of the Court; (a thing of the Turkish Emperors not unworthily feared even in their own and beloved Children.* 13.30) Roxolana having at once thus cunningly rid the Court of the great Competitors both of her Love and of the Em∣pire (things of all others enduring no Partners) rested not so, but began straitway to plot in her malicious Head the utter destruction of him, to whom all others wished all happiness This she saw was not to be brought to pass without some Complices; wherefore after she had in her secret conceit discarded many, of whom at first she had reasonable good liking; at last she made choice of Rustan Bassa her Son in Law, upon whom she would set up her rest. This Rustan was a Man basely Born in Epirus, altogether composed of dissimulation and flattery, ever serving his own turn, were it never so much to the hurt or grievance of others; by which means he, although none of the best Souldiers, was yet by many degrees grown up to be the greatest Man in the Court, and Solymans Son in Law; him she probably thought to wish the succession of the Empire to one of her own Sons, his Wives full Brethren, rather than to Mustapha her half Brother. Beside that, she was not ignorant how that Rustan as one careful of the Emperors profit (the readiest way to preferment) had abridged the Pensions and Fees of the Officers and Ser∣vitors in Court; which he perceiving to please the Emperor, proceeded so far therein, that he attempted to have cut off, if it had been possi∣ble, some part of Mustapha his princely allow∣ance; for which doing, she knew how odious he was to all the Courtiers (whereof he made small reckoning) but especially to Mustapha,* 13.31 in∣somuch that it was though he would not for∣get so notorious an injury, if ever he should ob∣tain the Empire. Hereupon she brake with Rustan upon the matter, whom she found ready enough of himself to do what in him lay to further her mischievous desire.

To begin this intended Tragedy, she upon the suddain became very devout, and being by the favour of Solyman grown exceeding rich, pre∣tended as if it had been upon a devout Zeal for the health of her Soul, after the manner of their Turkish Superstition, to build an Abbey,* 13.32 with an Hospital and a Church; which so godly a purpose she imparted to the Mufti or chief Mahometan Priest, demanding of him, if such works of Charity were not acceptable unto God, and available for her Souls Health. Whereunto the Mufti answered, That those works were no doubt gracious in the sight of God, but nothing at all meritorious for her Souls Health, being a Bondwoman; yet very profitable for the Soul of the great Emperor Solyman, unto whom as unto her Lord, both she and all she had appertained. With which answer of the great Priest she seem∣ed to be exceedingly troubled, and thereupon be∣came wonderful pensive and Melancholy, her chearful countenance was replete with Sadness, and her fair Eies flowed with Tears, her mirth was mourning, and her joy heaviness. Which thing Solyman perceiving, and sorry to see his love upon conceit so to languish, sent her word to be of good chear, and to comfort her self; promising in short time to take such a

course as should ease her of all her griefs; which he forthwith did,* 13.33 solemnly manumising her from her bond Estate. So great a favour obtained, Roxolana with great chearfulness began those meritorious works by her before intended, as if she had thought of nothing but Heaven, where∣as indeed her thoughts were in the depth of Hell. When she had thus a good while busied her self in paving the way to Heaven, as was supposed; Solyman not able longer to forbear the company of her, in whom his Soul lived, after his wonted manner sent for her by one of his Eunuchs, who should have brought her to his Bed-Chamber. To whom she with her Eies cast up to Heaven,* 13.34 demurely answered, That her life and whatso∣ever else she had was at her dread Sovereigns command,* 13.35 but again to yield her Body unto his Appetite she might not in any case do, without the great offence of the High God, and maniest Breach of his sac••ed Laws, which permitted her not now voluntarily to yield him that, being free, which he before without offence might command of his Bondwoman; and because she would not seem to use this as an excuse, she referred her self all in things to the grave judg∣ment of the learned and reverend Mufti, with whom she had before at full conferred. This she did, presuming of the Sovereignty she had over that great Monarch, whom she right well knew she had so fast bound in the pleasing Fetters of his affection towards her, as that she was sure enough of him without a Keeper. Soly∣man ravished with her love, and well the more for her denial, sent for the Mufti, requiring his judgment in the matter; who before instru∣cted in all points, agreed with that Roxolana had said, aggravating the heinousness of the Fact, if he should proceed to enforce her as a Slave, who being now free, he might not without great offence touch unmarried.* 13.36 Whereupon So∣lyman more and more burning in his desires, be∣came a fresh Suter to her for Marriage, whom he had so often before commanded; which his Sute easily obtained, (as the Mark she had all this while aimed at) he with all speed to the great admiration of all Men, and contrary to the man∣ner of the Mahometan Emperors, solemnly Mar∣ried her, appointing for her yearly Dowry five thousand Sultanyns.

This Woman of late a Slave, but now become the greatest Empress of the East,* 13.37 flowing in all worldly Felicity, attended upon with all the pleasures her Heart could desire, wanted nothing she could wish, but how to find means that the Turkish Empire might after the death of Solyman be brought to some one of her own Sons. This was it that had (as is before said) long troubled her aspiring mind, and in the midst of all her Bliss, suffered her yet to take no rest. Noble Mustapha, Solymans eldest Son, and Heir appa∣rent of the Empire, although far absent, was yet still before her Eies present; his credit, his valour, his vertues, his perfections were all bars to her desires; he was the only Cloud that kept the Sun from shining on her; if he by any means might be taken away, then wanted no∣thing that she desired. Which to bring to pass, the wicked Woman laboured cunningly b•• ••ittle and little to breed in Solymans Head no 〈◊〉〈◊〉 su∣spicion of Mustapha, That he being a young Man of a haughty Spirit, desirous of Sovereignty, ge∣nerally beloved, and swelling with the immode∣rate favour of the Men of War, which were all at his devotion, left nothing else to be expected from him, but when he should (as did his Grand∣sier Selymus) lay hand upon the Empire, and work his aged Fathers destruction. This mischie∣vous Plot by her devised, was not a little fur∣thred by Rustan the great Bassa, by whom passed all great matters; who nothing omitted, that could be slily devised for the disgrace or confu∣sion of the young Prince. For he as a great se∣cret, craftily told all them that were sent Gover∣nours into Siria, that Mustapha was secretly su∣spected by his Father, of aspiring to the Empire, and therefore charged them particularly, care∣fully to observe all his actions, with the manner of his Life and Government, and by their Let∣ters diligently to advertise him of whatsoever they should see or hear; bearing them in hand, that the more suspiciously or odiously they should write of him, the more gracious and acceptable it would be unto the great Sultan. Wherefore he by these Men oftentimes certified of the prince∣ly disposition, courage, wisdom, valour and bounty of Mustapha, whereby he had won all Mens Hearts, doubted that he would at length be preferred to the Empire; yet durst he not for all that adventure to temper with Solyman about that detestable conspiracy against the innocent Prince, but still delivering the Letters to the ma∣licious Woman, left the rest by her ungracious head to be wrought. And she still as occasion best served her purpose, ceased not with pleasing al∣lurements and flattery (wherein she was most ex∣cellent) to infect Solymans mind, that whensoever he should chance to have any speech of Musta∣pha, she might take the fitter occasion to bring forth those Letters. Neither was she in her drift deceived, but having found a fit opportunity, with Tears trickling down her Cheeks (which to serve their turns subtil Women seldom want) she told the Emperor in what danger he stood; re∣counting amongst other things, how Selymus his Father had by such means deprived Bajazet his Grandfather, both of his Life and Empire to∣gether; and therefore most instantly besought him, as if it had altogether proceeded of a care∣ful love, by that example warned to look to him∣self. But these light arguments of suspicion seem∣ed as they were indeed, unto Solyman scarce pro∣bable; so that she little prevailed thereby. Which thing she well perceiving, and inwardly grieved thereat, converted her cruel mind to other mischievous devices, and sought by all means how to poison the young Prince; neither want∣ed there wicked Men, as it were vowed to all kind of mischief and villany, ready to have performed what she desired, had not Gods pro∣vidence withstood so horrible a practice.* 13.38 For whereas certain rich Apparel was by her sent unto him in his Fathers name, he fearing the worst, would not touch it before he had caused it to be worn by one of his Servants; by which curious wariness (as it was thought) he for that time prevented the Treason of his wicked Stepdame, and made her malicious practice mani∣fest to the World. Yet rested she not so, but was still plotting new devices, tending all to one purpose; for being grown to that height of ho∣nour and power as never was Woman in the Othoman Court, and by the means of Trongilla a Jew (as it was thought) having bewitched the mind of the Turkish Emperor, she still grew more and more in favour, and obtained that her Sons might by turns be still present in Court; of purpose, that by their daily presence and con∣tinual flattery, they should more and more pro∣cure their Fathers love; and if by chance Mu∣stapha should come thither, she might have the better means to dispatch him; if not, to expect some other fit time, when she might by some one or other mean take him away. But Musta∣pha never coming (for why, the Emperors Sons

use not without their Fathers leave to go out of the Provinces assigned unto them, or to come to Constantinople, but after the death of their Father to receive the Empire, attended upon with a number of Souldiers) she easily devised ano∣ther practice, that her Sons should wait upon their Father, not in the City only, but in the Provinces also; so that Tzihanger, sirnamed Crouchback, always followed his Father in the Camp. Certain years thus spent, and she still hammering her mischievous devices; at length Fortune favouring her wicked desire, got from the Bassa which had the Government of Musta∣pha and the Province of Amasia (for as we have said, every one of the Kings Sons hath with him one Bassa, which is as it were his Lieutenant in administration of Justice and Martial Affairs) certain suspicious Letters, wherein was contained, that there was a Speech of a Marriage to be made between Mustapha and the Persian Kings Daugh∣ter; which thing he thought good to give know∣ledge of to the Counsel, that if any harm should ensue thereof, he might be out of all suspicion. These Letters being brought to Rustan, he thought he had now as good as half brought to pass the long desired ruin of Mustapha; so making no stay, he opened the matter to Roxolana, and af∣terwards both together went to the Court, and declared all the matter to the Emperor; in do∣ing whereof, they forced both their ungracious wits to fill his head, yet doubtful, with suspi∣cion, and to possess his mind with the fear of his own most dutiful Son;* 13.39 saying, That he as a proud and ambitious young Man, ravished with the desire of so glorious an Empire, sought against the Laws both of God and Nature, to take his Father out of the way, that so he might with more speed satisfie his aspiring mind. And to give the more credit to this their most false sug∣gestion, they warned him of the alliance by him purposed with the Persian King the ancient Ene∣my of the Othoman Emperors; wishing him to beware lest Mustapha supported by the strength of Persia, and the favour of the Sanzacks and Ja∣nizaries, whose love he had by bounty purchased, should in short time when he feared least, toge∣ther deprive him both of his Life and Empire. With these and such like accusations they so pre∣vailed with the aged Man, whom they never suf∣fered to rest in quiet, that he at length resolved to work his safety (as he supposed) by the death of his own Son, in this sort:

In the year 1552 he caused proclamation to be made almost in all the Provinces of his Empire, That forasmuch as the Persians without resistance with a great Army invaded Syria, burning and destroying the Country before them, he to re∣press that their outragious insolency,* 13.40 was en∣forced to send thither Rustan Bassa with an Ar∣my; which according to his appointment was in short time raised. Now when all things were in readiness, as if it had been for such a War as was pretended, he commanded Rustan, with as much secrecy and as little tumult as was possible, to lay hands upon Mustapha, and to bring him bound to Constantinople; which if he could no•• conveniently effect, then by any other means to take him out of the way.

With this wicked and cruel charge Rustan with a strong Army marched towards Syria. Musta∣pha understanding of his coming, without delay with seven thousand of the best Horsemen in all Turky made towards Syria also; whereof Rustan hearing, and perceiving that he could not (as he desired) conveniently execute the cruel com∣mand of the unnatural Father, forthwith turned his back, and treading the same steps he came, returned with his Army to Constantinople with such speed, that he endured not to behold the very Dust raised by Mustapha's Horsemen, much less his presence; giving it out, That he certainly understood that the Province was in quiet, (as indeed it was) and that he thereupon returned. But unto Solyman he told another Tale in secret,* 13.41 which he maliciously had devised, That he by most apparent signs and manifest presumptions had perceived the whole Army so inclined to∣wards Mustapha, that if he should have attempted any thing against him by plain force, he should have been utterly forsaken, and had therefore in so dangerous a case left the matter as it was to his grave further direction. This Tale suspici∣ously told, raised in the wicked and unnatural Father (nothing degenerating from the natural cruelty of his Ancestors) new and great suspi∣cions, whereof to disburden his disquieted mind, he conceived with himself a most horrible de∣vice▪ Wherefore the year following, which was the year 1553, he raised a great Army; giving it out, That the Persians had with greater power than before invaded Syria, and that therefore he for the love of his Country, and defence of his Empire, was determined to go thither with his Army, and in person himself to repress the at∣tempts of his Enemies.* 13.42 Wherefore the Army being assembled, and all things necessary orderly provided, he commanded to set forward, and in few days after followed himself; who coming at length into Syria, presently by trusty Messen∣gers commanded Mustapha to come unto him at Aleppo, for there he lay encamped. And yet for all these shadows,* 13.43 the matter was not so close∣ly by Solyman conveied (although he was ex∣ceeding careful thereof) but that his mortal and deadly hatred against his Son was perceived by the Bassaes and other great Men about him; insomuch that Achmat Bassa by a secret and trusty Messenger gave him warning thereof, that so he might in time the better provide for the safe∣gard of his life.* 13.44 Neither could Mustapha him∣self but marvel, that his aged Father without any apparent reason should come so far with so great an Army; yet trusting to his own inno∣cency, though wonderfully troubled and perplex∣ed in mind, he resolved (although it were with the extream danger of his life) to obey and yield to his Fathers command; for he thought it more commendable and honourable to incur the danger of death, than living to fall into the foul suspicion of disloyalty. In so great a per∣plexity of mind, after he had with himself much discoursed too and fro, what course he were best to take, at length he boldly and resolutely asked the Doctor, whom (as we have before said) he had always with him in his Court,* 13.45 Whether the Empire of the World, or a blessed Life were of Man more to be desired? To whom the Doctor frankly answered, That the Empire of the World, to him that would enter into the due consideration thereof, brought with it no feli∣city, more than a vain shew and outter appear••nce of good, nothing being more frail or uncertain than worldly Honour, bringing with it fear, vexation of mind, tribulation, suspicion, murder, w••o••••, wickedness, spoil, ruin, and captivity, with 〈…〉〈…〉 mischiefes of like nature, not to be de∣sired o•• him that would attain to true felicity, by which means the blessed Life was to be lost and not gained: But they unto whom God had given the grace rightly to consider and weigh the fra∣gility and shortness of this our Estate (which the common sort deemeth to be the only life) and to strive against the Vanities of this World•• and to embrace and follow an upright kind of life,

had undoubtedly a place assigned for them in Heaven, and prepared by the great God, where they should at length enjoy life and bliss eter∣nal. This answer of the great Doctor wonder∣fully satisfied the troubled mind of the young Prince, foreseeing as it were the approach of his own end, and so staying not any longer dis∣course, forthwith set forwards towards his Father, and making great hast, came at length to his Fathers Camp, and not far off pitched his Tents in the open Field.* 13.46 But this his so hasty coming the more encreased the suspicion in the mind of his wicked Father; niether spared Rustan in the mean time with his crafty and subtil devices to augment the same; for by a sign given he caused the Janizaries and chief Men in the Army to go as if it had been for Honours sake to meet Mu∣stapha; which they all without delay presently did at his command, and ••o all together set for∣ward. In the mean time he the most crafty Varlet, with troubled countenance (for he could notably dissemble) as a Man half dismayed came in haste into Solymans Pavillion, and falsly told him,* 13.47 That the Janizaries and almost all the best Souldiers of the Army were of themselves with∣out leave gon to meet Mustapha, and that he feared what would ensue thereof. Which news so troubled the old Tyrant, that he became pale for fear, and going out of his Tent, and finding them gon, easily believed all to be true that the false Bassa had told him.* 13.48 Neither wanted Mu∣stapha strange warning of his end so near at hand; for the third day before his setting for∣wards toward his Father, falling asleep in the Evening, he thought he saw his Prophet Mahomet in bright Apparel to take him by the hand and lead him into a most pleasant place, beautified with most glorious and stately Palaces, and most delicate and pleasant Gardens; and pointing to every thing with his Finger, to say thus unto him, Here rest they for ever, which in this World have led an upright and godly Life, following Vertue, and detesting Vice; and after that turning his Face to the other side, to have shewed him two great and swift Rivers, whereof the one boiled with Water blacker than Pitch, and in them appear∣ed (as he thought) numbers of Men wallowing and tumbling, some up, some down, crying hor∣ribly for mercy; And there (said he) are punish∣ed all such as in this frail life have been malicious workers of iniquity; the chief of whom (as he said) were Emperors, Kings, Princes, and other great Men of the World. Mustapha awaking, and troubled with this melancholy Dream, called unto him his Doctor; and having told him all the matter, asked him what the same might signifie? Who standing a great while in a muse (for the Mahometans are exceeding superstiti∣ous, attributing much to dreams) full of sorrow and grief at length answered, That this Vision (for so it pleased him to term it) was undoubt∣edly to be feared, as presaging unto him the ex∣tream peril of his Life, and therefore requested him to have great care both of his Life and Ho∣nour. But Mustapha as he was of a notable spirit and courage, regarding nothing that answer, stoutly replied, What, shall I suffer my self to be terrified and overcome with childish and vain fear? Why rather haste I not couragiously and resolutely to my Father? And so much the more boldly, because I know assuredly I have always (as reason was) reverenced his Majesty, that a∣gainst his Will I never turned mine Eies or Foot against his most Royal Seat•• much less affected his Empire, except the most high God had called him to a better life; neither then without the general good liking and choice of the whole Army, that so I might at length without Murder, with∣out Blood, without Tyranny, well and justly reign and in Love and Peace inviolate live with my Brethren; for I have set down with my self, and chosen, if it be my Fathers pleasure so, rather to die in his Obedience, than reigning many years, to be reputed of all Men, especially my Competitors, a Rebel or Traitor. Having thus said, he came unto his Fathers Camp, and pitch∣ing his Tents (as we have before said) suted him∣self all in White, in token of his Innocency, and writing certain Letters (which the Turks when they are about to go to any place of danger, use to write, and always to carry with them, for they are wonderful foolish in their Superstition) and putting them in his Bosom, attended upon with a few of his most trusty Followers, came with great reverence towards the Tent of his Father, fully resolving to have kissed his Hand, as their usual manner is.* 13.49 But when he was come to the entrance of the Tent, remembring that he had yet his Dagger girt to him, he entred not until he had put it off; because he would not come into his Fathers sight with any Weapon, if happily so he might clear himself of his Fathers needless suspi∣cion. So when he was come into the more inward Rooms of the Tent, he was with such honour as belonged to his state chearfully received by his Fathers Eunuchs. But seeing nothing else pro∣vided but one Seat whereon to sit himself alone, he perplexed in mind, stood still a while musing; at length asked where the Emperor his Father was? Whereunto they answered, That he should by and by see him; and with that casting his Eye aside, he saw seven Mutes (these are strong Men bereft of their Speech, whom the Turkish Tyrants have always in readiness, the more secret∣ly to execute their bloody Butchery) coming from the other side of the Tent towards him; at whose sight strucken with a suddain terrour, said no more, but Lo my death; and with that, a∣rising, was about to have fled; but in vain,* 13.50 for he was caught hold on by the Eunuch and Mutes, and by force drawn to the place appointed for his death; where without further stay, the Mutes cast a Bow-string about his Neck, he poor Wretch still striving, and requesting that he might speak but two words to his Father before he died. All which the Murtherer (for no addition is sufficient significantly to express his unnatural Villany) both heard and saw by a Travers from the other side of the Tent; but was so far from being moved with compassion, that thinking it long till he were dispatched, with a most terrible and cruel voice he rated the Villains enured to blood; say∣ing, Will you never dispatch that I bid you? Will you never make an end of this Traitor, for whom I have not rested one Night these ten Years in quiet? Which horrible commanding speeches, yet thun∣dering in their Ears, those butcherly Mutes threw the poor innocent Prince upon the ground, and with the help of the Eunuchs forcibly drawing the knotted Bow-string both ways, by the com∣mandment of a most wicked Father,* 13.51 strangled him. With like barbarous Cruelty, he shortly after caused Mahomet his Nephew (Mustapha his Son) to be strangled also.

This unnatural and strange Murder commit∣ted, he presently commanded the Bassa of Ama∣sia, Mustapha's Lieutenant to be apprehended, and his Head in his own presence to be struck off. Which done, he sent for Tzihanger the Crooked, yet ignorant of all that was happened; and in sporting wise, as if he had done a thing worth commendation, bid him go meet his Brother Mustapha; which thing Tzihanger with a merry and chearful Countenance hasted to do, as one

glad of his Brothers coming. But as soon as he came unto the place where he saw his Brother lying dead upon the ground strangled, it is not to be spoken how he was in mind tormented. He was scarcely come to the place where this detesta∣ble Murther was committed, when his Father sent unto him certain of his Servants to offer unto him all Mustapha's Treasure,* 13.52 Horses, Servants, Jewels, Tents, and withal, the Government of the Province of Amasia, but Tzihanger filled with extream heaviness for the unmerciful death of his well beloved Brother, spake unto them in this sort. A wicked and an ungodly Cain, Traitor (I may not say Father) take thou now the Treasures, the Horses, the Servants, the Iewels, and the Pro∣vince of Mustapha. How came it into thy wicked, cruel, and savage Breast, so ungratiously and contrary to all Humanity, I will not say the Reverence of thine own Blood, to kill thy worthy, warlike, and noble Son, the Mirror of Courtesie, and Prince of greatest hope, the like of whom, the Othoman Family never yet had, nor never shall? I will therefore my self pro∣vide that thou, nor none for thee shall ever hereafter in such sort shamefully triumph over a poor crooked Wretch. And having thus much said, stab'd him∣self with his own Dagger into the Body,* 13.53 where∣of he in short time died; Which so soon as it came to the old Tygers Ears, it is hard to say how much he grieved. His dead Body was by his Fathers commandment carried from Aleppo in Sy∣ria, to Constantinople, and afterwards honourably buried on the other side of the Haven at Pera. For all this bloody Tragedy, his covetous mind was not so troubled, but that he could forthwith command all Mustapha's Treasures and Riches to be brought to his Tent; which his Souldiers in hope to have the same given among them for a Prey, willingly hasted to perform. In the mean time the Souldiers which were in Mustapha's Camp, not knowing what was become of their Master, seeing such a multitude of Souldiers thrusting into their Camp without all order; to repress their tu∣multuous insolency, stept out in their Armor, and notably repulsed them, not without much Bloodshed.

At length, the noise of this stir was heard by the rest of the Kings Souldiers,* 13.54 who seeing the Tumult to increase more and more, ran in to help their Fellows; so that in short time there began a hot skirmish and cruel fight on both sides, inso∣much that two thousand were slain, and more wounded; neither had the broil so ended, had not Achomat Bassa a grave Captain, and for his long experience of no small Authority amongst the Souldiers, kept back the Janizaries, and staid their fury; and turning likewise to Mustapha's Souldiers, by gentle and mild words and courteous perswasions, in this manner appeased their rage. What my Brethren (said he) will you now (dege∣nerating from your ancient Loyalty,* 13.55 for which you have been for so many Ages commended) impugn the command of the great Sultan our dread Sovereign? Truly I cannot sufficiently marvel what thing should move you, whom I have hitherto proved to have been most worthy and valiant Souldiers, in this civil con∣flict to draw those Weapons against your Fellows and Brethren, which you have most fortunately used against the Enemies of the Othoman Kings; except you mean thereby to make your selves a joyful spectacle unto your Enemies, who grieving to see themselves over∣come by your Victorious Weapons, may yet rejoice among themselves to see you turn the same one upon another. Wherefore my Sons, for your ancient honours sake, be careful that you do not by this your insolency lose the reputation of your Wisdom, Loyalty, and Valor; for which you have hitherto been above all others com∣mended; reserve these your Weapons which you have now too too much used among your Fellows, against your Enemies, of whom you may get more Praise and Honour. This Speech of the old Bassa so mollified the stout Souldiers, that they freely permitted all that was in Mustapha's Tents to be carried to So∣lyman••; but so soon as the death of Mustapha was blown into the Ears of the Janizaries and the rest of the Army in Solymans Camp, another Tumult rose among them worse than the first:* 13.56 They were quickly all up in Arms again, and with a great noise confused with Tears and Lamentation, as they were in rage and fury, brake violently into Solymans Pavillion with their drawn Swords; which struck the Tyrant into such a fear, that destitute of all Counsel in himself, he was about with the extream peril of his life to have fled; but being holden by his Friends, and making a Vertue of Necessity, upon the suddain adventured to do that which at better leisure he would scarce∣ly have thought upon; for going forth out of his Tent, but with a pale and wan Countenance, he spake unto the enraged Souldiers thus: What Broil is this? what Stir? what so great Insolency?* 13.57 what mean your inflamed, fierce and angry Looks? know you not your Sovereign? and him that hath power to command you? Have you so resolved to stain the ancient and invincible honour of your selves and your Ancestors, with the Blood of your Lord and Emperor? Whilst he was yet thus speaking, the Souldiers boldly answered, That they denied not,* 13.58 but that he was the Man whom they many years before had chosen for their Emperor; but in that they had by their own Valour got for him a large and mighty Empire, and in like manner preserved it; that was therefore of them done, that he should for the same govern them vertuously and justly, and not to lay his bloody hands without discre∣tion upon every just Man, and most wickedly embrue himself with innocent Blood; and that they came thither armed, they did it (as they said) moved with just cause to revenge the un∣worthy death of guiltless Mustapha; and that for that matter, he had no just cause to be angry with them. Wherefore they required, that they might publickly clear themselves of the Treason whereof they were accused by Mustapha's Ene∣mies, and that the Accuser might be brought forth to justifie his Accusation; protesting, that they would never lay down their Weapons, un∣til the Accuser made his appearance in Jugdment, and commenced his Accusation judicially, upon pain to endure the like punishment if he failed in proof. Whilst these things were in doing, the hainousness of the late committed fact caused every Man to shed Tears,* 13.59 so that Solyman himself seemed to be sorry for the Murther so lately by himself committed; wherefore he promised unto the Souldiers whatsoever they required, and did what he could to appease their angry minds. For all that, they in the mean time, lest he should craftily slip away and deceive them of that he had pro∣mised, and of the expectation of such things as they had required, with a marvellous care and di∣ligence all kept Watch and Ward.

Solyman to appease this fury of the Janizaries, deprived Rustan Bassa of all his Honours,* 13.60 and took from him his Seal whereof he had the keeping, and delivered it to Achomates Bassa. But Rustan worthily strucken with fear and horror, seeing himself now in no safety in his own Tents, fled secretly to Achomates, asking his Counsel what were best for him to do, and what Course to take in so doubtful and dangerous a case? To whom the Bassa answered, that it were best for him to use the great Emperors advice, and to do what he commanded. Which answer well satisfied Rustan; and so he which of late gave other Men access

unto the Emperor at his pleasure, was now glad by his old Acquaintance and Friends to prefer this poor suit, To know his pleasure what he would have him to do; from whom he received this answer, That he should incontinently without further delay get him out of his sight, and out of the Camp; which the Bassa said he could not con∣veniently do, being by his displeasure and the Souldiers rage disfurnished of all things necessa∣ry for his departure. Whereunto Solyman sent him answer again, That he could give him neither longer time nor delay, and that it were best for him without more ado to be gone for fear of fur∣ther harm. Whereupon Rustan guilty in consci∣ence of his most horrible Villany and Treachery, accompanied but with eight of his most faithful Friends instead of his late world of Followers, posted in haste to Constantinople, and there (not without danger of his Head) with Roxalana and other the complices and contrivers of the Treason against Mustapha, in great fear expected the event of his Fortune.

This young Prince Mustapha thus shamefully murthred by his own Father, was for his rare Vertues generally beloved of the Turks; but of the Souldiers most for his Martial Disposition, and readiness for the effusion of Christian Blood. The opinion they had conceived of him was such, and their love so great, that they never thought there was any in the Othoman Family, of whom they expected so much for the enlarging of their Empire; insomuch, that eve•• since, when in their private or publick Actions they fail of any great hope, they use this Proverb even at this day taken from him, Gietti Sultan Mustapha, Sultan Musta∣pha is dead; as who should say, our hope is all lost. Achomates Bassa the great Champion of the Turks, a Man of exceeding Courage, not igno∣rant of the small assurance of the great Honours of that State, at such time as he received the Seal from Solyman, boldly told him, That as he did then frankly bestow it upon him, so he would at one time or other to his no less disgrace take it from him; to whom Solyman solemnly promised with an Oath, not to displace him so long as he lived. For all that, he had not long enjoyed that honour, but that Solyman falling in dislike with him, and willing again to promote Rustan Bassa to that great honour, greater than which there was none in the Turks Court, which by reason of his Oath he could not do so long as Achomates lived; To save his Oath, and to prefer his Son in Law (whom he had indeed displaced only to please the tumultuous Janizaries) resolved to have Achomates put to death. Of which his purpose Achomates altogether ignorant,* 13.61 and one Morning after his wonted manner coming into the Divano in all his Honour, upon the suddain received word from Solyman, that he must presently die, and forthwith was the Hangman ready to have strangled him, as was given him in charge; whom the stout Bassa thrust from him with his hand, with countenance and chear in shew no more troubled than if the matter had nothing concern∣ed him. And looking a good while round about him, espied at last an honest Man whom he had before many times pleasured, whom he most earnestly requested for all the kindness shewed un∣to him, to do him that last favour as to strangle him with his own hand, which should be unto him the greatest good turn that he could possibly devise, detesting nothing more than to die with the hand of the Executioner. Which thing, when he after much intreaty had undertaken to perform, Achomates willed him, that he should not at one twitch strangle him outright, but letting the Bow-string slack again, give him leave once to breath and then to dispatch him; which his request was by his Friend accordingly performed, and he in that sort strangled; wherein it seemeth, that he was desirous, first to taste of Death, and not to die all at once. Immediately after whose death, Rustan Bassa was again restored to his place of chief Visier, and had the great Seal delivered unto him; which honour he enjoyed about six years after, and so at last died of the Dropsie. This was the end of these two great Bassaes Achomates and Rustan, who in that time swaied that great Empire, under Solyman, and of whom we have so much spoken. It is reported, that Solyman having appointed Achomates to die, should say, It is better for his great Heart once to die, than to die a thousand times, in seeing his Honour taken from him and bestowed upon another.

The Turks Gallies by the solicitation of the French before brought down into the Tuscan Sea, [year 1554.] did much harm upon the Coasts of Calabria and Sicilia in this year 1554, as they had the year before, and so did divers years after. At which time also Pandulphus Contarenus the Venetian Ad∣miral scouring alongst the Seas, carefully looking to the Frontiers of the Venetian Estate, chanced to meet with the Bassa of Callipolis, who in the year before had rifled certain Venetian Mer∣chants; in revenge of which injury he set upon him, and after a great Spoil made both of the Turks and their Gallies, he ransacked Dirrachi∣um then one of the Turks Port Towns in Dal∣matia.

The next year 1555, [year 1555.] the same Bassa recovered his strength; but not daring to be too busie with the Venetians, surprised the Islands of Blumbis and Elba, subject to the Duke of Florence, and withal sent Letters to Solyman, to perswade him to take up Arms against the Venetians, as they which had broken the League.

At the same time, [year 1556.] Haly the Bassa of Buda by Policy surprised the strong Castle of Baboza in Hungary;* 13.62 and was in good hope by the like fine∣ness to have taken the Town and Castle of Zi∣geth, a place of great importance; but failing of his purpose, he came the next year 1556, with a great Army, and the thirteenth day of June en∣camped before the Town, wherein was Gover∣nor Marchus Horwath a valiant Captain, with a Garrison of notable Souldiers. Shortly after he began a most terrible Battery; during which time the Christians sallying out divers times, slew many of his Men; who for all that used such diligence, that the twentieth of Iune they won the uttermost Wall, and after five hot Assaults were in hope at the sixth to have won the Castle also; but the Christians perceiving the danger, resolutely sallied out, and having slain eight hun∣dred of them, drave the rest again from the Wall. Yet the Turks gave it not so over, but with a great number of Carts laboured to have filled up the Marrish and Ditches about the Town, which their Attempt was by the industry of the Defendants also defeated. The Bassa perceiving how hardly the Town would be won by force,* 13.63 attempted to have perswaded them to have yield∣ed it up by composition; but failing therein of his purpose, began again the twelfth of Iuly to assault the City, which Assault he maintained five days together without intermission, still send∣ing in fresh Men instead of them that were weari∣ed or slain;* 13.64 yet was the City for all that by the Valour of the Christians notably defended. So when he had in vain proved the uttermost of his Forces, he raised his Siege the one and twentieth day of Iuly and departed; but within six days after, he retuened from the City Quinque Ecclesiae,

and assaulted the City afresh; but was at length glad to give over the Siege and be gone, when he had lost of his best Souldiers above two thousand, and of the Defendants slain but an hundred and twenty. After his departure there was ten thou∣sand great Shot found, wherewith he had batter∣ed the Town and the Castle, which was for this time thus worthily defended. The Turks in the mean time after their wonted manner ceased not to do what harm they could in the Tuscan Sea, and had again miserably spoiled the Island of Cor∣sica; for withstanding of whom the Bishop of Rome exacted of his People a great Subsidy, and finely stript the Jews of their Mony, and seised upon their rich Merchants Goods in his Territory. At whose earnest suit Solyman in their behalf writ unto the Bishop as followeth:

Sultan Solyman, most Mighty Emperor of Emperors, the Son of Selymus, Emperor of Emperors, to whom God give eter∣nal Victory; to Pope Paulus the Fourth, Greeting.

MOst excellent and most mighty Lord of the Pro∣fessors of the Messias Iesu,* 14.1 and Lord of Rome, the Almighty keep thee. At such time as thou shalt receive our Seal, thou shalt understand by our Letters, that certain Hebrews have come unto us, complaining that they are oppressed of thee with too grievous Ex∣actions, when they come to traffique at Ancona; This burthen I request thee to take from them, and to re∣store again unto them their Goods, that thereby they may be able to pay to us our Tribute; which if thou (as I hope thou wilt) shalt do, thou shalt feel our Favour. Farewel. From Constantinople the last of the blessed Month * 14.2 Rambeluch, in the year of our great Prophet Mahomet, nine hundred threescore and four.

Haly Bassa grieved with the late repulse he had received at Zigeth,* 14.3 came again the next year, and besieged it, at which time King Ferdinand sent Nicholaus Polwiler and the Count Serinus with a Power raised in Suevia and Austria, to recover Baboza, a Castle betwixt Zigeth and Stiria, be∣fore surprised by the Turks; of whose coming the Bassa having intelligence, rose with his Army and departed from Zigeth, which he had for certain Months hardly besieged, and not far from Baboza met with Polwiler and Serinus; who joyning Bat∣tel with him, after a hard and sharp Fight over∣threw him and put him to Flight. This Victory with the coming down of young Ferdinand,* 14.4 King Ferdinands Son, Archduke of Austria with new Supplies, so terrified the Turks in that part of Hun∣gary along the River Dravus, that they for fear for∣sook Baboza, Sammartin, San-Lawrence, and divers other small Castles which they had before taken, and fled to Quinque Ecclesiae.

The Governor of Zigeth encouraged herewith, sallying out with his Garrison, slew many of the Turks in their Flight towards Quinque Ecclesiae, and meeting by chance with a Troop of Horsemen, which were bringing the Turks Pay, overthrew them, took the Mony, and so with an exceeding rich Prey returned to his Castle. At which time also Adam the Governor of Rab, otherwise called Iavarinum, having burnt the Suburbs of Alba Re∣galis, and driven away many thousands of Cat∣tle, at a Town called Sian overthrew five hundred Turks, and as many fugitive Christians, and so with a great Prey and little or no loss at all of his Men returned.

Henry the French King at the same time in Wars with Philip King of Spain,* 14.5 and troubled with the loss of his Army overthrown not far from Saint Quintins (at which time the Duke Montmo∣rency Constable of France and General of the Army, with his Son and divers other of the No∣bility of France were taken Prisoners) by his Em∣bassador Michael Condignac solicited Solyman to have by Sea invaded Naples and Sicilia, so to have withdrawn the Spanish Forces out of France, to defend their own Frontiers. Which thing Soly∣man, offended with the insolency of the Embassa∣dor, refused to do; yet nevertheless commanded his adventurers all alongst the Coast of Africk, to infest those Seas, and to do what harm they could upon the Coast of Italy and Sicilia; which they so diligently performed, that the Viceroy of Sicilia was fain for defence of those Countries to lie in readiness with his Gallies in the Ports of Cajeta and Naples.

In the mean time the Guise, Lord Grand Prior of the Knights of Saint Iohns in France (and Brother of Francis the Duke of Guise,* 14.6 General of the French Kings Army in Italy, who upon the overthrow re••eived at Saint Quintins, called out of Italy, shortly after took Cajais) Admiral of the Gallies of Malta, went out toward the East with four Gallies well appointed, to lie in wait for the Turks, and by fortune met with two great Ships laded with the Turks Merchandize, which he took; and by and by after, light upon four of the Turks Gallies, with whom he had a great Fight; yet at length having sunk one of them and burnt another, he took the other two. After which Victory returning towards Malta to have repaired his Gallies and cured his wounded men, he was met with four other great Gallies of the Turks; who desirous to revenge the loss of their Fellows, set upon him, and he seeing now no remedy, but that he must needs fight couragiously, encountred them. But forasmuch as he had in the two Fights before lost some of his Men, and seventy two of the Knights in the Gallies lay sore wounded, he, by the Counsel of the Captains retired towards Malta; but by the way one of his Gallies was taken by the Turks, with two and fifty Knights of the Order; yet with the rest and the Prizes before taken, he recovered the Island of Malta, where he staied that Winter; and the next Spring sailed into France to be partaker of those troubles, which beginning shortly after, have but of late taken end.

The immoderate Fortune of the great Sultan Solyman,* 14.7 was not in any thing more contrary to his desire, than in the proof of those his Children, of whom the World held the greatest expectation. Mustapha his eldest Son, the Mirror of Courtesie, and rare hope of the whole Turkish Nation, the suspitious Tyrant had most unnaturally caused to be murdered in his own presence, to the grief of all his Subjects in general, as is before de∣clared; poor Tzibanger was dead for sorrow; and Mahometes his eldest Son by his best beloved the fair Roxolana, was departed this life also. So that now remained unto him only Selymus, the un∣worthy Heir of so great an Empire, and Bajazet his younger Brother, the lively image of his Fa∣ther, both Men grown, and the Sons of the same Roxolana; but so far differing the one from the other both in Feature of Body and Disposition of Mind, as if they had not been of the same Kindred and Line. S••lymus the elder Brother, most like unto his Mother, was in the secret de∣termination of the aged Emperor his Father ap∣pointed Heir of that most mighty Empire. Ba∣jazet much resembling his Father, was on the other side strongly supported by the care and

entire love of his Mother; which whether it pro∣ceeded of a secret commiseration of his inevita∣ble Destiny,* 14.8 or that he had by Loyalty or other means so won her Favour, is not known; but every Man saw, that if it had lien in her Power, she would undoubtedly have preferred him before his elder Brother Selymus, and have placed him in the Empire; but she must needs give way to her old Husbands Will, firmly and irremovably set down, that the Destinies so permitting, none should reign after him but his eldest Son Selymus. Of which his purpose and resolution Bajazet be∣ing not ignorant, began most circumspectly to look about about him, if he could by any means frustrate that forcible necessity, and exchange his certain destruction with an Empire; in which his deep and dangerous cogitations he was not a little comforted by the favour and love of Roxolana his Mother, and of Rustan the great Bassa his Bro∣ther in Law; who together had in any other mat∣ter been able to have overruled the aged Empe∣ror. Whereupon he resolutely set down him∣self, rather to end his days by making proof of good or bad Fortune, than upon the death of his Father (which by Course of Nature could not now be far off) to be as a Sacrifice basely butcher∣ed by some vile Hangman of his Brothers. Ba∣jazet so resolved, and now already fallen out with his Brother Selymus, took occasion upon the ge∣neral discontentment of the People and others, for the unworthy death of Mustapha their late joy, to begin those stirs which he had before with himself plotted, and so to make a Head, where∣unto he might afterward join the Body also; for why, that worthy Mustapha had left behind him so great desire of himself, that now it wearied ma∣ny to live after him, they had so placed all the hope of their good Fortune in him, unto whom nothing was more desired than to revenge the wrong done unto him, or else to run the same hard Fortune with him; othersome guilty of the immoderate Affection they had born unto him yet living, and fearing to be called to give an ac∣count thereof, thought any state better and more assured than that wherein they presently stood,* 14.9 and therefore sought all occasions of new stirs, how to set all in an hurly burly; only a Captain was wanting, Mustapha could not again be re∣vived, yet might he be strongly supposed to live. This device pleased Bajazet, as best fitting his pur∣pose, being not ignorant of this disposition of the People. Wherefore by certain of his most faith∣ful and trusty Followers he found out a certain obscure Fellow of a notable audacity, which should take upon him the Name and Person of Mustapha, whose Stature also and Countenance and Proportion of Body differed not much from Mustapha himself; he, as if he had by chance escaped, first began to shew himself in that part of Thracia, which is above Constantinople, and li∣eth toward Danubius, not far from the Countries of Moldavia and Valachia, and was for that cause both fittest for Rebellion, and also best stored with Horsemen, who of all others most honoured Mustapha. Hither he comes as if it had been from a long journey,* 14.10 slenderly accompanied, and as if he had been desirous at the first not to have been known; his Followers being demanded (as it chanced) who it was, did rather fearfully give them that asked, occasion to ghess, than plainly to tell them, that it was Mustapha; neither did he himself much deny it▪ whereby the People became more and more desirous to know him. Which beginning thus laid, he afterward began to rejoyce of his fortunate coming thither, and to give God thanks for his safe arrival there amongst his Friends; he tells them, That at such time as he was sent for by his Father, he durst not come into his sight, or commit himself unto him in his Fury, but by the counsel of his Friends to have with great promises perswaded one that was mar∣vellous like unto himself to go in his stead; by whose danger he might make proof of his Fathers mind towards him; who before he was admitted to the speech of his Father, was without hear∣ing miserably strangled, and so cast out before his Pavilion, at which time there were many (as he said) which perceived the deceit, but the greater part remained in error, deceived with the Lineaments and Countenance of the miserable dead Man, who was much altered with the ter∣rible pains of death, and supposing it to have been him indeed that was slain. Which thing as soon as he understood, he thought it not good longer to stay, but presently to flie and to provide for his own safety; and so flying with a few of his own Followers, thereby the more secretly and safely to escape; and having passed above Pon∣tus by the People of Bosphorus, was now come thither, where he was in good hope to find much help and comfort in the Fidelity of his Friends, whom he requested not now to forsake him, or to make less account of him disgraced by the malice of his Step-Mother, than they had before in time of his Prosperity. For that he was aminded to revenge the injury done unto him, and by force of Arms to defend himself; for what else had he now left? being by no other means preserved, but by the death of another Man; that he had sufficiently proved how his Father stood affected towards him, and that he now lived by his mistaking, not by his Kind∣ness. The cause of all which his troubles was his Stepdame, who (as he said) with her in∣chantments led the silly old Man (now almost doating for Age, and mad for love) whither she would at her pleasure, and by her Agent Rustan Bassa forced him forward headlong into all kind of mischief; but that God be thanked he wanted not his Friends, by whose help he would find a way out of these miseries, and take revenge of his Enemies; for why, he had as yet couragious Hearts, and the Janizaries with the greater part of his Fathers Family on his side, and that great multitudes of People would flock unto him upon brute of his Name; so that they which did now mourn for him as dead (in num∣ber many) would by heaps run to help him be∣ing alive; so that they there present would only courteously receive him as a Guest, and protect him now distressed, till such time as his welwillers and Friends might repair unto him. And this at last he gave out not in secret, but openly to all Men wheresoever he came. The same things did they also report, whom he made the People to believe to have been the Companions of his Flight; which was also confirmed by divers of good Account and Authority, whom Bajazet had before dealt withal to that purpose. So that a great number of Men altogether unknown to Bajazet, were by that means seduced; for this matter was so cunningly wrought, that many of them that had known Mustapha alive, and seen him laid dead before his Fathers Pavilion, yet listed not greatly to believe that which they knew, but easily suffered themselves to be perswaded that this was the true Mustapha. But the Companions and Followers of Mustapha (in whose minds the lively Countenance and Remembrance of him was throughly ingraven) nothing could deceive; yet blinded partly with fear, partly with grief and desire of revenge, and wishing rather to adven∣ture any thing, than longer to live without Mu∣stapha, were the first Men that came to offer their

service to this counterfeit Mustapha; and would not suffer other Men to doubt but that this was the very Mustapha, which was falsly reported to have been slain. As for the deceiver himself, he either kept with him, or entertained them that came, some with fair promises, some with cour∣teous Speeches, and many also with Mony and Rewards, which he made them believe he had reserved of the Relicks of his better Fortune; for Bajazet had before notably provided, that nothing should in this behalf be wanting unto him for the countenancing of his Credit. So within the space of a few days such a multitude of Men was re∣sorted unto him, as might almost have made a whole Army. When Solyman upon the suddain was advertised by the fearful Messengers and Let∣ters of the Sanzacks thereabouts,* 14.11 what a danger was like to ensue by the concourse of so great a Multitude of People to this counterfeit Mustapha; he presently suspecting (as the truth was) that this was not done without the privity of one of his Sons, thought it not a thing to be neglected, and therefore by his Letters reproved the San∣zacks thereby, that they had suffered the matter to run so far, and had not in the beginning as their Duty was, suppressed the same, grievously threatning them, if they did not with all speed send unto him in bonds that counterfeit Compa∣nion with the rest of his Complices. Which that it might be the easilier by them performed, he promised to send one of the chief Bassaes, name∣ly Partau Bassa (who had married the Widow of Mahometes the eldest Son of Roxolana, of whom we have before remembred) and with him a strong power of the Souldiers of the Court; but if they would have themselves excused, that they should of themselves dispatch the matter before the coming of that Aid. This Partau led after him certain Squadrons of Souldiers, not so many in number, as notable for their Fidelity; for Solyman had caused the most faithful of his Colo∣nels, Captains, and Corporals, to be culled out; wisely doubting left his Souldiers, either led with Affection, or corrupted with Reward, might take part with him against whom they were sent. For the common sort of the Janizaries standing in suspence at the fame of Mustapha, and ex∣pectation of some great novelty, favoured that broil, and wished all on an hurly burly; neither was the matter indeed without danger. The San∣zacks after they had received this strait charge from Solyman, considering how much it stood them upon to make a speedy dispatch, began now to incourage one another to bestir themselves, to make all the speed possible, and with all their Power on every side to oppose themselves against the attempts of this new found Mustapha, labour∣ing to stay such as were coming unto him, and to disperse such as were already come, by shewing them the greatness of the danger, and threat∣ning them with all extremities. In the mean time Partau Bassa came on with his Army, and was not now far off, when (as in like case it oftentimes falleth out in things not yet sufficiently confirmed, and by celerity prevented) the Soul∣diers of the counterfeit Mustapha seeing themselves beset on every side, began to fear, and at first some few to slip away; but afterwards all, with∣out regard of shame or of their promise, to for∣sake their Captain and flie every Man whither he thought best. The Captain seeking likewise to have made shift for himself, was with the chief of his Counsellors and Followers taken by the Sanzacks and delivered unto the Bassa, who with a strong Guard sent them all in bonds to Constan∣tinople; where Solyman by most exquisite Torments drew from them all the secret devices of his young Son Bajazet, and that he had purposed after such a Head made by this supposed Mustapha, as he thought covenient, to have upon the suddain joined himself with a great Power, and so as should best serve for his purpose, to have gone directly to Constantinople, or else against his Brother Selymus. But whilst he goeth somewhat too slowly about his business, his unripe Counsels were by his Fathers Celerity oppressed. Of all which mat∣ter Solyman now throughly assured,* 14.12 caused the supposed Mustapha and his Companions at Mid∣night to be drowned in the Sea; thinking it not good to have these things commonly known, and to have his domestical wounds yet bleeding, laid open to the view of his Neigbour Princes. Ne∣vertheless being mightily offended with Bajazet for so great an insolency, he ceased not to cast in his mind how to be revenged upon him; which his Wife Roxolana, a Woman of great Wisdom, was not ignorant of. Who after a few days,* 14.13 at such time as the old Mans Fury was overpast, fal∣ling of purpose into talk with him about the matter, she laid together in her Sons behalf, and alledged the indiscreetness of Youth, the ne∣cessity of the Fact, and the example of his An∣cestors in like case, that it was so prōvided for by nature, that every Man should be careful of himself and his, and that all Men did indifferently shun Death, that young Men were by evil Coun∣sel easily seduced and made to forget their Duty. That it were reason he should forgive him this first Fault; which if he amended, then was it a great gain for the Father to have saved his Son; but if he should again fall into relapse, there would not want time to punish him for both Faults; And that if so be he would not pardon him for his own sake; yet he would vouchafe to pardon him for hers, entreating now for him for whom she had before groaned, and not to be cruel upon him, one of the Pledges of their Love, in whom rested the Blood of them both; for in what wo∣ful case should she be, if of those two Sons (all that God had left her) the Fathers Severity should bereave her of the one? Wherefore she requested him to moderate his Anger, and to prefer his Cle∣mency before his just Indignation; forasmuch as God himself of all Power and Might, did not always deal with Sinners in Severity, but for most part in Mercy; whereas otherwise all mankind would not suffice his Wrath. And would Mercy in any place be more fitting, than in the Father towards his Child? She promised further, that Bajazet should from thenceforth remain in most dutiful Obedience towards his Majesty; and up∣on his so great Clemency, to convert the fear wherein he now lived, into a World of Duty and Devotion. Honourable minds (she said) were retained with nothing more than with Kindness and Courtesie; that the remembrance of that his Fatherly Forgiveness should be a stay unto him, for ever doing the like again; at last, that she would promise for him, and take upon her, that he should for ever afterwards satisfie his Fatherly ex∣pectation in all kind of Duty and Loyalty. Which words mingled with Tears and other Womanly Gestures, so wrought with Solyman, being other∣wise too much in her power, that he resolved to forgive the Fault▪ yet so, that he should come and submit himself, and receive from him his charge. This careful Mother foreslows no time, but by Letters secretly advertised Bajazet not to fear to come unto his Father at such time as he should be sent for; assuring him that there was no danger, for that his Father was by her means ap∣peased, and he again brought into his favour. With which good News Bajazet well comforted, resolved to go at such time as he was sent for; yet

full of fear, and oftentimes looking back unto his Brother Mustapha,* 14.14 whose dreadful example suf∣ficiently warned him what a danger he adventured himself unto. Yet he came to the place appointed for the Parley, which was in a common Inn at a place called Carestran a few miles from Constantino∣ple; for such is the suspicious manner of the Turkish Tyrants of these times, not to suffer any of their Sons that be Men grown, to set their Foot within the Gates of Constantinople, as dan∣gerous for soliciting the Souldiers of the Court, and so consequently for the altering of the State. Bajazet was no sooner lighted from his Horse, but his Fathers Guard was presently ready to receive him, commanding him to lay aside his Sword and Dagger; which thing though it be an usual mat∣ter in others that are admitted to the presence of the Turkish Emperor, yet might it then in the mind of his guilty Son raise a great fear. But his kind Mother (who had before seen in what fear and perplexity he would come) had conveighed her self into a Chamber fast by the entrance of the same House Bajazet was to pass, where out of a little Casement covered with a thin Linnen Cloth, she called unto him in passing by, in these few words, Corcoma oglan, Corcoma; which is as much to say,* 14.15 Fear not my Son, fear not; with which short Speech Bajazet was not a little both com∣forted and encouraged. But as soon as he was come into his Fathers Presence, and had done his Duty, Solyman commanded him to sit down by him; then began the grim Sire grievously to reprove him of rashness and want of discretion in taking up Arms,* 14.16 which he could not otherwise conceive of but as taken up against himself. And admit they were as he would have it, and the best that he could make of it, taken up against his elder Brother, yet was it nevertheless a great pre∣sumption and most wicked Fact. Neither was there any want in him, but that the whole state of the Mahometan Religion (which at this day resteth upon the Othoman Family) had by his Domestical Discord been sore shaken, and brought in peril of utter ruin, to the great Injury, Re∣proach, and Contempt of his Majesty, a most detestable and horrible Crime, which could not with condign punishment be revenged. Yet for all that, he had determined to pardon him, and to shew himself rather a kind Father, than a se∣vere Judge; so that he would from thenceforth leave the care of future things to God; forasmuch as none of these things are done by our appoint∣ment, but that Kingdoms and Monarchies are bestowed as best pleaseth him; so that if it were his Destiny to enjoy the Empire after his death, he should be sure thereof as o•• a thing that would of it self come unto him, and was not by any Mans power to be kept from him, as that which was by God ordained for him; but if it were otherwise appointed by God, then were it a mad thing for him to labour in vain to strive against the Will of God, and as it were to fight with God. Wherefore he should now as one well warned, cease to rage and storm, and not to molest his quiet Brother, or trouble him his aged Father; for that if he should again fall and raise new stirs, it would assuredly fall upon his own head, neither would any place of mercy be found for his second offence, and that he should then find him not as now, his gentle Father, but a most severe and revenging Judge. Which when he had said, and Bajazet had thereunto briefly answered as the time would permit, rather cra∣ving pardon for his Trespass, than excusing that was not to be excused, and promising from thence∣forth to live most loyally at his Command; Soly∣man according to the manner of that Nation cal∣led for Drink, which he commanded to be given to Bajazet, who not daring to refuse it, although he had rather have so done, drank thereof what he thought good, doubting lest that should have been his last; of which fear his Father forthwith delivered him by drinking a good draught of the same Cup. So Bajazet, though guilty,* 14.17 having with better success spoken with his Father than had his Brother Mustapha, returned again to the former place of his charge.

This hapned in the year 1555, from which time Bajazet so long as Roxolana his Mother lived, behaved himself with all dutiful and Brotherly Kindness both towards his Father and his Brother; and that rather for to keep her favour, and not to cut off the hope which he had only in her Af∣fection towards him, than for any confidence he had in his Fathers Kindness, or for any Love he bare to his Brother; the regard of her being the only thing that kept his fierce Nature in quiet. But she dead about two years after, he as a Man bereft of all hope of long Life, and discharged of all Bonds of Duty, fell to his former Course, and began more grievously than before, to re∣vive the old grudges betwixt him and his Brother, sometime seeking by secret practices to have him made away, and other sometimes by open force entring into his Province, which was not far off, there evil intreated some of his Brothers Followers as he light upon, for their Masters sake, omitting nothing which he thought might tend to the dis∣grace of him whom of all other he wished dead. He had also certain of his Favorites at Constan∣tinople, by whom he cunningly wrought by all means to gain the Love of the Souldiers of the Court, and doubted not as occasion served to pass over thither himself, and there to lurk in se∣cret with such as were of his Faction, and privy to his Designments. Of all which things Solyman had knowledg, but especially by Letters from Selymus, wherein he was also advised to have care of his own safety; for that he was far deceived, if he perceived not, that these Preambles of Ba∣jazets wicked intentions, would at last turn upon his Head, who regarded neither God nor Man, so that he might alone reign; unto whose un∣ruly desires his Fathers Welfare was no less a bar, than was his Brothers, and therefore through his Sides was his Life shot at, which Treason had (as he said) been of long time plotted, and now occasion sought to have the same performed; wherefore he should take heed that he were not by such Treachery overwhelmed before he were aware thereof; That for himself he could easily bear with the injuries of his Brother Ba∣jazet, yet could not chuse but be moved with the greatness of his Fathers dangers. By which means Solymans hatred against Bajazet was still more and more increased. Wherefore he by Let∣ters put him in remembrance of his Duty,* 14.18 how courteously he had used him, and again what he had on his part promised; that there would not alwaies be place for forgiveness; that he should therefore cease to wrong his Brother and trouble his Father; that he had but a short time to live, and that after his death God would assign each of them their Fortunes. But all this was to no pur∣pose with Bajazet, fully set down to hazard whatsoever, rather than as a Beast to have his Throat cut by his Brother; which thing he as plainly saw would betide him in the Reign of Selymus, as if it had been then in execution. Yet he answered to his Fathers commands not imper∣tinently, but his deeds agreed not with his sayings, neither did he alter any thing of his intended purpose. Which thing as soon as Solyman perceived, he thought it best to take another Course, and to

remove his Sons both farther from himself, and also farther the one from the other.* 14.19 Wherefore he gave them to understand, That it was his plea∣sure that both of them within a certain prefixed time should depart out of their Governments (Bajazet being then Governor of Cutai, and Se∣lymus of Magnesia) and that now Bajazet should remove to Amasia, and Selymus to Iconium. Sely∣mus was without imputation, and altogether in favour with his Father; yet because no occasi∣on should be given Bajazet to fall into extremi∣ties if he should have been removed alone, So∣lyman to seem indifferent, commanded them both to remove; unto which command it was ad∣joyned, that the further they were off one from another, they should be so much the nearer in mind and Brotherly love: for as much as near∣ness of dwelling of the Great, did many times hinder their good agreement, whilst by for∣wardness of Officers many things are on both sides done to the grieving of their Masters; and that they should in any case do as they were commanded, and that he which staid longest should not be free from the suspicion of Con∣tempt. Selymus made no long stay, as he that knew a great part of all this to be done for his sake; but Bajazet hung back, and being gon a little on his way,* 14.20 staid, complaining of the un∣lucky Province of Amasia, stained with the Blood of his late Brother the Noble Mustapha, to be assigned unto him as ominous, and that he could be better contented with any Province whatso∣ever, than that, where the deadly remembrance of the miserable end of the nearest unto him in Blood, should be ever before his Eyes, to the wounding of his Heart; Wherefore he requested that he might at least winter in those places, or else there from whence his Brother was now departed; but Solyman would in no wise hearken unto him. Now Selymus gon before certain days Journies with such Troops as his Father had sent him beside his own, for fear of Bajazet, who yet staid loitring and trifling on the time, suddainly returning and fetching a compass about, shewed himself at his Brothers Back, marching towards Prusa in Bithynia, the ancient Seat of the Turkish Kings; which he did not without the privity of his Father, who liked not of the lingring of Ba∣jazet; for what if he, having gained the good Will of the Janizaries, should have gon either to Prusa, or directly to Constantinople? what a danger might have grown thereby to Selymus, yea unto the whole State in general? In this common fear, Solyman thought it best for Sely∣mus there to stay, from whence they might most conveniently help one another, if Bajazet should (as was feared) turn himself upon either of them. Yet was not Selymus so strong as to ad∣venture to joyn Battel with his Brother, whom he knew ready to put all to the hazard of one day. But when Bajazet (contrary to his expecta∣tion) saw Selymus behind him, and that he had got nothing by his long delay, but that his Bro∣ther should be the undoutbed Heir of the Empire if his Father should die, which was then by reason of his sickly con••titution of Body dayly more and more feared; he writ unto his Fa∣ther, accusing his Brother, That he could not more manifestly in any thing declare how ma∣liciously he was affected towards him, than by taking that indirect Course, to no other purpose but to aspire unto the Empire, and to have a short cut over to Constantinople, if he should have any news of his Fathers death, which he still gaped after; which his longing, if his Fathers longer Life should delay, then by the secret Ministers of his Trea∣son to dispatch him, and by the murdring of him to possess himself of the Empire; and yet never∣theless, this man as a most dutiful and obedient Son, to be of him much made of, and as it were put in his Bosom. Whereas he on the con∣trary part meaning well, into whose conceit ne∣ver any such thought came, but was ever at com∣mand, was not had in any regard, but cast off and contemned, whose greatest request was but to shun an unfortunate ominous Province. After that, he converted his style to Prayers, requesting again of his Father, to gratifie him with some other Province, if it were but that from which his Brother was departed, or with any other whatsoever, so that it were more lucky than that of Amasia; for answer whereof he said he would stay where he was, to the end that finding favour in his request, he should not have need further to retire; but if he should not obtain his request, that then he was ready to go whithersoever his Fa∣ther should command. It was not altogether for nought that Bajazet found fault with Amasia; being the mann••r of the Turks, of the smallest things of all to divine upon the greatest. But Solyman understood the matter otherwise; who not ignorant of his Sons Tears, knew right well that he in them sought for nothing else but a more commodious place for him to raise new stirs in, than was Amasia, so far distant from Constantino∣ple. So Bajazet by many delays did what he could to frustrate his Fathers appointment, ceasing not in the mean time to augment his strength, with new Souldiers, to provide Armor, Mony, and whatsoever else serving for defence of him∣self, and the impugning of his Brother. Which Solyman took in no other part, than as intended against his own person; yet would he seem as not to have any such understanding of the mat∣ter; for why, the wary old Sire would not by taking knowledg thereof, drive headlong his Son, who was already running too fast of himself. Besides that, he was not ignorant that the Eyes of all Nations were bent upon this discord of his two Sons; and therefore he desired by all means, that these Grudges might be with as little stir as was possible, appeased. Wherefore he answered Bajazet courteously, That concerning his Government of Amasia, he could not alter it, as resolutely set down as well for his Brother as himself, and that therefore they should do well to go both to their appointed places, as he had before commanded. As for the rest, they should be of good comfort, for that he would take such order, as that neither of them should have just cause to complain. Partau Bassa the fourth of the great Bassa's of the Court was appointed to go with this Message to Bajazet,* 14.21 and Mehemet third of the same great Bassa's with like charge to Selymus, because the matter should seem to be done with all indifferency; and both of these great Men commanded not to depart from them they were sent unto, before they were both come unto the places of their Government whereunto they were assigned. Which Solyman wisely did, to keep them both within the compass of Duty by the presence of such two grave Counsellors. Which thing Selymus took in good part, but Ba∣jazet not so; who having resolved with himself to set all on a hurly burly, thought nothing more unfit for his designs, than to have one of his Fa∣thers greatest Counsellors still at his Elbow as Censor of all his Speeches and Doings; where∣fore having courteously entertained him, and re∣warded him according to his Ability,* 14.22 he dismis∣sed him (though unwilling to depart) making this excuse, That he would use him as his Patron and Defender with his Father, forasmuch as he had no other in Court to defend his cause, pro∣mising

not to be unto him an unworthy or un∣thankful Client; and to carry word back again unto his Father, That he would above all things have care of his command, if he might so do for his Brother Selymus, whose Injuries and Treache∣ries he had much ado to brook. Partau the great Bassa so sent away, assured Solyman what the very mind and purpose of his younger Son was. And albeit that Bajazet to make it seem as if some∣thing had been done by that Embassage, made shew as if he would have presently gone towards Amasia; yet Solyman nevertheless fearing the worst,* 14.23 made all the preparation he could against him, commanding the Begle••beg of Grece, al∣though then sick of the Gout, to make haste, and with his Horsemen to pass over with all speed to aid Selymus; and Mehemet Bassa but late∣ly returned, he sent fo••thwith back again for the same purpose to Selymus, with certain of the most trusty Companies of the Janizaries; and the old Man in readiness,* 14.24 made semblance as if he would himself in person have gone over also. But the Janizaries and other Souldiers of the Court came with evil Will together, detesting that War be∣tween the Brethren, as altogether abominable; for against whom should they draw their Swords? was it not against the Emperors Son, and hap∣pily the Heir of the Empire? Wherefore this War might (as they said) well enough be let alone, as altogether unnecessary, and not they to be inforced to imbrue their Hands one in ano∣thers Blood, and to pollute themselves with such Impiety; as for that which Bajazet did, was to be holden excused, as proceeding from necessity. Which Speeches of the Janizaries being brought to Solymans Ears, he forthwith declared them to the Mufti (who in all matters of doubt they flee unto as unto a most sacred Oracle) de∣manding of him, how he was to be intreated, who of himself presumed whiles he yet lived, to levy Souldiers, raise an Army, ransack Towns, and trouble the State of the whole Empire? and what also he deemed of them that were his Fol∣lowers and took part with him? and last of all, of them also that refused to bear Arms against him, and said that he had in so doing nothing offended? Whereunto the Mufti answered, That both the Man and his Partakers were all worthy of death, and that such as refused to take up Arms against him, were as prophane and irreligious Men, to be accounted detestable. Which the great Priests answer was published unto the People, and by the chief Chiaus sent to Bajazet, to see if he might be therewith moved. Within a few days after,* 14.25 there came to Constantinople one of the Chiaus (whom Bajazet had intercepted, being sent from Solyman to Selymus) by whom Bajazet gave his Father to understand, That he was in all Duty his, and that he had not taken up Arms against him, neither refused to be unto him in all things obedient; but that he had only to do with his Brother, and with him to fight for his life, by whose Sword he must die, or else he by his, for that a mischief was to be by one of them performed; which quarrel he was resolved to try whiles he yet lived, and that therefore he should do best not to meddle in the quarrel, or to give Aid to either. But if so be he would needs (as the report was) pass over the Sea to aid Selymus, he should not think easily to get him into his hands, for that he knew right well, if the worst came, how to escape and save himself; and would before he could get over into Asia, make such spoil with Fire and Sword, as never had Tamerlane or other the cruellest Enemy of the Turks that ••ver was. Which Message did not a little trouble Solyman. And withall it was re∣ported, That the Town of Axuar, where one of Selymus his Sons ruled as Sanzack, was already taken by Bajazet and shamefully sacked.* 14.26 But Selymus hearing that his Brother was gone toward Amasia, and now on his way as far as Ancyra, be∣ing out of all suspicion of danger which he feared upon the way so long as his Brother was yet lin∣gring in those quarters, hasted now towards Ico∣nium, which was with a strong Garrison kept for him; for amongst other cares wherewith Solyman was vexed, it was not the least, That Bajazet in∣tercepting Iconium, should get into Syria, and from thence into Egypt, an open Country, and not yet throughly established under the Turkish Govern∣ment, neither forgetful of the old Government of the Mamalukes, and therefor desirous of change; from whence it would have been an hard matter to have driven Bajazet, especially the Arabians being always ready and at hand at every light stir, where any hope of Prey was; out of which Province also in case of extremity he might easily transport himself into any of the Christian King∣doms. Solyman therefore took great care, that this passage, which might seem the last refuge of Bajazets devices, might be stopped up; and con∣cerning the same, had given commandment un∣to most of his Commanders in Asia, to be always in readiness to aid Selymus whensoever he should call. With them Selymus lay encamped under the Walls of Iconium, attending every stirring of Ba∣jazet, resolving there to expect further Aid from his Father, and not by untimely fight to commit his safety to the hazard of one doubtful Battel. But Bajazet on the other side not unmindful what a matter he had taken in hand,* 14.27 slept not thereupon, but first entertained a valiant sort of Horsemen which the Turks call Chiurts, and are supposed to be of that People which were some∣times called Gordij, Men for their known Valour famous. He yet lay in the Plain and open Fields by Ancyra, of the Commodities of which City (which were indeed great) he made great use; In the Castle thereof he bestowed his Concu∣bines and Children; of the rich Merchants he took up Mony to be repaid with the use upon the good success of the War; and from thence he took whatsover was needful for the arming and furnishing of his Men. Besides his own Fa∣mily, which was very great, and those Chiurts which we spoke of, many repaired unto him which had been in former time beholden to his Mother, his Sister and Rustan the great Bassa; many also of the Reliques of the valiant Mu∣stapha and Achomates the great Bassa, valiant Men and expert Souldiers, who desired to re∣venge the unworthy death of their Lords and Masters, even with their own. Neither was there wanting an exceeding Rablement of such as weary of their present state, desired some new inno∣vation and change. The commiseration also of the State of the unfortunate Bajazet, easily drew many to take part with him, whose whole trust was in his Valor; they favoured the young Prince, lively resembling his Father; when as in Selym••s appeared no likeness of himself,* 14.28 but the express Lineaments of his Mothers Face and Body, a Woman whilst she lived generally hated of all the People; he went heavily as overcharged with his greesie Paunch, blub cheeked, and ex∣ceeding red faced; so that the Souldiers in sport would say, he was fed with green Mault; he was altogether given to his ease, and spent his time in Drunkenness and Sleep, neither was he courte∣ous of Speech nor willing to deserve well of any Man; for he would not (as he said) offend his Father by being popular, so was he only of his Fa∣ther belov••d▪ and of all other Men hated, of all

kind of Men he most misliked of them that set all their hope in a bountiful and couragious Prince.* 14.29 The same Souldiers were also wont to call Bajazet, Softy (that is to say) a Man given to quietness and study; but after they saw him take up Arms, and for the safeguard of himself and his Children ready to adventure any thing, they began to admire him as a Man of Valour and Courage; and to ask among themselves, Why his Father should reject him of such worth, the the express image of himself, and prefer before him that gorbellied Sluggard, in whom no Spark of his Fathers Valour was to be seen? This his en∣tring into Arms was no Fault, being thereunto by necessity enforced, for, had not Selymus their Grandfather done the like? whereof no better ex∣ample could be found; whom the force of neces∣sity constrained not only to take up Arms against his Brother, but also to hasten the death of his Father; and by so doing, purchased unto himself and his Posterity the Empire; which so gotten, if Solyman did not unjustly possess, why might not his Son use the same Course? why should he so rigorously revenge that in his Son, that was so lawful in the Grandfather? Although there was (as they said) great difference between that Se∣lymus and this Bajazet; for that this Man intended no harm against his Father, but wished him long to live; neither yet against his Brother, if he might by his leave but live, if he would but once cease to do him wrong; that it was always ac∣counted lawful to repel Force by Force, and to shun present Death, if the Destinies would so permit. By such Affections and Motives, Bajazet his Power increased dayly;* 14.30 which being now grown almost to the greatness of a full Army, he thought it not best to use longer delay, but to march forthwith against his Brother to fight with him one Battel for his Life, State, and Empire; accounting it some commendation (although in vain) to have attempted so great an Enterprise. His purpose was (as Solyman feared) to get into Syria, which if he could bring to pass, he then doubted not of the rest. Selymus strengthned with his Fathers Power, lay waiting for his coming before Iconium, well appointed of all Warlike Pro∣vision; his Army was exceeding strong, and in it many notable Commanders, Martial Men of great experience, whom his Father had joyned unto him; who all lay covered with their great Ordnance planted in places most convenient. But Bajazet nothing terrified therewith, as soon as he came within sight of his Brothers Army,* 14.31 ex∣horted his Souldiers in few words to play the Men, for that now was come the time they wish∣ed for, and place for them to shew their Valour in; wherefore they should shew themselves cou∣ragious and valiant, and he would make them all rich and fortunate; he told them, that their For∣tune was now in their own hands, to frame it every Man as he would himself; so that if any of them were weary of their present state, there was the Field wherein they might exchange it with a bet∣ter and therein lay down the miseries of their former lives; that of him they should if they o∣vercame, expect Riches, Promotions, Honours, and whatsoever else, the Rewards of valiant Men; that with the Victory of one Battel, all their desires should be satisfied, were they never so great; which Victory was by the Valour which rested in them to be gotten, and his Brothers Army, the heartless Followers of a heartless Cap∣tain, overthrown; for as his Fathers Souldiers that were with his Brother, they were in Body pre∣sent, but in Mind altogether on his side; that it was only Selymus that withstood his Welfare and their Felicity, whom they should therefore vali∣antly seek for in Field as their common Enemy; and not to be afraid of his Multitude, forasmuch as Victory was to be gained, not by Number, but by Valour; and the most Mighty God of Heaven and Earth was still present, not with the most, but with the best: Besides that, he willed them to remember with what a cruel Enemy they were to fight, who thirsted after nothing more than their Blood: And to conclude, he willed them all, not to look upon his Words, but his Deeds; and said, If as you shall see me fighting for your pro∣fit, you shall likewise fight for mine Honour, I dare then assure you of the Victory. Which said,* 14.32 he with great Courage charged the Enemy, and fighting himself long time amongst the foremost, and there performing all the parts of a valiant Souldier, and worthy Captain, was for his no∣table Valor no less commended of his Enemies, than of his own Souldiers. The Battel was bloody and terrible, and many fell on both sides. But after that they with wonderful obstinacy had a great while fough•• with doubtful Victory,* 14.33 so that forty thousand Turks lay there dead upon the ground; at length the Victory began to encline to that side whereon stood the greater Strength, the juster Cause, and better Counsel. Many of the Enemies being slain, and many of his own People also lost, Bajazet was enforced to retire; which he did so leisurely, and without shew of any fear, that it seemed to the Beholders, he had well near as well gained as lost the Field; nei∣ther durst Selymus pursue him, but stood still fast in the same place, never more glad of any thing, than to see his Brothers back. But Bajazet af∣ter he had in contempt of his Fathers command thus run his own Course, and satisfied his own desire, though disappointed of his purpose, and not able to perform the journey by him intended into Syria, turned now his Course,* 14.34 and began in good earnest to go to Amasia his appointed Province.

Solyman speedily advertised of the event of this Battel, forthwith passed over into Asia; for as the great Bassaes his Counsellors thought it not convenient for him to go over the Strait before the Victory; so after it was certainly known, they thought it not good longer to stay, lest the over∣throw of Bajazet might give occasion to such as secretly favoured his quarrel, to shew themselves, and so to raise greater Troubles. Besides that, the same of his passage over, would (as they said) much avail both to the discouragement of Baja∣zet, and the terrifying of his Friends; and there∣fore it was by them thought good, hastily to pursue him, now overthrown, and not to suffer him to gather Courage by the example of his Grandfather Selymus, Solymans Father; who had been more terribly vanquished than when he stood in his whole strength, and might seem by that means to have especially prevailed, for that he was at first unfortunately overthrown. Neither were these things without reason foreseen; for it is almost incredible, what admiration and love this battel (although unfortunate) did get to Bajazet; men wondred that he durst with so small a power, and as it were but an handful of Men, encounter with his Brother far better appointed, and also supported by his Fathers Strength; not fearing either the disadvantage of the place, or the Fury of the great Artillery; and to have be∣haved himself in the battel not like a young Soul∣dier▪ but an old and expert Commander. Selymus might at his pleasure boast of himself as they said (to his Father) for the Victory; but Bajazet was the man that deserved to have overcome; and that Selymus might to any thing ascribe the Victo∣ry, rather than to his own Valour.

These and such like Speeches, as they made Bajazet gracious amongst the people generally; so doubled they his Fathers cares, and encreased his hatred, to wish him the rather dead. For why, he was resolutely set down, not to leave any other Heir of his Empire than Selymus his eldest Son, always Loyal and Obedient unto him; whereas the other he abhorred as Stubborn and Rebellious, gaping after the Empire whilst he yet lived; of whom he was therefore so much the more to stand in dread, by how much he was reputed to be of more valour, and for the aid he had now so openly given to Selymus. For these causes he passed over the Strait into Asia, with purpose not to go far from the Sea Coast, but as it were a far off with his favourable aspect to countenance Selymus his proceeding; doubt∣ing by coming too near with his Army, to en∣danger himself by the suddain revolt of the Jani∣zaries, which he above all things feared.

* 14.35I my self (saith the Author of this History) saw him departing out of Constantinople the first of Iune in the year 1559, when as within a few days after, I my self was also sent for thither; for the Bassaes thought it not amiss to have me in the Camp, and to use me courteously as their Friend, for which cause I was assigned to lodge in an Inn in a Village near to the Camp, where I lay very well, The Turks lay in the Fields round about; but lying there three months I had good leisure and opportunity to see the manner of their Camp, and in part to know the order of their Martial Discipline. So I attiring my self in such apparel as the Christians commonly use in those places, went up and down with one or two Companions at my pleasure unknown. First I saw the Souldiers of all sorts most orderly placed,* 14.36 and that, which he would scarce be∣lieve that knoweth the manner of our War, there was in every place great silence, and as a Man may say, dumb quietness, no brawling, no in∣solency, no not so much as a word or laughter passing in sport or drunkenness. Besides that, wonderful cleanliness, no Dunghils, no Excre∣ments that might offend either the Eies or Nose, for all such things the Turks do either bury or carry them far out of sight. They themselves so oft as they are enforced to discharge the bur∣then of Nature, dig an hole with a Spade and bury it, so is all their Camp without filth. There was not to be seen any Drinking or Feasting, no Dicing (the great shame of our Wars) the loss of Mony or time at Cards or Dice, the Turks know not. I met only with a rough Hunga∣rian and his Companions, a Souldier, who heavy himself, to the Lute rather houled than sung a doleful Ditty, containing the last words of a Fel∣low of his dying of his wounds upon the green Bank of Danubius, wherein he requesteth the River, because it ran to the place where he was born, to carry news to his Friends and Coun∣trymen, that he died an honourable death, and not unrevenged, for the encrease of his Religion, and honour of his Country; wherunto his Fel∣lows sighing, bare a Foot, O happy and thrice happy Wight, would Fortune with thee change we might. For the Turks are of opinion,* 14.37 That no Mens Souls go more speedily to Heaven, than of such valiant Men as die in Battel, for whose welfare their Maidens daily make Prayers and Vows. I would also needs go through their Butchery, where their Beasts were killed, to see what Flesh was to be sold; where I saw but four, or at most five Weathers hanging ready dressed, and that was the Butchery for the Janizaries, which I deemed to be in that Camp not fewer than four thousand. I marvelled that so little Flesh should suffice so many Men; but I was answered, That few of them did eat Flesh, for that most part of them had their Victuals transported from Con∣stantinople. Then I demanding what it was, they shewed me a Janizary sitting by, who in an earthen Dish had killed a Turnep, an Onion,* 14.38 a Head of Garlick, a Parsenep, and a Cucumber, all sauced with Salt and Vineger, or more truly to say, with Hunger; whereon he fed as savourly as if they had been Feasants or Partridges; his Drink was the common Drink of all living Creatures, even fair Water. By which frugal kind of Diet, they provide both for the health of their Bodies, and the sparing of their Purse; and that I mar∣velled the more at, it was the time that their great Fast, or to speak after our fashion, their Lent was at hand; at which time with us Chri∣stians, even in well ordered Cities, much more in Camps, all Rings with Playing, Dancing, Sing∣ing, Crying, Quaffing, Carousing; and in brief, with Madding and Phrensie. So that it is not vainly reported, That a Turk sent about that time Embassador into Germany, coming home re∣ported, That the Christians on certain days did riot, and became mad, until they besprinkled with a certain kind of Ashes in the Church, came to themselves again, and so recovered; and that it was a wonderful thing to see, how much they were changed by the efficacy of that remedy, that they seemed not to be the same Men; meaning indeed the disordered manners of the Christians at Shrovetide, and the Ceremonies used on Ashwednesday: Which thing they to whom it was told, so much the more marvelled at, for that the Turks have many medicines which cause madness, but few or none which presently easeth the same.* 14.39 And they upon those days that go before their great Fasts, change nothing of their wonted manner of Life to the worse; but rather contrariwise prepare themselves to absti∣nence, by taking somewhat from their usual fare, the better to endure the suddain change of their Fast; which they so precisely observe, that up∣on their fasting days they will not so much as taste a Cup of Water, or wash their Mouths with Water all the day long, before the Stars ap∣pear in the Sky; which maketh their Fasts, espe∣cially in Summer when the days be long and hot, to be unto them very tedious.

Whiles I thus lay in the Camp, there came unto me one Albertus a learned Man with certain Presents from the Emperor to Solyman,* 14.40 which were, certain gilt Plate, and a most curious Clock, which was carried upon an Elephant like a Castle; and some Crowns to be dispersed among the Bassaes; which Solyman would needs have presented unto him in the Camp in the sight of the whole Army, to make it the better known what friendship was between him and the Em∣peror, and that he needed not to fear any danger from the Christian Princes.

But to return again to Bajazet,* 14.41 from whom we have a while digressed; he after the Battel at Iconium had retired himself to Amasia, the place of his Government, as though he would have now there quietly lived, if his Father would so give him leave. He had now satisfied his youth∣ful desires and grief, and seemed willing from thenceforth to satisfie his Fathers better expecta∣tion; and therefore ceased not by Letters and fit Men to prove his Fathers mind. Neither did Solyman shew himself strange from such a recon∣ciliation; at first he easily gave the Messengers audience, read his Sons Letters, and courteously returned answer; so that it was commonly re∣ported in the Camp, that the Father and the Son would agree, and that the old Man would

pardon the youthful Prank already past, so that he would from thenceforth remain dutiful. But all this was by the Counsel of the Bassaes,* 14.42 no∣thing but deep dissimulation in the crafty old Sire, until he had shut up Bajazet, and so got him alive into his hand; for it was feared, lest he despairing of pardon, should with such a power break into the Borders of Persia (now the only place left for his refuge) as might prevent the watchful diligence of his Lieutenants upon those Frontiers; whom Solyman charged by continual Letters so to stop all the passages into Persia, as that there should not be any crany for Bajazet to flie out by. In the mean time, if any came within his reach that were suspected to have taken part with Bajazet, or favoured his proceed∣ings, those he caused to be tortured and secretly made away, and among them some whom Baja∣zet had of purpose sent to excuse themselves. For Solyman fearing lest Tamas the Persian King (more mindful of his old Quarrels than of the late enforced Peace) should hardly with much ado suffer his Son to be got out of his hands if he should flie thither, and so again raise a long and dangerous War, did therefore what he pos∣sibly might to oppress him before he should come thither. Which his purpose although it was co∣vered with all secrecy, yet was it not hidden from some of Bajazet his Friends, by whom he was oftentimes warned not to trust his Father, but to beware of Treason, and in any case speedi∣ly to provide for his own safety. But Solyman thinking he had now so provided as that he could by no means escape, and happily the more to deceive his Son, appointed to return with his Army to Constantinople the day after their Easter day.* 14.43 But Bajazet, upon the very Feast day having performed the solemnities thereof, com∣manded all his things to be trussed up at Amasia, and so set forward upon his unfortunate Journy towards Persia; knowing right well, that he went to the ancient Enemy of the Othoma•• Family, but yet fully resolved to make proof of any Mans mercy, rather than to fall into the hands of his angry Father. Now were they all set for∣ward, except such weak Souls as were not thought able to endure the labour of so long a Journy, among whom was left Solyman, Bajazet his young∣est Son, but then newly born; which guiltless Babe, with his Mother, Bajazet thought better to leave unto the mercy of his Grandfather, than to take him with him, a poor Companion of his woful and miserable flight; whom Soly∣man as yet uncertain of his Fathers Fortune, commanded to be Nursed at Prusa. Bajazet so gone from Amasia, used ••uch celerity in his Tra∣vel, that almost in every place he prevented the fame of his coming, and light upon many that were appointed to have staid his passage, before they were ready or aware of his coming. The Bassa of Sebastia he thus deceived;* 14.44 There was two ways, whereof the one of them being in∣tercepted, would greatly hinder his Journy, and that the Bassa had already taken; wherefore he sent certain, as if they had been Fugitives, to tell the Bassa that he was already gone the other way. Which the Bassa believing, left the place he had before taken, and rising with all his power to pursue him the other way, whereby it was told him he was gone, left that way free and open for him to pass by.

* 14.45The Bassa of Erzirum he deceived also by an∣other not much unlike shift; from whom when he was not far distant, and knowing that in pas∣sing through his Country, he was to endure great danger, he set upon him with a wile, sending unto him certain of his Followers with commen∣dations; who afterwards lamentably complain∣ing of the young Princes calamity, to move the Bassa to pity, at last requested that he would give him leave to shoo his Horses in his Terri∣tory; telling him that he came unprovided of all things, and therefore desirous in that fruitful Country to refresh his Horses a day or two, and to new shoo them. Whereunto the Bassa cour∣teously answered, That he would not let him to take whatsoever he needed. But whether it was for the compassion that he had upon the state of Bajazet, or for the secret love he bare him, or that he thought by that means the easier to entrap him, is doubtful; and happily prevented by Bajazets quick speed, had not as yet sufficient time to draw together his Souldiers. He sent also unto Bajazet certain small Presents, seeming to be glad of his welfare and coming; who never∣theless kept on his way, resting no part of the day, and but a little of the night. The Bassa of Erzirum understanding that Bajazet came still on, made what hast he could also, and joyned his power to the rest of the Bassaes which fol∣lowed after; for many Bassaes and Sanzacks hearing that Bajazet was fled from Amasia, pur∣sued fast after him, being charged by Solyman up∣on pain of their Heads to bring him back either alive or dead; but all in vain, by reason of his speedy departure, and for that he made more hast to flie, than they did to follow. Yet it cost no Man dearer than this Bassa of Erzirum, of whom we have now spoken, whom Solyman for this cause displaced; and Selymus afterwards slew, with two of his Sons, young striplings whom he had before in despight shamefully abused against nature. Yea Selymus himself and Mahomet the great Bassa, with the Berglerbeg of Grecia, fol∣lowed also after Bajazet, though it were a far off. This his departure grieved Solyman above measure,* 14.46 assuring himself (as the truth was) that he was fled into Persia; wherewith he was so much moved, that he could scarcely contain himself, but would needs have gone with all his power in all hast against the Persian, to have terrified him at hand from relieving his rebelli∣ous Son. But these his raging fits his grave Coun∣sellors moderated, by declaring unto him what danger he should adventure himself unto, by reason of the doubtful faith of his best Souldiers. And what if Bajazet (as he was a desperate and suddain Man) should in the mean time turn about above Pontus and the Fens of Meotis, and so fetching a compass come to Constantinople, and proclaiming a general liberty in his absence, pos∣sess himself of the Empire. By which whole∣some perswasion Solyman staid his so hasty a Jour∣ny; but Bajazet all the way as he went, writ upon the the Gates and Doors, That he would give double pay to all such as should follow him; which caused Solymans Captains to have their own Souldiers in distrust, and the more for that they might oftentimes hear amongst them, speeches of great good will and love to∣wards Bajazet.

After long flying▪* 14.47 he was at length come to the River Araxis, which separated the Turks Kingdom from the Persian; which having passed over, and yet not so in safety, he left certain of his Followers upon the Bank of the River to keep the Sanzacks (who still eagerly pursued him) from passing over; whom the Sanzacks easily repulsed, and so passing the River, entred a great way into the Persian Kingdom, until such time as that they were met withal by certain of the Nobility of Persia with great Troops of Horse∣men; who demanding of them what they meant, and what they sought for in another Mans King∣dom,

were answered by the Turks, That they pursued their Kings fugitive Son. To whom the Persians replied, That they did not well, con∣trary to the League with their Lord and Master, to come in Arms beyond the Bounds of their own Kingdom; and that there was a strong League between King Tamas and Solyman which it behoved them to regard; as for Bajazet, their King would consider what was convenient for him to do, and not in that point forget himself; in the mean time they should do well to get them out of that Country wherein they had no∣thing to do. Whereupon the Turks forthwith left this pursuit and retired.

But by and by came Messengers from the Per∣sian King to Bajazet to salute him, and to de∣mand the cause of his coming, and also to see what strength he brought with him; which as some account was about twenty thousand. To whom Bajazet declared, That he by his Brothers injuries and Fathers hard dealing, driven out of his Country, was fled unto the sacred Majesty of the Persian King, as his most assured refuge, who, as he well hoped, in compassion of Mans insta∣bility, would not reject him so distressed, and otherwise destitute of all help. Whereunto the Persian replied, That he had done very unwise∣ly to come unto him that was in League and Amity with his Father; whereof one condition was, That they should account the Enemies of the one, the Enemies of the other; and the Friends of the one, the Friends of the other. Which Law to break, he accounted a thing ut∣terly unlawful;* 14.48 nevertheless seeing the matter was so faln out, he was welcome as unto his Friend, who in his behalf would leave nothing unattempted to reconcile him to his Father, which he despaired not to bring to pass. So Bajazet meeteth with the Persian King, but in an evil hour, although at their first meeting there was great welcome, friendly countenance, chearful looks, mutual kindness, often conference, and great feasting one of another; things whereby the secret thoughts of hollow hearts are best con∣cealed; there was also a motion made of a straighter bond of alliance, and one of the Per∣sian Kings Daughters promised to Orchanes one of Bajazets Sons; and he put in hope that the Persian King would never rest in quiet, until Solyman had made him Governour either of Me∣sopotamia, Babylon, or Erzi••um (which Govern∣ments were by the Persians greatly extolled) and that he might there live without fear of his Bro∣ther, far from him and his Father also; where if any thing should fall out otherwise than well, he might have his Brother the Persian King a sure refuge to retire unto, and so safe from all danger. Which speeches were happily given out, of purpose to avert Bajazet his thoughts from the feeling of the present danger; who seemed unto himself so assured of the love and friendship of Tamas the Persian King, that at such time as he sent his Embassadors to Constantinople, for a recon∣ciliation to be made between Solyman and him (as was commonly supposed) he willed the same Embassador to tell his Father, that he had lost a Father at Constantinople, and found another in Persia. But whether the Persian delt sincerely in this behalf for Bajazet by his Embassadors, which where many, may well be doubted. Like it is, that there was more fained shew of double diligence, than of true meaning therein; and the rather to feel the mind of Solyman, than to do any good to the poor distressed Prince; and the rather, for that in the mean time all things were seriously plotted that might tend to his destruction. Which were no sooner grown to their full ripeness, but there was of purpose a motion made, That such a multitude as followed this young Prince lay so close together,* 14.49 that there was not in one place Victual sufficient for them, and that it was therefore more convenient to have them billited in the Country thereabouts; which would be more commodious, as well for the better victual∣ling of them, as for divers other purposes also. Truth was, that Tamas the Persian King, far un∣like his noble Father Ismael, stood in doubt left he brought up a Serpent in his Bosom. Yet there were many which thought, that it was not the Persians mind at first to have destroyed Bajazet, but to have been thereunto enforced by the pra∣ctice of some of his Familiars and Followers; who not regarding the courtesie of the Persian King, nor the Laws of Hospitality, perswaded Bajazet to thrust him out of his Kingdom; where∣of there was many evident Tokens. And a∣mong other things it was told King Tamas, that one of Bajazets chief Captains should say, What mean we? Why stay we to kill this heritical King, and to possess his Kingdom? For we shall no doubt by his Treachery all come to de∣struction. And that upon such occasion the King was constrained to condescend to a device more necessary than honourable. Bajazet had no great power, but most of them were valiant Men, and Souldiers of great experience, ready to adventure upon any thing; of whom the Pe••sian not with∣out cause stood in some fear. He knew his King∣dom to be neither ancient nor yet well assured, as gotten by his Father by the counterfeit shew of a reformed Religion; and who could assure him, but that amongst so many Nations over whom he Lorded, that there were many wea∣ry of the present State, and so desirous of no∣velties? Unto whom nothing could chance more fitting than the coming of Bajazet, a noble and valiant young Gentleman; and that more was; desperately set; that as yet he himself might of right rather seemed in the power of his Guest, than he in his; and that therefore he was to alter the matter, and not longer to entertain him as his Guest, but to coupe him up as a most dan∣gerous wild Beast. Which to do, the easiest way was to disperse his power, and so to take him unawares; for that he could not without much Bloodshed be openly taken in the midst of his strength, especially by the dainty Persian, of long time not used to War, and as yet not come to∣gether; against Bajazets Souldiers, Men of great activity and experience. So was the matter cun∣ningly imparted unto him for the dispersing of his Forces, and all the Commodites to ensue thereof alledged; which Bajazet might not well gainsay, although many of his wise Followers (Men of great reach) did shrewdly suspect the sequel. But what could he refuse, upon whom necessity lay so heavy? Where no other hope was left? Where he lived as it pleased another Man; and that again too, where once to doubt of the fidelity of his Hoast, might be imputed to him for the greatest Treachery? So these most valiant Souldiers, the poor Princes faithful Fol∣lowers, never again to see one another, are dis∣persed into divers Country Villages, and bestow∣ed where the Persians thought good.* 14.50 Not many days after, at a time pickt out for the purpose, they in number few, and dispersed in a strange Country, were enclosed by many and slain; their Horses, Armor, Apparel, and whatsoever else, became a prey unto the Murtherers.* 14.51 At the same instant was Bajazet and his Sons cast in Bonds al∣so, and that to his greater grief as many report, taken as he was sitting merrily at Dinner at the Kings Table. The Persian King seemed to have

foreseen much in this his hard dealing with Ba∣jazet; as if that he, being a valiant and coura∣gious young Prince, and much better Souldier than his Brother, should have succeeded his Fa∣ther in his Empire, much trouble and peril might have grown thereby, both to himself and his Kingdom; and that it stood far better with the safety of his Estate, that Selymus (a Man wholly given to voluptuousness and ease) should reign over the Turks; in whose time he might as it were promise unto himself all peace and securi∣ty; and therefore it was thought that he would never let Bajazet go alive out of his hand, but rather make him away in Prison, as if he had there died for melancholy and grief. Well he was assured, that after he had slain his Followers, and imprisoned himself and his Sons, he would never be Friends with him that had so notably wronged him. Bajazet thus shamefully imprisoned, Messengers ran continually too and fro betwixt the two old Princes Solyman and Tamas.* 14.52 Amongst the rest, the Persian King sent a solemn Embas∣sador unto the Turk with Presents, namely curi∣ous Tents, costly Carpets, an Alcoran contain∣ing the Mysteries of their Superstition, and cer∣tain strange Beasts. The cause of his coming was pretended to be for a reconciliation to be made between Solyman and his Son; which Embassador was honourably entertained and feasted by the great Bassaes. Now was poor Bajazet in small hope of life, his cruel Father still craving to have him delivered into his hands to be slain; and the Persian yet denying to deliver him, and seeming to defend him, but not (as was thought) altogether faithfully. Solyman left no means unat∣tempted to have wrung him from the Persian, sometimes he spake him fair, putting him in mind of his League, wherein it was agreed, That they should both have the same Friends and the same Enemies; otherwhile he terrified him with great words, and denouncing of War, except he would deliver him his Son; he furnished with strong Garrisons all the Frontiers of his Domi∣nion towards Persia, he filled all Mesopotamia and the Banks of the River Euphrates with Souldiers, especially with them of his own Guard, and such as he had before used in the Battel against Baja∣zet; over whom commanded Mehemet Bassa the third of the Visier Bassaes, and Selymus the Beg∣lerbeg of Grece (for Selymus was soon weary of the Field, and so betime returned home;) he al∣so incited the Georgian People to take up Arms against the Persians; who wisely answered, That they had not such confidence in their own strength, as to provoke King Tamas; but let Solyman himself come with his Army, and when they saw him present in the Field, then they knew what they had to do, and that he should then well see that they wanted neither discre∣tion nor valour. And because he would leave nothing unproved, he made shew as if he would in person himself have gon to Aleppo in Syria, and so have on that side invaded the Persian; neither was the Persian King altogether out of fear, having to his cost many times proved what Solyman was able to do. But the unwillingness of the Souldiers, and their minds altogether e∣stranged from that War, easily staied the raging Turk; they detested that War, and forsook their Ensigns, a great number of whom (especially Horsemen) without leave of their Captains re∣turned to Constantinople; and being commanded again to the Camp, went indeed, but with such countenance and chear as well declared how they were affected, and what they would do if occa∣sion served for them to revolt.

For which cause, after that Solyman perceived that Bajazet could not alive be got from the Persian (excusing himself by fear of revenge by him whom he had so grievously offended,* 14.53 if he should by any means escape) he thought it best to follow that which was next, and to have him there slain; which he was in good hope to com∣pass, and the rather, for that the Persian had but lately written unto him, That he could not but much marvel to see him deal so slenderly in a matter of so great importance; That he on his part had sent him divers Embassadors; and that he on the other side had sent him nothing but common Messengers with Papers, which caused him to think that he made no great ac∣count of the matter; wherefore he should do well to send unto him Men of account and place, with whom he might confer and conclude also according to the weightiness and exigence of the cause; besides that, he was (as he said) not a little in his debt, for that Bajazet and his Fol∣lowers had been unto him no small charge be∣fore he could get him into his power; all which it were good reason he should have considera∣tion of. Whereby Solyman perceived that Mony was the thing the Persian King sought after; and therefore rather than he would in an unfit time of his life intangle himself in a dangerous and unnecessary War, he determined by the counsel of his Bassaes, rather with Mony than with the Sword to fight with the Persian King. Here∣upon was Hassan Aga (one of the chief Gentle∣men of his Chamber) appointed Embassador in∣to Persia, with whom was joyned the Bassa of Maras, a Man both for his age and place, re∣verend; who departing with a large Commission almost in the depth of Winter, with great speed and wonderful toil by those long and difficult ways, arrived at last at Casbin the Seat of the Persian King, having by the way lost divers of their Servants and Followers. Being come to the Court,* 14.54 the first thing they desired was to see Bajazet, whom they found shut up in a close Pri∣son, pale and wan as a Man forlorn, with his Hair and Beard so long and overgrown, as that he was not to be known before he was new Trimmed, which done, then appeared the lively resemblance of his wonted countenance and fa∣vour, so that Hassan verily knew him to be him▪ for he had been brought up with him of a Child in the Court, and for this cause especially had Solyman sent him thither to be assured that it was he. At length after long discourse and con∣ference between the King and the Embassadors,* 14.55 it was agreed upon, that the King should receive from Solyman full recompence of all the charges he had been at, and of the harms by him sustain∣ed since the coming of Bajazet into Persia, with such further reward as so great a good turn de∣served; which things performed, that then it should be in Solymans power to have Bajaz••t made away. With this news Hassan posteth to his Master at Constantinople, who forthwith caused the promised Reward, together with such charges as the Persian King demanded, to be made ready, and with a safe convoy to be sent unto the Borders of Persia, where they were of the Persians received. Presently after returneth Hassan the appointed Executioner of the unfortunate Bajazet; for so Solyman had straitly charged him to strangle him with his own hands. Which thing this new made Hangman accordingly performed, and with a Bow-string strangled the unfortunate Prince; who is reported to have requested of the Executi∣oner, that he might but see his Children before he died, and take of them his last farewel; which poor request could not be granted, but he forthwith commanded to die. This was the wo∣ful

end of the unlucky attempt of Bajazet, a Prince of far more worth than was Selymus his Brother,* 14.56 who in seeking to shun the death he feared, hasted the same before his time. Such as was the Fathers end, was also the end of his four Sons, Omer, Amurat, Selym, and Muhamet; of whom the three eldest were strangled at Cas∣bin with their Father, whose dead Bodies toge∣ther with his, were solemnly brought to Sebastia and there buried. The youngest but new born left at Amasia, and sent by his Grandfather to Prusa (as is before said) to be there nursed, was now upon the death of his Father commanded by his said Grandfather to be strangled also. The Eunuch sent by Solyman to have done the deed, and loth to do it himself took with him one of the Porters of the Court, a desperate and other∣wise a hard hearted Ruffian, a Man thought fit to have performed any villany; he coming into the Chamber where the Child lay, and fitting the Bow-string to the Childs Neck to have strangled him,* 14.57 the innocent Babe smiling upon him, and lifting it self up as well as it could, with open Arms offered to have embraced the Villain about the Neck and kissed him. Which guiltless simplicity so wounded the stony hearted Man, that he was not able to perform the in∣tended butchery of the poor simple Child, but fell down in a swoun and there lay for dead. The Eunuch standing without the Door mar∣velling at his long stay, goes in, and finding the Ruffian lying along upon the ground, with cruel hand performed that the other could not find in his heart to do, and so strangled the guiltless Child as had been given him in charge. Where∣by it evidently appeared, that it was not the mercy or compassion of Solyman that so long caused the guiltless Infant to be spared, but ra∣ther the opinion generally received amongst the Turks, who measuring all things by the good or bad success, refer all things that fall out well, unto God as the Author thereof, be they never so ungraciously begun; and therefore so long as it was yet uncertain what success the attempts of Bajazet would have, Solyman spared the Infant, lest upon his Fathers good hap he might seem to have striven against the will of God. But now that his Father was dead, and his quarrel by the evil success thereof condemned as it were by the sentence of the Almighty, he thought it not good longer to suffer him to live, lest of an evil Bird might come an evil Chick. I had some∣time (saith the Reporter of this History) great reasoning with my Chiaus about this matter; for falling into talk with him of Bajazet, he began bitterly to inveigh against him for taking up Arms against his Brother. Whereunto (saith this Author) I replied, That in mine opinion he was worthy both to be pittied and pardoned, for as much as he was of necessity enforced either to take up Arms, or else shortly after to yield himself to the slaughter. But he still exclaming against him▪ I said unto him, You blame poor Bajazet of great wickedness for bearing Arms a∣gainst his Brother; but Selymus Solymans Father you blame not, who upon like occasion took up Arms both against his Father and his Brethren; yet he therein did nothing amiss, nor in your judgment blame worthy. And rightly, (saith the Chiaus) for the event of the matter sheweth sufficiently, that that which he did was done by the appointment of God, and that he was from Heaven predestinated thereunto; whereas in Ba∣jazet the event sheweth the clean contrary. So that which falleth out well, be it by never so wicked means compassed or brought to pass, they take it as done according to the will of God; but if it fall out otherwise, they judge it as a thing condemned by God himself; depending wholly upon the good or bad event of things, and therefore judging them to be well done, or otherwise.

This year 1558, [year 1558.] Charles the Fifth that noble Emperor (of whom we have in the course of this History so often spoken) who weary of the World,* 14.58 had two years before delivered all his hereditary Kingdoms and Principalities to his Son Philip, did now the twenty fourth of February, on which day he was born, by his Embassadors solemnly sent for that purpose, resign that Em∣pire with all the Honours and Titles thereof unto his Brother King Ferdinand, requesting the Princes Electors to confirm the same unto him, which they did the thirteenth of March next fol∣lowing. So living as a private Gentleman in that solitary life whereunto he had to the wonder of the World certain years before retired himself from all worldly Affairs, the one and twentieth day of September following died of a Fever, when he had lived eight and fifty years, and thereof reign∣ed thirty nine; a Man no doubt to be worthily accounted amongst the greatest Christian Empe∣rors that lived before him. About which time also died his two Sisters, Mary the Queen of Hungary, and Elenor the French Queen, both Ladies of great Honour.

The Knights of Malta, [year 1559.] who of long had been Suitors to the great Bishop and the King of Spain,* 14.59 for the recovery of Tripolis in Barbary, about nine years before taken from them by the Turks; at which time they also surprised the Island of Zerbi upon the Coast of Barbary betwixt Tripolis and Tunes, from whence they much troubled the Christians travelling by those Seas; had now at length so much prevailed, that the King com∣manded a great Fleet to be now forthwith made ready in September in the year 1559, to meet to∣gether in Sicilia, and from thence to go directly against the Enemy by Malta. Unto which Fleet, the great Bishop, the Duke of Florence, and the Knights of Malta, with many other valian Men out of divers parts of Christendom, joyned their Forces also; so that at length there was a hundred Gallies and Ships met together under the conduct of Andreas Gonzaga the General. But whilst this Fleet from divers places was long in coming thi∣ther, the Duke of Medina Celi came before with part of the Fleet to Malta, and in the Haven of Marza Moxet expected the coming of the rest, who about the end of the year came thither. But whilst they were wintered expecting the Spring, many of the Souldiers fell sick and died. At length the time of the year fit for their set∣ting forward being come, the Captains consulted amomg themselves, Whether they should first set upon Tripolis, or the Island of Zerbi, otherwise called Mening; The Knights of Malta being of opinion, that it were better first to besiege Tri∣polis, and that with all speed, before Dragut should come thither to furnish it with Souldiers and Pro∣vision. Others thought it better first to invade the Island of Zerbi, where the Army might be relieved with plenty of all things necessary, and from whence they might at all times of danger in safety retire, and from thence afterward as time should serve, to go to Tripolis. [year 1560.] Which un∣fortunate counsel was by the greater part agreed upon.* 14.60 Wherefore in Februnary the year follow∣ing they departed from Malta, and sailed direct∣ly to Zerbi. In the mean time Dragut the most famous Pyrate of that time amongst the Turks, and Governour of Tripolis, was come thither with eight hundred of the Turks Janizaries, and had notably strengthned the City with Men, Victual,

and new Fortifications; and presently sent Mes∣sengers to Solym••n at Constantinople, to certifie him of the arrival of the Christian Fleet in Africk. But the Christians coming to the Island of Zerbi, were at the first landing encountred by the Moors, whom they repulsed, and so at pleasure landed. This Island is not far from the Main, here and there full of Bogs and Marishes, other River hath it none, and in the midst is somewhat Hilly. It was inhabited with about thirty thousand Men, which dwelt in low Cottages, simply apparel∣led; yet is the Island reasonably fertil, yielding Dates, Olives, Barley, Mill, and such like. When the Christians were there landed, they sent for Caravanus a poor King amongst the Moors (from whom Dragut had before taken that Island) to use his counsel for their better proceeding in that War. In the mean time they agreed with eight thousand Men to besiege the strongest Castle in the Island; in going whereunto, the Spaniards went foremost, the Germans next, and last of all the Italians. By the way as they went they light upon ten thousand Moors which lay in ambush in a Wood, to have upon the suddain set upon them unawares; but being discovered, and seven hundred of them slain in skirmish by the Spani∣ards, the rest fled. So coming to the Castle they planted their Battery, and laid hard Siege unto it. The Captain of the Castle finding himself too weak long to hold out,* 14.61 fled secretly with his Turks, leaving the Castle for the Moors to de∣fend; who upon condition that they might in safety depart, yielded the Castle to the Spani∣ards; for keeping whereof, Varona and Cerda two Spanish Captains were there left with their Com∣panies. Whilst these things were in doing, Cara∣vanus the Moor King came to the Camp of the Christians and there talked with the General; in whose hoary Countenance rested a reverend Majesty; his Apparel was after the Moors fashion of white Linnen, with him came also the King of Tunes his Son. In talking with the General his manner was to sit flat upon the Ground, and wisely discoursed how the Turks were to be re∣moved out of Africk. But in the midst of these discourses, when such a thing was least feared, suddainly a Pinnace brought news from Sea, That Pial Bassa the Turks great Admiral was coming thither with a great Fleet of eighty five Gallies,* 14.62 and that more were daily repairing unto him on every side. Which was indeed true; for Solyman understanding from Dragut the Arch-Pyrat, that Island to be by the Christians now possessed and fortified, thought it not (in his so great power and flourishing Estate) to stand with his honour to suffer, but rather to give aid unto the Moors of that Island, a people agreeing in Religion with himself, and therefore com∣manded Pial Bassa his Admiral to take in hand that expedition. Who thereupon rigged up a great Fleet well appointed and strongly manned with a number of the Turks best and most ap∣proved Souldiers, as well Janizaries as others; yet all both doubtful and fearful of the long Journy, as also of the fame of the Enemies with whom they were to encounter; for why, the Turks had conceived a great opinion of the valour of the Spaniards, as knowing great Wars both of anci∣ent and later times to have been by that Nation (to the immortal praise thereof) most happily performed; they remembred Charles the fifth, and daily heard much of King Philip, the Heir both of his Fathers Vertues and Kingdoms; which made them so careful, that many of them before their setting forth (as in times of greatest dan∣ger) made their Wills, and so departed from Constantinople, taking their leave of their Friends, as if they should never have thither returned a∣gain. So that all the City was in a confused fear; neither was there any Man, whether he went or staid, that hung not in suspence with the doubt∣ful expectation of the event of that War. How∣beit Pial with his great Fleet, with long sailing and a prosperous Wind was at length come wel-near as far as Malta, and knowledge thereof (as aforesaid) given unto the Christian Fleet at Zerbi. With which unexpected news the Christians there were not a little troubled; nevertheless they for∣tified the Castle with new Fortifications and Bul∣warks, and fell to agreement with the principal Man amongst the Moors of the Island, (who com∣manded the rest, and had before pluckt down the Ensigns of Dragut, and set up the King of Spains) that he should yearly pay unto the King of Spain (as he had before unto Dragut) six thou∣sand Crowns, one Camel, four Ostriches, four Sparrow-Hawks, and four blew Falcons; a Tribute fit for such an Island.

But shortly after, viz. the ninth of May, the Great Master of Malta by another Pinnance gave the Christians at Zerbi again to understand, That the Turks Fleet was even now at hand, and al∣ready departed from the Island of Gozo, well ap∣pointed and strongly manned; and that there∣fore he advised them with speed to hoise Sail, and to get them to some place of more safety, or else to come to him to Malta, for fear of be∣ing by so great a power of the Turks suddainly oppressed. Whereupon Iohn Andreas Auria the Admiral sent unto the General, requesting him to come aboord, that so they might before the coming of the Turks Fleet, retire themselves to some place of more assurance. But he for all that staied still at the Castle, where the Christi∣ans had built four strong Bulwarks; whereof they had named one Auria's, another Gonzaga's, the third the Viceroys, and the fourth the Knights, not yet all perfectly finished; as for the Castle it self they called it Philip-Alcaz••r, by the name of the King. But whilst the General is thus busie,* 14.63 and vainly hopeth to keep both the Castle and his Ships, he the next day descrying from far the coming of the Turks great Fleet, hasted with the Admiral to be gon; and putting twice to Sea, was both times by a contrary Wind driven again into the Haven, so that he and the Ad∣miral had much ado in time to get them into the Castle; for the Wind was so favourable for the Turks, and brought them so fast on, that the Christians dismayed with their suddain coming, knew not now well what to do, or which way to turn themselves. But by good hap, the greater part of the Ships and fourteen Gallies were got out and gon the night before, and the Great Master had in April called home his Gallies, wherewith and ten others of his own he after∣wards defended the Frontiers of his Island. As for the rest of the Fleet that staied for the Gene∣ral and the Admiral, some few Gallies escaped by flight, other some ran themselves a ground▪ ten of which were presently taken by the Turks, as were the rest also that were le••t, although they for a while did what they might to have saved themselves. The night following, the Viceroy and the Admiral secretly stole out of the Castle, and so by good Fortune in two small Fri∣gots fled to Malta. Caravanus also the Moor King, with the Prince of Tunes, got them away into the Main. Gonzaga the Viceroy departing from Malta into Sicilia, provided as he might for the safety of that Country. Auria in the mean time gathered together the remainder of the dispersed Fleet, having lost in this unfortunate expedition seven∣teen Gallies, with a great part of the Ships.

Now in the Castle was left as General, Don Alvarus de Sandes, a valiant Gentleman of great spirit and long experience, with five thousand Footmen, some Germans, some Italians, but for the most part Spaniards; besides a thousand other that were no Souldiers. So that the Turks be∣ginning to besiege the same the seventeenth of May,* 14.64 were by them many times notably encoun∣tred, and in their assaults repulsed. Unto this Siege at length came Dragu•• the Pyrat, who with fifteen great Pieces which he brought with him from Tripolis, encreased the fury of the Turks Battery. Neither were the Christians in the mean time wanting unto themselves, having in the Castle forty great Pieces of Artillery, wherewith they slew a number of the Turks and Moors; and sometimes sallying out, fought with them hand to hand; and having slain and wounded many, retired again into the Castle. In this man∣ner the Siege continued three Months with many an hot and desperate skirmish; during which time, nothing more troubled the Defendants than Thirst in that hot and dry Climate and intemperate time of the year; for why, in the Castle there was but one great Cistern, which although it yielded some good store of Water, yet was it not enough to suffice so great a multitude, but was by mea∣sure still sparingly given out to the Souldiers so far as it would serve, no Man having more al∣lowed him than would suffice to keep him alive; the quantity whereof some augmented by distil∣ling of the Sea Water, and mingling it with their allowance, and so well eased their thirst, until such time as having spent all their Wood, they wanted that poor help also. There might a Man have seen many poor Souls lying upon the ground half dead, gaping and still crying out no∣thing but Water, Water; in whose dry Mouths, if any Man upon compassion vouchsafed to pour a little Water, they as Men revived therewith would presently sit up, until that for thirst they fell down again, and so at length as Men roasted gave up the Ghost. Thus many died daily, be∣side them whom the chance of War and other Diseases without help consumed in so great a distress. Don Alvarus the Governour consider∣ing the great extremity they were now brought unto,* 14.65 attempted with Don Sanchius de Leyva Ad∣miral of the Neapolitan Gallies, Belingerius de Requesenes Admiral of the Sicilian Gallies, and some others, by night to have escaped away in∣to a Gally which lay under the Castle, but in doing thereof were perceived by the Turks, and so all taken. Whereupon such Souldiers as sick∣ness and the Enemies Sword had yet left alive, pinched with extream necessity, forsaken of their best Captains, and out of all hope of relief also, covenanting for their lives only with the Enemy, yielded themselves into most miserable Captivity. In this unfortunate expedition perished about eighteen thousand Christians,* 14.66 some with sickness, some drowned, but most slain, beside the loss of a great part of the Fleet also.

Of this Victory Pial sent news by one of his Gallies to Constantinople, which for the more ma∣nifesting thereof, dragged at the Poop thereof a great Ensign of the Christians, with the Picture of Christ Crucified therein▪ Which was no sooner come into the Haven, but that the rumor of the overthrow of the Christians was forthwith blown through the whole City, the Turks ex∣ceedingly rejoycing one with another for the news of so great a Victory; yea many of them not so contented, came by heaps to the Gate of the House where the Emperor Ferdinands Embas∣sador lay, and there meeting with his Servants, by way of derision asked them, if they had any Brethren, Kinsmen, or Friends, in the Spanish Fleet at Zerbi, for if you have (said they) you shall shortly see them here. Besides that, they with many words most insolently bragged of their own Valour, and scorned the Cowardise of the Christians; asking, who were able to with∣stand them, now that the Spaniard was also over∣come? All which with much more the Embassa∣dors Men with great grief were enforced to hear, but there was no remedy, seeing God had so appointed it. Shortly after, in September,* 14.67 the victorious Fleet returned to Constantinople, drag∣ging with it the Prisoners, Spoils, and Gallies of the Christians, a sight no less pleasant unto the Turks, than heavy unto the Christians; and that night it lay at Anchor near unto the Rocks in the face of the City, with the greater Pomp and Glory to come the next day into the Haven. At which time Solyman himself was come down in∣to a Gallery near unto the Havens Mouth, ad∣joyning unto his Garden, the better to see the coming in of the Fleet, and the Christian Cap∣tains set there to shew upon the Poop of the Admiral Galley, namely, Don Alvarus de Sandes, Don Sanchius de Leyva, Don Billingerus de Reque∣senes, all of late great Commanders; as for the Christian Gallies all disarmed and unrigged, so to seem the more contemptible in comparison of the Turks, they were towed at the Tail of the Turks Gallies. They which then saw Solymans countenance, perceived not in him any sign at all of any insolent joy. I my self (saith * 14.68 Busbequius, then the Emperor Ferdinands Em∣bassador there) saw him two days after going to the Church with the same countenance he had always, with the same severity and gravity, as if this Victory had nothing concerned him, nor any thing chanced strange or unexpected; so capable was the great Heart of that old Sire, of any Fortune, were it never so great; and his mind so setled, as to receive so great applause and rejoycing without moving. Within a few days after,* 14.69 the Christian Captives (before almost starved with Hunger) were brought to the Court; many of whom could scarce stand upon their Legs, some others for weakness fell down and fainted, and othersome died outright; they were all scornfully led in Triumph, with their Arms disordered and scornfully put upon them; the Turks in the mean time insulting round about them, promising unto themselves the Empire of the whole World; and vainly asking, What Ene∣my they were to fear, now that the Spaniard was overcome? Alvarus Sandes, as chief of all the Prisoners, being brought into the Divano be∣fore the Visier Bassaes, and demanded by Rustan Bassa, What his Master meant, being not able to defend his own, to invade other Mens? an∣swered, That it beseemed not him to judge there∣on; and himself to have done but his Duty, with such faithfulness as was meet to put in execu∣tion what he was commanded by his Lord, al∣though he had no good Fortune therein. After that, he besought the Bassaes upon his Knee, to speak for him unto Solyman, for that he had at home a poor Wife, with certain small Children, for whom he requested him to spare him. Where∣unto Rustan Bassa (contrary to his manner) courteously answered, his Sovereign to be of a mild and gentle Nature, and that he was in good hope his Pardon might be of him obtained; so was he commanded away unto Caradines his Castle, towards the Black Sea. But he was not gone far, but that he was called back again; for that the great Chamberlain, a Man in great credit with Solyman, had not as yet seen him; for which cause he was sent for back again; wherewith he was

not a little troubled, fearing lest the Bassaes having changed their minds, would have put him to death. The rest of the Captives of the better sort were committed to the Castle of Pera, and amongst them, Don Sanchius de Leyva, with his two base Sons, and also Don Billingerus Requesenes; which two great Men, with Don Alvarus de Sandes, were nevertheless afterwards with much ado and almost beyond all hope, at the request of the Emperor, and by the dexteri∣ty of his Embassador, by Solyman set at liberty; although he had before denied them unto Sal∣viat the French Kings Embassador, who had been an earnest intercessor for them. Yet before they were delivered out of Prison, the Mufti or Turks great Priest was asked his opinion, Whe∣ther it were lawful, for a greater number of Turks to exchange a few Christian Captives (for the Embassador beside the Rewards he had promised unto the Bassaes, to further the matter, had also undertaken, that forty common Prisoners of the Turks should be set at liberty for them) where∣unto the Mufti answered, That the Doctors of their Law were of divers opinions concerning that question, some saying that it was lawful, and some not; howbeit as then it was by him resolved upon, unto the more favourable part, and the exchange allowed.

There were amongst the Prisoners taken at Zerbi, besides these Noblemen of whom we have before spoken, two other noble Gentlemen right honourably Born, Don Iohn of Cardona, Don Bil∣linger his Son in Law, and Don Gasto the Duke of Medina his Son, to whom yet but a Youth, his Father nevertheless had given an honourable place in the Army. Of these two Don Iohn had wisely taken order for a great sum of Mony to be left in the Island of Chio, by the way as the Turks Fleet went to Constantinople, from whence he afterwards in safety got into Spain. But Gasto was by Pial Bassa (upon hope of a great ransom) purposely hid out of the way, which had like to have wrought his destruction; for Solyman having got an inckling thereof by the instigation of Rustan, laboured for nothing more than to have Gasto found out, so to have a more just occasion for the putting of Pial to death, being taken tardy in so manifest a fault. But all that labour was spent in vain, Gasto be∣ing by death taken away, but whether by the Plague (as some reported) or by Pial his means (as it were more like) lest the truth should be found out, is uncertain. But certain it was, that being with great care sought for by the Duke his Fathers Servants, he could never be heard of more;* 14.70 So that it was thought Pial for the safegard of his own life, not to have spared Gasto his Prisoners life. Who nevertherless for a long time lived in great fear, and not daring to come to Constantinople, took occasion with a few Gallies to wander about amongst the Islands of Aegeum, as if he had there something to do; but indeed so shunning the sight of his angry Lord, for fear he should have been compelled in Bonds to have answered the matter. Until at length he appeased at the request of Sulei∣man Bassa (the Eunuch and Solymans great Cham∣berlain) and of Selymus, Solymans Son, granted him his Pardon in these words well worth the marking, out of the Mouth of an Infidel Prince: Well have he from me pardon and forgiveness for so great an offence; but let God the most just re∣venger of all villanies take of him due punishment after this life. So fully he seemed to be per∣swaded that no evil deed ought to remain with∣out punishment, either in this life or in the life to come.

There was in this expedition a Colonel of the Turks well acquainted with Busbequius the Em∣perors Embassador, then lying at Constantinople; into whose hands (in that discomfiture of the Christians) by chance was come the Imperial Ensign of the Gallies of Naples;* 14.71 wherein within the compass of an Eagle, were contained the Arms of all the Provinces belonging to the King∣dom of Spain. Which fair Ensign the Embassa∣dor understanding him to purpose to give for a Present unto Solyman, thought good to prevent the matter, and to get it from him; which he easily obtained, by sending him two Sutes of Silk (such as the Turks make reckoning of) for it; so providing that one of the Imperial Ensigns of Charles the Fifth, should not to the eternal remembrance of that overthrow, remain still with the Enemies of the Christian Religion. This so miserable a calamity received by the Christians at Zerby, made that Island, before little or nothing spoken of, to be ever since fa∣mous.

About this time to end his unfortunate year withal,* 14.72 the twenty fifth day of November died Andreas Auria (that second Neptune) being ninety four year old; a Man in his time of great fame, and of the greatest Princes of that age had in no small reputation, but especially of Charles the Fifth, in whose service he did much for the be∣nefit of the Christian Common-weal, being for most part imployed in his greatest Wars against the Turks and Moors. Yet amongst all the notable things done to his immortal Glory, the kindness by him shewed unto his native Coun∣try was greatest; which oppressed by the French, he set at liberty; and when he might have taken upon him the sole Government thereof (as had divers others before him) moderating his de∣sires, and respecting the only good thereof, ap∣peased the great dissention that had of long reigned therein; and established such a form of Govern∣ment, confirmed with so good and wholsome Laws and Orders (no Mans liberty infringed) as that it hath ever since to his eternal praise, in great wealth, state, and liberty thereby flourished.

The Turks the year following, with their Gallies robbed and spoiled divers places upon the Coasts of Italy, Sicily and Malta; [year 1561.] * 14.73 against whom Philip King of Spain sending forth his Gallies, by force of Tempest lost twenty five of them, the eigh∣teenth day of September, together with Mendoza Admiral of that Fleet.

Ferdinand the Emperor, having with long sute and much intreating obtained Peace of Solyman, and being now well stricken in years, and care∣ful both of the State of the Empire and of the advancement of his posterity, began to deal with the Princes Electors for a choice to be made of a King of the Romans; who after his death might without the trouble of Germany, succeed him in the Empire; commending unto them his Son Maximilian, a Prince of great hope, then King of Bohemia. Whereupon an assembly of the Princes Electors was appointed to be holden at Franckford; [year 1562.] * 14.74 who there meeting at the appoint∣ed time, with general consent the twenty fourth day of November in the year 1562, chose Max∣imilian the Emperors Son King of the Romans, and with all the accustomed solemnities Crowned him; who also the year after was at Presburg the eighth of September with much solemnity Crowned King of Hungary. Unto this solemn assembly of the Empire at Franckford, Solyman the Turkish Emperor sent Ibrahim Bassa, otherwise called Abraham Strozza (a Polonian born, of whom we have before spoken) his Embassador with Presents

and Letters to Ferdinand the Emperor, to con∣firm the Peace for eight years betwixt them be∣fore concluded;* 14.75 who the seventeenth day of November in presence of the Emperor, the King of ths Romans, and all the Princes Electors, had Audience; where after much glorious Speech in setting forth his Masters greatness, with his love towards the Emperor and his Son the new chosen King, as wishing unto them all happiness, he delivered his Letters of credence unto the Empe∣ror; the Copy whereof I have not thought a∣miss here to set down, for that therein is notably to be seen the most insolent Pride of that bar∣barous Prince, and miserable estate of the rent Kingdom of Hungary, divided as it were at his pleasure betwixt him and the Emperor.

I the Lord of Lords, Ruler of the East and of the West,* 15.1 who am of power to do and not to do whatso∣ever pleaseth me, Lord of all Grecia, Persia and Arabia, Commander of all things which can be sub∣ject to King and Command; the great Worthy of these times, and strong Champion of the most wide World, Lord of all the White and Black Sea, and of the holy City of Mecha, shining with the brightness of God, and of the City of Medina, and of the holy and chast City of Jerusalem, King of the most noble Kingdom of Egypt, Lord of Ionia, and of the City of Athens, Senau, of the sacred Temple of God, Zebilon and Bassio, Rethsan and Magodim, the Seat and Throne of the great King Nashin Rattam, and Lord of the Island of Algiers, Prince of the Kingdoms of Tartary, Mesopotamia, Media, of the Georgians, Morea, Anatolia, Asia, Armenia, Wala∣chia, Moldavia, and of all Hungary, and of many other Kingdoms and Territories, whereof I am Em∣peror; the most mighty Monarch Sultan Solyman, Son of the great Emperor Sultan Selym, who have power from God to rule all People with a Bridle; and strength to break open the Gates and Bars of all Cities and strong Places: In••o whose mighty hand are delivered all the ends of Worlds, none excepted. I the Ruler of the East, from the Island of Tsein unto the farthest bounds of Africa, whom God hath appointed a mighty Warrior in the edge of the Sword; amongst whose most mighty Kingdoms the impregnable Castle of Cesarea is reputed for the least, and in whose hereditary Dominions the Kingdom or Empire of Alexander the Great is accounted of as a trifle; with me is the strength of the whole World and vertue of the Firmament. Forasmuch as thou King Ferdi∣nand, which art the mighty Lord of Christendom, and the chosen Vessel of the mighty Christian Faith, created and elected Emperor of the Roman People, of Bohemia, Vandalia, Crabatia, and many other Countries King and Lord, &c. Not long since sent unto our Court (which is the refuge of all Kings, the protection and sanctuary of all that flie thereunto, and the Throne of Grace for all Princes of these times which repair unto it) one Augerius Busbeck, thy faithful Counsellor and Embassador, with Letters of consideration, to renew with us a Peace, and to enter into a farther league and b••nd of Amity: Which Letters bear date the year from the Prophet Jesu (upon whom and our Prophet Mahomet rest the brightness and peace of God) 1562, the first day of June, requesting of us, That granting you Peace for eight years, we would not with any Hostility here∣after molest your Cities, Castles, Countries, or Sub∣jects, but to suffer them to liv•• in secure Peace and Tranquility, &c. Unto which your petition we an∣swer you, That from henceforth for the whole space of eight years shall be betwix•• us on both parts to be continued a new, true, and firm League; of which agreement, peace, and confederation, these shall be the conditions. First, That you our beloved shall be bound to send yearly to our Court as a Pledge of this League thirty thousand Hungarian Ducats, with that remainder which you owe unto us for the two years last past; For which we promise unto you, that we from henceforth during this eight years League, will take no part either by way of hostility or friendship with King Johns Son, forasmuch as belongeth to his hereditary Countries, whether they be in the hither part of Hungary, or on the further side of Teisse: All which for all that, by Law of Arms belong un∣to us. And the same King Johns Son in the time of this eight years League shall be also bound in such sort to perform unto us his obedience, as that from henceforth it shall not be lawful for him to use any War or Hostility against you, neither to trouble your Subjects with Fire or Sword, nor to surprise your Cities, Castles, or Towns; or by violence to take a∣way or exact of your People or Subjects, their Sheep, their Cattel, their Goods, Mony or Revenues. We also our selves shall have no right, nor take occasion to drive away your People, to burn your Countries, or carry away any Captives; but rather in this eight years space religiously keep Peace and Concord with you. And under these c••nditions of Peace shall also be comprehended Michael Balaschus, Nicholas Ba∣tho, with all their Goods and Territories, and divers other such like, which shall be subject unto you and King Johns Son. To be brief, if happily any of yours or King Johns Sons Subjects shall have now before in time of War thrust one another out of his Goods, Lands, or Possessions, whereof new quarrels or dis∣cord may arise; we will and decree, that all such controversies, quarrels and claims shall be deferred until this definite time of the League expired. Be∣side, if by chance any dissention shall h••reafter arise betwixt us about our jurisdiction, which can by no means be composed and ordered; we will that yours shall in the mean remain as yours, and ours as ours; all contention and enmity set apart; also many Towns situate here and there by Danubius and Tatta, shall be suffered to use the same Law which they did in former time; so that the Souldiers which are yet in Garrison in the Castle of Tatta, shall have no right to infest or vex those Towns situate near unto Danu∣bius. Furthermore, if after this Peace concluded, any of your Noblemen or Gentlemen shall fortune to have any of our Noblemen by revolt or other occasion whatsoever, Captives, they shall dismiss them and set them at liberty, to return unto their Friends freely without hurt or ransom; that so the Concord and Peace begun betwixt us, may be the more firmly kept, and our Subjects live in more security. All and every one of these things we grant and promise to be of us from henceforth until the end of the aforesaid eight years, without all fraud or guile religiously observed and kept; and for that purpose have caused these our Letters of this Peace and Confederation to be publish∣ed from our Royal Palace; And moreover, have not only provided, that the Copy of the same should to∣gether with our edict be proclaimed to all and every the Generals, Captains, Lieutenants, of our Armies both by Sea and Land, in all the parts of our Em∣pire, and to all our mercenary Souldiers, but have also straightly commanded, that it shall be firmly and sincerly kept. We will also, that this agreement of Peace and Amity shall comprehend and concern our two chief Governours or Vayvods of Vallachia and Moldavia, so that none of your People of Hungary, Crabatia, Sclavonia, or other your Countries or Islands whatsoever, shall in any sort be molested or grieved by our Subjects.. And if it shall fortune that some shall on your part out of their Castles set upon our Subjects, or by force take away their Goods, the same Men shall in any case be bound to make thereof restitution. Also if any shall flie from us, and carry away with them the Mony or Goods of their Masters whom they served, or if the like shall be done by any of yours flying to us, then the same Goods on bo••h

parts are to be of right demanded and recovered again, and the Fugitives to the example of others to be corrected and punished; forasmuch as fugitives Goods of right appertain unto their Lords and Masters. Fur∣thermore it shall be lawful for your Captains and Com∣manders to fortifie or build Castles, Cities, or Towns, in the Borders of Hungary, and to put into the same, Victual, Armor, and such like; but so, that they do none of these things out of their own limits. And during the time of this League, it shall not be lawful to take or carry away any of your Subjects Prisoners either into Hungary or in other places of your jurisdiction; which for all that, if it shall by any chance happen, that then such Captives without delay be suffered safely to return home again. Further∣more, whatsoever Christians shall have any business to do in our magnificent Court or any part of our Do∣minions, as are Embassadors, Officers, Servants and such others; unto all these we not only grant and permit, that they may come and go about their business, and so again depart from our Court or Provinces; but also have willed and commanded them to be well and courteously entreated by our Subjects, and furthered with the interpretation of our Language. And if it should fortune any contention or discord to arise betwixt our Subjects on either side, about the Bounds and Limits of Lands, or other such like causes; such controversies we will to be decided and determined by discreet and indifferent Men on both parts, and the Authors of such discord and vari∣ance, to be punished as suspected persons and breakers of the League. We also prohibite those Skirmishes or Combats, which were wont to be sometimes on both sides made upon the Borders. And desire, that the form of this League and Peace, and every Article thereof, may be publickly read and set up in sundry places of your Dominions; and commandment given, that they may with due obedience and reverence be observed and kept. Which we likewise have now before promised faithfully and assuredly to perform; and your Embassador whom a few Months agon you sent unto us, in your name requested the same of us, and hath with earnest Prayers moved us, by Impe∣rial Oath and these Letters of Credence to witness, that we did ratifie and confirm the same; as if we our selves should speak to you in presence. Where∣fore we have given to him these our Letters of Pa∣cification to you directed, that your Generals, Soul∣diers, and Subjects, may be bound also to observe and keep all these things; wherefore, so long as nothing contrary to this League shall be done on your part; so long in like manner all these Articles of Peace shall be of me accepted and assured. For witness and confirmation whereof I swear this Oath; By the true and living Creator of Heaven and Earth, by the true signs of our great and reverend Prophet, by my Impe∣rial Power, and by my true Faith; that nothing con∣trary or repugning unto the aforesaid Articles, Con∣ditions, and Promises of the eight years League agreed upon betwixt us, shall be attempted or done by any our Governours, Generals, or Vayvods, &c. Command∣ing moreover, all our sworn Governours of our most mighty Empire in Walachia and Moldavia, and King Stephen himself, and others which have the Government of our Empire confining upon you, That they all and every of them as well as our selves, shall justly, faithfully, and religiously accept, reverence, and keep these conditions of Peace, towards your Sub∣jects, Cities, Castles, Towns, and other things apper∣taining to you; and in the least thing not to hurt, injure, or wrong any your Subjects. In brief, we shall as far as our part concerneth us, give unto this most mighty and great new made love and friendship, so great honour, reverence, and authority, that that which may even in the least things be had, shall not on our part be wanting▪ In token whereof, we have suf∣fered certain Christian Captives, whom by your Em∣bassador you requested to have set at l••berty, frankly to return unto you without ransom; ••ut of which Cap∣tivity they could never have been redeemed, if in re∣gard of this our amity and friendship we had not granted them liberty; trusting that you will in like sort set at liberty such of ours as you have Captives. Given at our Imperial Palace and Seat in the most mighty City of Constantinople, the first day of September, in the year of our great and reverend Prophet 969.

The same Embassador after he had delivered these Letters,* 15.2 presented unto the Emperor the Gifts he had brought from his great Master; which was two great Cups of natural Crystal cu∣riously wrought and set with Stones of great price; a couragious Turky Horse with a Saddle and Trap∣pings wrought with Gold, and set with precious Stones, and garnished with Chains of pure Gold; and four of the fairest Camels that were to be got in all Constantinople. In delivering of which Presents the Bassa made his excuse, that the Horse and Camels had lost their beauty, being with four months Travel from Constantinople, grown somewhat lean and weary.

This Peace thus concluded betwixt the Empe∣ror Ferdinand and Solyman, [year 1564.] * 15.3 held firm until the death of Ferdinand, who about two years after in the year 1564 upon St. Iames's day died, being sixty years old; whereof he reigned as Emperor not full seven years. In whose place succeeded Maximilian his Son, before chosen King of the Romans. But immediately after the death of Ferdinand,* 15.4 the Captains on the Frontiers of that part of Hungary which was holden for the Empe∣ror on the one side, and the Turks Captains with the Vayvod of Transylvania on the other side, weary of their ease, began contrary to the form of the League, to surprise strong Holds and Towns one in anothers Confines, whereof ensued much trouble; The Author whereof was Melchior Balas the Emperors Lieutenant in that part of Hungary which bordereth upon Transylva∣nia, who first surprised certain Towns upon the Frontiers thereabouts; in revenge whereof the Vayvod suddainly set upon Sackmar a Town in the Emperors Territory, which he took, and therein Balas his Wife and Children. In despight whereof Balas ransacked and burnt Debrezin a great Town of the Vayvods. But not long af∣ter, the Vayvod Solymans Vassal, aided by him with four thousand Turks and three thou∣sand Moldavians, did much harm upon the Fron∣tiers of that part of Hungary which belonged unto the Emperor; and first took Hadad, and afterwards besieged Ungar. In requital where∣of, Maximilian the Emperor sent Lazarus Suendi a valiant Captain; who with an Army of eight thousand besieged the strong Castle of Tokay, which he took the fifth of February, in the year 1565, [year 1565.] and after that took the rich Town of Erden. In the mean time Solyman, who had in himself fully purposed to be revenged of all these injuries (as well appeared by that he did the year following) to stay the Emperor from pro∣ceeding father, until such time as he were at better leisure to be revenged,* 15.5 (for as then he was making great preparation for Malta) sent Marcus Lilinesius a Renegate Transylvanian of Cibinum, his Embassador to Maximilian, to put him in remembrance of the League made with his Father, and to wish him to have regard how he further proceeded to the Breach thereof. Whereupon the Emperor, because he would not seem unwilling to hearken to peace, command∣ed his Lieutenants and Captains no more to in∣vade Transylvania or that part of Hungary which the Turks held. Howbeit that whilst this Em∣bassador

was thus entreating of Peace at Vien∣na, the Bassa of Temeswa•• in the Borders of Transylvania, made divers incursions into the Borders of Hungary, and with six thousand Soul∣diers besieged the strong Castle of Iul••, and the Turks in great number came daily into Tran∣sylvania. At which time also Suendi General of Maximilian his Forces upon the Frontiers, by Messengers sent for that purpose, wished him not to give any credit unto the Turks Embas∣sador, who meaning nothing but War, under the colour of Peace sought nothing else but to take him upon the suddain unprovided. Neither ceased these troubles thus, but daily grew from evil to worse; for in Iune the Transylvanians besieged Erden, before taken by the Imperials, and after two months Siege had it yielded unto them. In the mean time Chernovich the Empe∣rors Embassador to Solyman, returned from Con∣stantinople; assuring him, that the great Turk for all his fair shews of Peace, meant indeed no∣thing but Wars, for which he was (as he said) making great preparation both by Sea and Land. Whereupon the Emperor began to raise new Forces; which thing divers Noblemen both of Germany and other places hearing of, came unto him with his Followers; and amongst other Romerus one of the Knights of Malta, and divers others of his Brethren, with five Companies of Souldiers well appointed, sent thither by George Ho••henheim Grand Prior of that Order in Ger∣many, and then confirmed one of the Princes of the Empire. At the same time also, the Turks being busie upon the Borders of Styria, and the places thereabouts, were many times cut off by Charles the Archduke; who taking them at an advantage, slew at one time three thou∣sand of them. Yet for all this, the Turks Em∣bassador was still at Vienna treating for Peace, and so cunningly handled the matter, that where∣as Eccius Salma a valiant Captain, had corrupted the chief Judge with certain others of Alba Re∣galis, to have betrayed the City unto him; for performance whereof they had delivered their Wives and Children as Hostages, and he was now upon his way from Rab, which is but eight miles off, in an assured hope to have surprised the City; he was suddainly by Letters in post from the Emperor, called back again, for cor∣rupting the hope conceived of Peace; and so was that notable designment unfortunately dis∣appointed; of which practice the Turks ha∣ving knowledge, afterwards most cruelly exe∣cuted forty of the Conspirators, impaling some of them upon sharp Stakes, and hanging others upon Iron Hooks by the Jaws until they were dead. Shor••ly after the Turks took N••osta••, which was not long after again recovered by the Emperor.

At the same time one of the Turks Spies was taken at Zigeth, who but thirteen days before was sent from Constantinople, of purpose to view the strength and situation of that place; he be∣ing brought before Charl••s the Archduke, and examined, said, That Solyman would assuredly the next Spring come in person himself into Hun∣g••ry, to besiege the strong Castles of Zigeth and Iula. At which time also Count Seri••u•• took certain other of th•• Turks Spies, by whom he was certainly advertised of Solymans coming the next year; and amongst others, Scap•••••• Vayda the Bassa of Bud•• his chief Counsellor. Beside this, the Countrymen Contributors both to the Im∣perials and the Turks, were now straightly com∣manded by the Turks to pay no more contri∣bution Mony unto the Imperials; Whereupon it was easily gathered, that all that ta•••• of Peace was as Suendi had oftentimes written, nothing else but to delay the time, and to put them in security. Beside that, the Turks made incursions daily into one place or other of the Emperors Territories, shewing their ancient hate, and sowing by those light Skirmishes, as it were the Seed of a greater War against the next Spring; which the Emperor now out of doubt of (being also warned thereof by many Letters from his Friends) put strong Garrisons into his frontier Towns, especially into Rab and Zigeth. But knowing that to be but a poor help against so puissant an Enemy, he resolved as his Father and Uncle had done before, to rest upon the strength of the Empire, and against the next year to call a general assembly of the Princes of the Empire at Augusta, for the better under∣standing of the common Enemy.* 15.6 The Wars thus beginning again in Hungary, Solyman at the same time in revenge of the manifold harms done unto his Subjects by the Knights of Malta, (whose hand he found ever against him in all his deal∣ings with the other Christian Princes) made great preparation both by Sea and Land; pur∣posing, as seemed by the manner thereof, to have rased the memorial of those worthy Men from off the Earth. Whereunto, beside the na∣tural hatred which he bare against all Christians in general, and them above the rest in particular, he was much incited by Cassanes, Barbarussa his Son, King of Algiers, and Dragut Governour of Tripolis; by whose perswasions he caused a strong Fleet to be rigged up, commanding the Lieute∣nants and Governours of his Ports and Havens all alongst the Sea Coast, to put to their help∣ing hands, and to be ready against the next Spring. And not long after, understanding partly of his own certain knowledge, and partly by the re∣lation of others, in what good forwardness things were; he calling together a great assembly of his chief Princes and Men of War, delivered unto them his mind as followeth:

What thing I have this forty years always wished,* 15.7 which was to have so much leisure from other Wars, as to pluck out of their Nests, and utterly to root out these crossed Pyrats, which vaunt themselves to be the Bulwark of Christendom; That same me-thinks I have by the favour of God and Muhamed his Prophet, at this time obtained. For we have so repressed the attempts of the Persians, that they can∣not let us; and in Hungary, from whence cer∣tain dreadful motions were reported, we our selves will shortly do those things which shall enforce our Enemies to hide their Heads in the heart of Ger∣many, and to sue to us for Peace. You your selves daily hear the pitiful complaints of our Subjects and Merchants, whom those Maltaeses, I say not Soul∣diers, but Pyrats, if they but look into those Seas, spoil and make prize of; whose injuries or revenge, all Laws both of God and Man require. Neither can any thing happen unto me more pleasing or more ho∣nourable, than if I may before I die accomplish those things, that is, to win Malta, and to leave all things in order in Hungary and Polonia; except per∣hap•• some Man think it a harder matter for us to thrust these crossed Companions from the Rocks of Malta, than for our Ancestors to have driven them from Jerusalem, and so quite out of Syria; and for our s••lves to have forced them out of the strong Island of the Rhodes. But this some will say is nearer un∣to Italy, from whence aid may easily be sent, and the pla•••• defended by a Fleet. Believe me, they will never ad••en••ure to fight with us at Sea, who remember the••selves to have been there by us so often over∣thrown; Beside that, so little a place cannot contain any grea•• Garrison; neither if it could, could it long feed

them. Wherefore unto this expedition we have deter∣mined with the first of the Spring to send a most strong Fleet; and even now we have already com∣manded all our Sea Captains and Adventurers which acknowledge our command, to be there present with their Ships. The King of Algiers will be there, the Garrisons of Alexandria are in readiness, so also is Dragut with his appointed Fleet. As for our own it is by mine own appointment rigged up; unto which Fleet I doubt not but that all the strength of the West will give place. Which thing (worthy Cap∣tains) we speak, trusting upon the help of Almighty God and Muhamed his great Prophet, with your known and approved Valour; Now remaineth only, that every one of you think with us, how this War may best be mannaged, and so to refer your devices unto us; which that you may the better do, Lo, I here deliver unto you the situation of the whole Island, and project of all their Fortifications which we have received of most expert and skilful Men.

Solymans purpose thus made known, and the matter well considered, after that they which best knew the strong places and manners of the Mal∣••aeses, had declared their opinions what they thought to be most expedient; it was decreed, That they should with all speed set forward; wherefore Victual and other things necessary for such an expedition being with wonderful celerity prepared,* 15.8 they expected but Wind. Of these things Iohn Valetta a Frenchman, Grand Master of Malta and of the Knights of the Order, be∣ing both by Letters and Messengers advertised (for he had always fit Men his Intelligencers at Con∣stantinople, who warily noted the purposes and actions of Solyman) was not afraid, but knowing that of God depended the Victory, and that Men were to watch, labour, and foresee; he as∣sembled a Council of his Knights, and in few words spake unto them in this sort▪

What Solyman prepareth (most noble and valiant Knights) and what a great War he provideth against us, you with me of late right well understand,* 15.9 where∣fore it is needless for me to use any long Speech with you concerning that matter. The Enemy is known, his insatiable ambition is known, his strength is known, and his mortal hate against us and the Christian Name is sufficiently known. Wherefore let us all as one first ••econcile our selves to God, and then pro∣vide all things as shall be needf••l for the War. In brief, noble Knights, to reconcile our selves unto God, and to appease his displeasure, two things are of us to be performed; whereof the one consisteth in amend∣ment of Life, with a holy Conversation; the other in the religious worshipping of him, with a firm and constant trust in his help, with Prayer, which is called Godliness. By these means our Ancestors obtained many Victories against the Infidels in the East. Neither is it to be doubted, but if we shall in these things joyn together, we shall also frustrate all the force and fury of this proud Tyrant. But forasmuch as God usually helps them which labour and take pains, and not the negligent and sloathful, we must of ne∣cessity joyn unto them those helps, which both our pro∣fession and the course of War requireth; which part∣ly consisteth in our selves, and partly in the other Christian Princes. For Victual, Armor, Mony, and other such things as in Wars are requisite, we will so provide, that no Man shall justly complain, that we spared either cost or pains. I will pour out all my store, neither will I for desire of life refuse any danger. As for the Christian Princes, I cannot per∣swade my self that they will lie still in so fit an oppor∣tunity, and in so great a danger, not of our estate only, but much more of their own. Verily I will not spare to exhort every one of them both by Letters and by Messen∣gers, which in part we have already done; and I doubt not but we shall have aid enough from the Pope, the Emperor, and the King of Spain (such is their Christian Zeal) and they I hope shall move the rest. As for you, the Princes and very Light of this sacred Order, and the rest of our Brethren, most valiant Knights, I am well assured you will so fight for the most holy Christian Religion, for your Lives and Goods▪ and for the glory of the Latine Name, against a most cruel Tyrant, the rooter out of all true Religion, of all Civility and good Learning, the Plague of the World, hated of God and Man; as that he shall feel the sting of the Cross which he so much contemneth, even in the City of Constantinople, yea in his Houses of Pleasure. For we shall not have now to do with him in the Island of the Rhodes, far from the help of our Friends, (from Asia, from Europe, from Egypt enclosed with our Enemies both by Sea and Land) but in the Eies of Italy and Spain, in places strongly fortified, from whence the Enemy may easily be circumvented; which that it may so fall out, let us not cease to pray unto Almighty God, and to crave his ready help.

When the Grand Master had thus said,* 15.10 all that were present promised with one assent rather to lose their Lives, than in any part to fail the Common Cause, or to come into the power of Solyman. After that publick Prayer and Suppli∣cation was made in every Church through the Isle, and three Colonels chosen out of all the Knights; one an Italian sirnamed Imperator, ano∣ther Borneas a Frenchman, and Quatrius a Spa∣niard the third, all advised Men, and most ex∣pert Souldiers, who should with all diligence provide all things necessary for the War. By whose appointment the Suburbs and Trees which might any way be hurtful to the forti∣fied places, were overthrown, the Fortifications were throughly viewed, the Garrisons streng∣thned, and all manner of Provision most plenti∣fully distributed; and Letters from the Great Master sent unto the Great Bishop and other Christian Princes, requesting their aid against the Common Enemy. Messengers were also dis∣missed into divers places, to certifie both the Knights of the Order and others, of the Turks great preparation.

Solymans Fleet departing from Constantinople the two and twentieth day of March,* 15.11 in the year 1565, kept a direct Course towards Peloponesus, and so came to Methone; where Mustapha Bassa one of the Turks greatest Captains, a Man of seventy five years, and General of the Land Forces, mustred the Army, wherein were num∣bred seven thousand Horsemen of them which are of the Turks called Saphi; out of the lesser Asia, conducted by the Governour of that Coun∣try, and two Lieutenants of Cicilia, five hundred; and of the Island of Lesbos, now called Mety∣lene, four hundred; he had of the Janizaries four thousand five hundred, led by two Colonels appointed by Solyman; for that the chief Cap∣tain of the Janizaries, which they call the Aga, never departeth from the City but when the Sultan goeth himself. Besides these was a cer∣tain kind of Men amongst the Turks, who live of the Revenues of the Church; of them there was in the Army thirteen thousand, who had at Constantinople vowed their Lives for their Super∣stition. Out of Thracia and Peloponesus were come two Colonels and one Lieutenant, with twelve hundred Horsemen, and three thousand five hundred Volunteers out of divers Coun∣tries. There also Pial Bassa Solymans Admiral took view of the Fleet, wherein were found a hundred and thirty Gallies, two and twenty

Ships for burthen, some greater, some lesser, be∣sides one that was cast away near unto Methone, where was lost six thousand Barrels of Powder, thirteen thousand great Shot, and four hundred Spahi; besides these, there were ten Gallies from the Rhodes commanded by Halyport a Man of seventy years; two Gallies from Mitylene, and about seventeen Galliots and other small Pyrats Ships. With this strong Fleet the Turks de∣parting from Methone the thirteenth of May, arrived at Malta the eighteenth of the same Month,* 15.12 and put into a Haven in the North-East part of the Isle, which the Inhabitants call Mar∣zasiroc; but perceiving themselves not to be there in safety, they removed to another Port called Major.

* 15.13The Island of Malta lying betwixt Africa and Sicilia, might be doubted whether it were to be accounted in Africk or Europe, but that the anci∣ent Cosmographers, and the Moors Language, which the Malteses have always used, claim it for Africk; it is in length from the North-East to the South-West twenty Miles; and in the broadest place twelve. It regardeth Africk South∣ward, over against Leptis Parva; and Sicilia to∣wards the North, but more towards Pachinum than Lilybeum; and is in circuit about threescore Miles. It seemeth to have taken the name of Melita, of Mel or Hony, whereof it yieldeth plenty. The Trees there bear Fruit twice a year, and they have oftentimes twice Harvest, especially of Bar∣ly and Cotten Wool; yet is the Isle in some places stony, gravelly, and bare of Wood; nevertheless it beareth Figs, Apples, Almonds, Grapes, and other Fruit Trees planted by the industry of Man, Date Trees also, but not fruitful; it bear∣eth Thistles of such bigness that the Inhabitants use them for Wood; fresh Water is there won∣derful scarce, and such Wells as they have are filled with Rain in Winter, for in Summer they are either clean dry, or else the Water becometh brakish. The Inhabitants are so burnt with the Sun, that they differ little in colour from the Ae∣thiopians; they are of a wholesome constitution of Body, spare of Diet, industrious, rather pain∣ful than Warlike, dying more for Age, than of Sickness; their Buildings, except it be in the City, which is in the midst of the Island, and in the Suburbs, are long and low (like unto the Moors) covered with Turf or Reed. It is commonly supposed, that Saint Paul was by Shipwrack cast upon this Island,* 15.14 but it is with greater reason to be thought that it was the other Melita in the Adriatick betwixt Corcyra and Illyria, and better agreeth with that which Luke writeth of the Apostles Trouble and Shipwrack in the Adria∣tique, out of which Sea, it is not to be gathered by the Text, that Paul and the rest were driven. But again to our purpose; That side of Malta which respecteth Sicilia, hath in it many good Harbors and commodious Havens fit for shipping; where besides the Port of Marzasiroc towards the East, where the Turks Fleet first landed, and the Port of Saint Thomas, with another called Scala not far off, it hath two other notable Ha∣vens, the one called Major, and the other Marza∣moxet, divided the one from the other by a nar∣row piece of ground; which with a ridg runneth in length from the South to the North almost in manner of an Island, having the Haven Major on the East, Marzamoxet on the West. Upon the head of this high ridg standeth the Castle of Saint Elmo, of great strength both by Nature and Art. As a Man entreth into the Haven Major, upon the left hand are four Promontories point∣ing far into the Haven on that side, almost in manner of Islands making so many Bays; upon the first standeth the Gallows, whereof also it taketh name; upon the very point of the second, on a rough and high Rock standeth a most strong Castle, called the Castle of Saint Angelo, where∣unto adjoyned the Town, separated from the Castle only with a Wall and a Ditch, and is pla∣ced in a hollowness cut out of the main Rock, strengthened also with the Sea and the industry of Man; and is of some called the Burg, of others the new City; in this Castle resideth the Grand Master, and the Souldiers in the Burg; upon the third Promontory standeth another strong Castle, which they call also the Burg of Saint Michael; the fourth Promontory is not inhabited, from whence the Sea runneth alongst the winding Banks almost into the midst of the Island, unto a place called Aqua Marfia. Again, after the Port Marzamoxet, Westward is the Harbor of Saint George; and after that another called Bennorrat; then followeth the Port Saint Paul, no less than the Port Marzasiroc; after which cometh the Port called Salinarum Sinus; but on that side of the Island towards Africk, is only one Port called Milliaria; near unto the Island of Malta lie cer∣tain other little Islands, as Gauloso, now Goza, two other called Cuminia, and another called Piper, all subject to the Malteses.

Thus much I have thought good to set down concerning the Turks Fleet, and for the descrip∣tion of those places wherein this great action was performed, the brute whereof then filled the World. Now shall it not be amiss, in like man∣ner to declare upon what strength, next unto God, Valetta the Grand Master stood against so mighty and puissant an Enemy. First, there was in the Island athousand and three hundred Mercenaries, some Spaniards, some French, some Florentines, and the rest of Naples; there was also a thousand Seamen of the Knights Fleet, and five hundred in the Town of Saint Angelo; and of the Coun∣try People which were fled into the strong places five thousand, Men not altogether unskilful of the Wars; there were also five hundred Knights of the Order, besides Priests and Squires; for of these three sorts of Men are they which are called Bre∣thren of the Order. This was the number of them which defended the Castles and Towns of Saint Elmo, Saint Angelo, and Saint Michael, where∣unto they were proportionably divided; and in the City it self, which is called Melita, being in the middle of the Island, was two hundred Soul∣diers and as many Citizens, with three hundred of the Country People all Horsemen, commanded by Io. Vagno a valiant Captain. Besides this▪ every place was furnished with plenty of Victual, Armor, Weapons, Artillery, and whatsoever else was needful for the enduring of a long Siege, and a War that should want many things; and that which passed all the rest, Minds armed with in∣vincible Courage against whatsoever should chance, which oftentimes maketh of the vanquish∣ed, Victors. All these things being in readiness and orderly disposed, as soon as they understood that seven and twenty of the Turks Gallies had put into the Haven Marzasiroc, and were there landing their Men; Gyon Admiral for the Order, a valiant and couragious Knight, marched thither with five hundred Harquebusiers, to have skirmish∣ed with them; but as soon as the Turks saw them coming, they retired again to their Gallies. On the other part where the other Fleet lay, two hun∣dred of the Turks going on shore,* 15.15 met by chance with Riverius a Frenchman, and eight Knights more, who having his Horse killed under him, and one of his Companions slain, fell with the rest into the hands of the Enemy. Whilst these things were in doing, a certain Christian Mariner

fled out from the Turks to the City Melita; who discovered the Enemies purpose, telling them▪ That the Turks by the appointment of Mustapha had determined to have landed the greatest part of their Forces, presently to have besieged some strong place; had not Pial Bassa the Admiral ex∣claimed aginst it, doubting to be left too weak at Sea; saying plainly, That he would attempt no∣thing before the coming of Dragut, who was every hour expected. For Solyman had expresly com∣manded, that they should do nothing without his Counsel; so great an opinion had he of his Po∣licy and Valour. But whether this report was true or otherwise, the Turks for all that returning with their Fleet to the Port Marzasirock, landed twenty thousand Souldiers and five Field Pieces,* 15.16 and so intrenched themselves. This done, Pial Bassa with seven thousand went to view the Castle of Saint Michael; but for fear of the great Shot durst not to come nigh it; nevertheless they of the Town sallying out, couragiously skirmished with the Turks;* 15.17 in which conflict, Curfelinus, sirnamed Parda, accompanied but with one Spa∣niard, so furiously assailed the Enemy, that he took from him one Ensign, and slew one of the Sanzacks a great Commander, with divers others. When Pi••l was come again into the Camp, the General began to consult with the other Captains, whether it were better to lay Siege to the Castle of Saint Elmo, or to the Town of Saint Michael; in conclusion it was agreed upon, that they should with all their Forces besiege the Castle of Saint Elmo. And going up the Hill to view the Castle, they were incountred by the Garrison Souldiers, in which Fight some few were lost on both sides. Thus by degrees things growing hotter and hot∣ter, the Grand Master thought it good to cer∣tifie Garzias of Toledo Viceroy of Sicily, how things stood, that he might the sooner rig up his Fleet to come to their rescue. Wherefore he com∣manded one Gally to put out of the Haven by night, and to pass over into Sicily, with Salvag••s one of the Knights sent thither on Message. In the mean time the Turks cast up a Mount to have battered the Castle of Saint Elmo, and beaten the Gallies in the Haven Major, and so to have opened a way for their Fleet to have entred; but they were not able long to keep that Mount, for they had scarcely well ended the Work, but it was forthwith by the continual thundring Shot out of the Castle beaten down again; which thing greatly abated the Turks Courage. About that time, Ochial came to the Fleet with six Ships, drawn out of them which were left for the de∣fence of Alexandria,* 15.18 and in them nine hundred Souldiers. The Turks beaten from their first Mount, cast up another on an higher ground, whereon they placed three great Pieces of Ord∣nance, wherewith they annoied not only the Ha∣ven wherein the Fleet of Malta rid, but the Castle of Saint Angelo also, the Great Masters S••••t, and with a rolling Trench drew nearer and nearer unto the Castle of Saint Elmo; which although they had at first in vain attempted, hindred by them which were in the Castle; yet at last with much labour and travel they brought it to per∣fection; for the Turks in that kind of work, still performed by their multitude, are accounted to excel others. Wherefore in short time they plant∣ed their great Ordnance in such sort, as that they might batter both the Castles of Saint Elmo, and Saint Michael. There was in the Turks Camp a Gentleman of Spain, but then a Slave unto a Turk, who understanding the Enemies purpose for the besieging of the Castle of Saint Elmo, by a Christian Fugitive advertised the Great Master thereof; Whereupon he forthwith sent Cerda and Miranda with two Companies of Spaniards into the Castle, who were afterwards a great strength unto the Castle, and hindrance unto the Enemy. At length came Dragut Governor of Leptis,* 15.19 long looked for of the Turks, with thirteen Gallies, and in them a thousand and six hundred Souldi∣ers; after whom followed ten Galliots from Bona, and in them two Companies. In the mean time Salvagus the worthy Knight (sent before into Sicilia) came to Messana, and having certified the Viceroy of the state of Malta, was by him com∣manded to return to Malta in a Galliot, con∣ducted by two Gallies of the Great Masters; which having brought him near unto the Island, returned again into Sicilia; but he with his Gal∣liot (not without most manifest danger) in the third Watch of the night brake into the Town through the midst of the Enemies Fleet, with the loss but of one of his Followers. Where having delivered unto the Great Master what he had in charge from the Viceroy, he was the same night sent back again by the Great Master into Sici∣lia▪ to certifie the Viceroy, That he had need of more Aid, requesting him with all speed to send him some Supply, whereby he might the better hold out against the force of so great an Enemy. Salvagus discouraged neither with the labour nor the danger, presently committed himself again to Sea, and in short time arrived in the Port of Siracusa, where finding the two Gallies we before spake of, he sent them to Malta, as he had in charge, with four hundred Souldiers, among whom were divers Knights of the Order, and certain skilful Canoniers; willing them to shun the West part of the Island, whereas they must needs come into the Enemies sight, and to pass by the East end thereof, which was further about, but safer; and turning Southward, to land in the Port Mi∣liare, and from thence by the low places of the Island to convey the Souldiers by night to the City Melita, which was but four miles off; from whence they might easily pass to the Castle of Saint Michael. This order taken, he went to Messana, and there declared to the Viceroy the danger of the War, with the small number of the Defendants, requesting of him a thousand Footmen, which with those already sent, he thought would suffice to hold out the Siege un∣til he with his whole Fleet might come to relieve them. But whilst these things were slowly pro∣vided (which with much difficulties and delay could hardly be brought to pass, the Christian Princes as it were sleeping in so great a danger) the Turks upon the suddain the third of Iune assaulted the Castle of Saint Elmo,* 15.20 in hope with short scaling Ladders to get over that part of the Rampiers which was nearest unto the Bul∣wark of the Castle. But the Defendants, in the Ditch which before had no Flanker to scour the same, had of Earth and Faggots made a large strong Flanker, from whence the Castle also helping them, they valiantly resisted the Enemy, and filled the Ditches with the dead Bodies of the Turks. Who for all that, trusting to their multitude (wherewit•• rather than with true Va∣lour, they obtain so many Victories) thrust still on until they had by obstinate force (although long first) gained the Flanker; whereby they commanded all that part of the Ditch towards the Port Marzamoxet. In which place they with wonderful celerity so fortified themselves, that they could not be hurt by the Defendants; where∣in they were much holpen by their own great Ordnance planted on the other side the Haven Marza; for with it they drave the Defendants from the place, beat down the corner of the Ram∣pier, and battered the Front of the Bulwark,

whose hight and greatness troubled the Enemy, but was not so commodious for the Defendants, for that it was made without any Flankers. But night coming on, five thousand of the nine thousand Turks which gave the Assault, tarried there; wherefore the Christians constrained to forsake the place, retired themselves into the Castle. The Turks in the mean time covered with the darkness of the night,* 15.21 with sacks filled with Tow and Earth, filled up the Ditch which was under the Bulwark, but neither of any great wideness or depth; which done, they gave a fresh Assault, wherein above eight hundred of them were slain, part Janizaries, and part Spahi, and besides them many wounded, of whom the most part remained half dead in the Ditch, where they perished, and could not be relieved. Of the Christians was lost five and forty, amongst whom were five Knights of the Order, Guardampes an Avergnois, Masius a Colonel of Narbona, Contilia a Spaniard, Somaia a Florentine, and Neinec a German. The same night the Great Master thinking,* 15.22 as reason was, that they in the Castle of Saint Elmo might want help, sent two hundred of his Knights and as many other Souldiers into the Castle; who if they had been more, together with the four hun∣dred which were before in the Castle, might hap∣pily have driven the Turks both from the Ram∣piers and the Flanker, and also kept the place longer. But forasmuch as the Great Master wanted Souldiers, and had therefore sent Salvagus into Sicily, for new Supplies (as we have before said) he in the mean time couragiously expected their coming, refusing no labour or pain; yet bewai∣ling sometime with himself the unfortunateness of the Christian Princes, by whose negligence so fit an occasion for the overthrow of the barbarous ••nemy was let slip; But above all things, he marvelled exceedingly that no help yet came; especially those two Gallies,* 15.23 which (as we have said) were in all haste sent by Salvagus; but they by the Masters default kept not the appointed Course; for first whereas they should have shun∣ned the West part of the Isle, and have turned towards the East, they shaped their Course West∣ward to the Island of Gaulos, the Master vainly affirming, that he saw certain of the Turks Galliots lying before Port Mileria; which was afterwards well known not to have been so; for the truth was, that he for fear (whereby notable designs are many times frustrated) durst not go forward. Whereby it came to pass, that the Great Master was disappointed of so necessary a Supply; which thing much grieved both the Viceroy and others, but especially Salvagus. For he saw it would come to pass, that if the Turks should take the Castle of Saint Elmo (the most assured Bulwark and defence of the Island of Malta) the other places must of necessity be brought into extream danger, all the way to relieve them being there∣by shut up. And that it might be taken, seem∣ed not to him impossible, the Enemy having already taken one Fort, and laying hard Siege almost on every side of that little Pile. The due consideration of these and such like things grieved the minds of skilful Men, especially see∣ing such slack preparation in a case requiring such present relief. Yet in the mean time Soul∣diers were taken up at Rome by the command∣ment of Pius Quartus then Bishop, to be sent to Malta; and by his example to stir up other Princes to send Aid unto this sacred War, he gave an hundred pound of Gold to Cambianus Legat for the Order, and commanded Gunpow∣der and other necessaries for that War to be taken out of his Castle Saint Angelo, that so he might seem to be wanting in nothing that was in him to perform. Over these Souldiers, in number six hundred, he appointed Pompeius C••∣lumna General, and commanded Camillus Medices his Legate to accompany him. With these went many voluntary Men, of purpose to lay down their lives for the eternising of their Names in so religious a War, and that with such an ardent desire, as that every little delay seemed unto them a year. Wherefore coming to Naples, they there found Iohn Andreas Auria with ele∣ven Ships, the Prince of Populonia with nine, Lanicius with three, and three others set forth by other private Gentlemen. In these Ships were embarqued all those Footmen which came from Rome, and so transported to Messana, where the Kings Fleet was providing. But whilst the Christians make slow preparation, considering the greatness of the danger, the Turks not ig∣norant thereof, resolved to prove the uttermost before the strength of the Christians were ready or drawn together. For the Castle of Saint Elmo once taken, they assured themselves with more ease to carry the rest; for that thereby they should first have the Haven Marzamoxet in their power, where their Fleet might in safety ride so long as they pleased; and the rising ridge betwixt the two Havens was com∣modious for them both to batter the Town of Saint Michael, and to keep the Haven Major, so that none could without their leave pass in or out thereat. Wherefore upon these and other such like considerations they began again to bat∣ter the Castle of Saint Elmo,* 15.24 as it had been with Thunder; which furious Battery they continued by the space of four days together without in∣termission. The night following they suddainly with great force gave an Assault, and with their scaling Ladders had almost gained the top of the Wall; when the Christians desirous of no∣thing more than to come to handy Blows,* 15.25 drave them down again with such a violence, that never after they durst set Ladder to the Wall, until the very last conflict. Whilst things were thus hot at the Castle of Saint Elmo, Dragut his Souldiers upon a bravery, as if they had been the only Men, went to a place called Martia Scala, which is between the Gallows and Saint Thomas's Rode, as if they would have done more than the rest; which the Christians be∣holding out of the Town of Saint Angelo, to repress their insolency, sallied forth upon them, and so welcomed them, that they were glad after they had received a great loss, forth∣with to retire to the place from whence they came. Of the Christians were slain Bonnemius a Frenchman, one of the Knights, and seven others.

The same time Monferratus was by the Great Master sent into the Castle of Saint Elmo, to command there as Governor instead of Brolia; for that he with watching and pains taken in defence thereof, was fallen sick. The same Bro∣lia had many times before written to the Great Master, That the Castle was so well fortified and furnished of all things needful, as that he thought it impossible to be won by the Enemy; and had with chearful Speech and brave Behavior, so encouraged the Knights, and other the De∣fendants, that they fought against their Enemies with more than Mens Strength, and greater Courage than is to be believed. Neither were the Turks for that discouraged, although they were with great loss still repulsed; but for cer∣tain days battered the Castle with greater fury than before, and immediately gave an Assault; for they had made a Bridge over the Ditch, of Masts and Sail Yards, of such a breadth,

that ten Men might go thereon in rank; and had placed about the Ditch four thousand Har∣quebusiers,* 15.26 and brought all their Fleet unto Saint George's Shore, not far from the Castle. And when they had by the space of eighteen days sore shaken it, and torn the Walls with thirteen thousand great Shot, and were now in hope even present∣ly to win the Castle; see, Beragamus a Biscain, one of the Knights, and Medranus a Spanish Cap∣tain, with certain other valiant Men, ran to the Bridge, and to the great admiration of the Be∣holders, opposed themselves against the multitude of the Miscreants. The Fight hand to hand was on both sides both fierce and terrible;* 15.27 and now one of the Turks had advanced a Turkish Ensign upon the Bulwark, which whilst Medranus layeth hand upon, and the Turk one the other side strugleth to clear himself from him, in stri∣ving together, they fell down both dead▪ shot thorow with one Bullet by one of the Turks. At which time the four hundred which we said were but a little before sent thither by the Grand Master, stood in good stead; for seeing all brought to so great a danger, some of them (whilst other∣some fought with the Enemy) thrust Barrels of Gunpowder under the Bridge, some cast down Wild-Fire, Stones, and whatsoever else came to hand, upon the Enemy, and others farther off with their Harquebusies sore gauled the Turks; so in short time the Bridge was burnt and blown up,* 15.28 which in the fall thereof, overwhelmed eight hundred Turks; the rest (as they might) retired, few whole, but most part wounded. In this conflict the Christians pluckt down two En∣signs; the one Mustaphaes, the other Draguts; which the Turks had set up upon the very Bat∣tlements of the Walls. On the other part to∣ward the Southwest, a Band of the Turks had got to the top of the highest Rampier; which as soon as they in the Castle of Saint Angelo perceived, thinking to have beaten them off with a great shot, slew by mischance seven of the Defendants upon the same Rampier, as they were going too and fro; but to recompence that error, at the next shot they rent in sun∣der four of the Turks Captains, with twelve other of their most forward Souldiers. Whilst they were here fighting, other Turks in the mean time had cast up a Trench on that side of the Castle toward Saint Angelo; out of which they were quickly driven with Fire, Stones, and other such like things thrown down upon them by the Defendants.* 15.29 The Turks valiantly on every side repulsed, retired into the Camp, when they had in this Assault lost two thousand of their best Souldiers, and of the Christians slain almost an hundred, and wounded as many more. The same day Valetta the Grand Master perceiving the Port Marzamoxet not to be very straitly kept by the Turks, commanded a light Brigandine to be carried out of the Haven, over land, to the place Martia Scala, that from thence he might send into Sicilia; for he (as reason was) considering in what danger the Castle Saint Elmo stood, by Letters certified the Vice∣roy and the Bishop of Rome thereof, and of such things as were there done; requesting them of speedy relief. The copy of the Letters sent to the Viceroy, I have here set down; as for those which were sent to the great Bishop, because they were almost of the same purport, I have pur∣posely omitted.

To Garzias of Toledo, Viceroy of Sicilia, and Admiral of the Fleet, Greeting.

SInce the time that I sent Salvagus,* 16.1 I have sent unto you two Letters, which I caused to be sent by Melita into Gaulos; which I pray God be come to your hands. After that, when as neither Messen∣gers nor Letters came unto us from you, I command∣ed a man with Instructions to haste to Messana, who when he had certain nights attempted to go out, and was at last got out▪ he was scarcely gone two miles, but he saw the Turks with might and main making after him; whom to escape, he was glad to run his Pinace on ground; And casting his Letters into the Sea, to forsake his Boat, and by flight to save himself. Now the Turks having removed their Fleet out of the Port Vulturnus, I considering how much it concerneth to certifie you of those things which are here done, commanded a Brigandine to be carried to Martia Scala; for seeing that the Turks Fleet is gon to another part of the Island, I hope my Letters will without let in short time come unto you. And the things I would have you to know, are these: The fifteenth of this month, all the Enemies Fleet (a little before night) passed by this Port; the coming on of the night letted, that we could not well perceive the weakness thereof, whilst the Gal∣lies almost unarmed, were with much difficulty towed forth; want of Water, caused them chiefly to depart out of the Port Vulturnus, and peradventure fear of your Fleet. For, as I have heard, they have in∣telligence, that an hundred and fifty Sail lie at road in the Port of Messana; for which cause also, they have not put themselves into the Port of Saint Paul, but have placed their Fleet above the Port Marza∣moxet; yet a good part of their Gallies lie at the Port Saint George, so to be nearer unto their Land Forces; yet is not the nearness such, but that if your Fleet come upon the suddai••, they will with the same fear retire to their Fleet, that they would if they were farther off. No man is now to be seen at Vulturnus, for they have left their first Camp at Saint Katharines and Saint Johns, having burnt all the Country Villages, and now lie with their Fleet as I have said; and with their Army at the Castle Saint Elmo, which God hath as yet kept, and as I hope will; which thing is even for this to be hoped for, which was but yesterday done; when as our most valiant Souldiers (by the help of God) for the space of four hours couragiously endured a most terrible Assault. The Turks having also made a Bridge Westward toward the Port Marzamoxet, we have four times repulsed them to their great loss; yet not without some loss also on our part, amongst whom Medranus, a worthy Captain was to my great grief slain. With this Victory our Men are so en∣couraged, that I am in hope the Castle may be de∣fended until your coming, especially the Enemies bat∣tery not so furiously now as before maintained. If I were relieved with certain Companies of fresh Soul∣diers, or at least with those our two Gallies, I would never think that this Castle could be taken from us; In defence whereof, whilst we every hour lo•••• for help, we have spent both our Men, and what∣soever Warlike Provision we had else. We are re∣solved although it cost us all our lives, to go thither, relying upon you; who, as we hope for your Devotion and noble Courage, will not be unmindful of our Health and Welfare; but knowing the danger where∣into we must needs fall, if you shall defer to aid us, will send us out of hand certain Bands of Men, especially when they may so easily be sent; for now that the Turks are departed from the East part of the Island, our Souldiers may be landed at the Black

Rocks. Our lives lie in your hands, on whom (next unto God) resteth all our hope; Wherefore we most instantly request you not to forsake us; committing our selves, and all that ours is, to your Compassion and Protection. Fare you well from Malta the se∣venteenth of June.

These Letters received and the distress of the besieged Castle perceived, the Viceroy was (as of right he ought) greatly moved, and made sem∣blance as if he had been desirous to have brought forth his whole Fleet against the Turks. But for∣asmuch as the Supply of Ships from Genoa and Spain was not yet come, and that without them he thought it not good to adventure the Fortune of a Battel; he forthwith sent Iohn Cardona with four Gallies,* 16.2 whereof two were of Malta; and with Cardona joyned one Robles Camp-Master, with a select Company of Spaniards; with whom went also about eighty Knights of Malta, who stayed at Messana, awaiting some fit occasion to pass over; amongst whom were these chief Men of the Order, Parisot the Great Masters Nephew, Vincentius Caraffa, Boninscana and Maldonatus, both Spaniards, Centius of Aquitania, and some others; Who although letted by Tempest and other oc∣casions, they came too late to Malta, as shall be hereafter declared, yet served they in great stead; and had they come in time, before the Castle Saint Elmo was lost, happily it might have been still kept.

The Turks making no more account of so great a slaughter of their Men, than of so ma∣ny Sheep, desperately renewed the Fight, as Men resolved to endure all extremities. And first they most horribly thundred day and night with their great Ordnance upon the Castle; afterwards they assaulted the Breaches with such a multitude and force, that if true Valour and hope of Im∣mortality had not excluded all fear out of the hearts of the Defendants,* 16.3 the terror of the As∣sault had inforced them either to have fled or yielded. Dreadful was the Fight, and had they not been obstinately set down on both sides, the one to win the Castle, the other to defend it, that day had ended the quarrel. Five hours endured that most terrible Assault, at length the Turks repulsed by the Valour of the Christians, retired; yet did they not for all that pass the night fol∣lowing in quiet, but with their great Ordnance did so beat the Defendants, that they had much ado to keep the Turks from scaling the Walls; which that they should not then dare to attempt, was with exceeding endeavour provided for by the Christians; of whom in this Assault was lost two hundred, and of the Turks an infinite number. And Dragut himself, whilst he there performed the duty both of a General, and most valiant Souldier,* 16.4 got a blow on the Head with a Stone, whereof in two days he died; his dead Body was afterwards carried to Tripolis, and there ho∣nourably buried.

The Commanders of the Turks Army, still more and more enraged with this Valor of the Christians, and the slaughter of their Men, ga∣thering all their Fleet together, commanded them to compass about the Castle, of purpose to give thereunto their last Assault, with all their Forces both by Sea and Land; and to send new Supplies of fresh Souldiers one after another, until they had taken the Castle. And therefore they with great industry prepared Bridges, Ladders, Engins, Armor, Weapons, Shot, and whatsoever things else was needful for the Assault. Which Valetta perceiving out of his Castle Saint Angelo, and fear∣ing (as meet was) lest they in the Castle should not be able longer to endure so great a fury, called together in Counsel his Knights, two days before the Turks gave their last Assault; and told them, That they all as well as he, saw in what danger they which defended the Castle Saint Elmo were; and that he doubted not, but that every one of them (upon a Godly Zeal and Compassion) was no less moved with the slaughter and danger of their Fellows and other their Christian Souldiers, than with their own; wherefore he requested them, to declare what they thought best to be done for their safety; yet so, as that they should not hasti∣ly determine any thing, that agreed not with the ancient Valour and Honour of their sacred Mili∣tary Profession. Which motion once made, and their opinions in brief delivered, a Decree was made, That forasmuch as the Castle could not longer be holden, regard should be had for the safeguard of them that were therein; for which purpose it was agreed, that twelve Pinnaces should be sent to fetch them away. But before, three Knights were chosen who should in haste the night following go thither, and tell them what was in the Counsel agreed upon, and carefully to consi∣der in what state the Castle was, which if the Defendants thought was to be abandoned, they should poison the Water, and cloy the great Ord∣nance, that it might not afterwards stand the Turks in stead. The three Knights sent thither,* 16.5 was Medina a Spaniard, Rocca a Frenchman, and Constantinus Castriot an Italian; who not without danger of their Lives (being oftentimes shot at by the Turks) got into the Castle, and declared unto them that were there in Garrison, how care∣ful the Great Master and the rest were of them. And they on their side, first of all gave thanks to the Grand Master and the rest, for the regard they had of them; and afterward concerning the Castle, said▪ That if they considered the straitness of the place, the small number of the Defen∣dants, and multitude of the Enemy, they should well perceive in what danger they were, if the Turks should often with such obstinacy renew the Assault; yet forasmuch as they had ever hitherto felt the help of God so present, who had still mercifully defended them against the rage of the Enemy, and wanted nothing needful for the de∣fence of the place; the keeping whereof they had requested of the Grand Master as an honour, although they knew right well it could not with∣out most manifest danger of their Lives be holden; yet they would for all that keep it to the last Man; for that perhaps the like honourable occasion for them to shew themselves in, should never again be offered; wherefore they had (as they said) resolved in that place to spend their lives for the Glory of God and the Christian Religion.* 16.6 The Course of this Life (they said) was but short, but that Honour and Fame was for ever; and whereas death is to all Men prefixed, it were to be wished, that the Life which is to Nature due, should rather seem to be by us frankly given to God and our Country, than reserved as Natures Debt; which if it should so happen, they would so use the matter, as that the barbarous Enemy should have neither pleasure nor joy, which should not cost him much Blood even of his best Soul∣diers. This they willed the Knights to tell the Great Master, and to request him not to be too careful of them, but to promise to himself those things of them which best beseemed resolute Men, especially of them who had vowed them∣selves to that sacred War. This answer of greater resoultion than fortune, received; the three Knights, when they had diligently viewed the Castle, returned to the Grand Master; who cal∣ling to Counsel his Knights, and having heard the answer of the besieged, would needs hear also

what opinion the three Knights themselves were of concerning the keeping of the Castle;* 16.7 of whom Castriot was of opinion, That the place was still to be defended, and that if he were there to com∣mand, he would undertake to perform it; and there rather to lose his Life than to forsake it, after he had once taken upon him the charge thereof. But Rocca the French Knight was far of another mind, and said plainly, that the place could not possibly be holden against so strong an Enemy; and that if Iulius Caesar himself were alive, and saw to what strait the place was brought (espe∣cially all the Rampiers being either beat down or sore shaken, and such a power of obstinate E∣nemies lying round about it) he would never suffer so many valiant Souldiers to be lost, but quit the place, and reserve his Men to a further service; for why, it was the part of valiant Men to perform so much as was of Men to be perfor∣med; but to strive to do more, was no Manhood at all; wherefore he thought it best to do that which Men use with Members mortified, whose recovery is desperate; in which case we doubt not to make a separation, so to save the rest of the Body with Life. The Spanish Knight in most part agreeing with Castriot, said, That he thought it not good, that the place should so easily be for∣saken; first, for that the Ditches and Bulwarks were yet defensible; and then because he saw so great a consent among the Defendants, and such a chearfulness to withstand the Enemy, which thing (as he said) presaged Victory.

These opinions of the Knights thorowly in Counsel debated, and every particular well weigh∣ed, it seemed good to the greater part, that they which were in the Castle should for certain days yet hold it out; especially because it was not the manner of the Knights of the Order easily to abandon their strong Holds, but rather to keep them to the last, that even therein the barbarous Enemy might perceive with whom he had to do, and so see his Pride abated. For if they should have forsaken the place, they might have been thought to have done it for fear; whereby the Enemies insolency might have been increased, and the honourable Order of those sacred Knights disgraced.

But the Turks intentive to that they had before determined, the three and twentieth day of Iune assembling all their Forces both by Sea and Land round about the Castle, in the dead time of the night on every side set up scaling Ladders, made Bridges, wrought Mines, and with two and thirty great Pieces of Artillery battered the rest of the Walls yet standing,* 16.8 and presently gave a most terrible Assault. The Defendants on the other side beat down some, repulsed other, slew many, ever more careful how to wound the Enemy, than to save themselves; and where he pressed fastest on, there to shew their greatest Valour. Great were the Outcries made on both sides, mixt with Exhor∣tation, Mirth and Mourning; the face of the whole Fight was divers, uncertain, cruel, and dreadful; and now it was the third hour of the day, when still the Victory stood doubtful; and had not the fury of the great Ordnance been so terrible, that it now had beaten down all the Walls unto the very Rock whereon the Castle stood, the Defendants might for some longer time have endured the Enemies Force. But the very Rock bared both of Walls and Defendants, and more than four hundred slain, a Man could now scarcely shew himself, but he was presently struck in Pieces. Monserratus Governor of the Castle, and Garas of Euboea, Men of equal Valour, Inte∣grity, and Honour, were both slain with one shot; for a short and transitory Life made Partakers of Immortality together. Yet the rest which stood in defence of the Castle, nothing terrified with so great a loss and slaughter of their Fellows, but augmented rather as it were with new Cou∣rage from above, fought with greater Force than before, overthrew the Turks Ensigns now set up in the Castle, slew the Ensign-bearers, Captains, and Colonels; now respecting nothing more, but honourably to lay down their Lives for their Re∣ligion and the obtaining of immortal Fame. By this time the Sun was mounted to the middle of Heaven, great was the Heat, and Men exceeding weary; the murdring shot never ceased, and such was the multitude of the Enemy, that he sent in fresh Men instead of them that were wearied or wounded. On the other side, the small number of the Christians, and those weakned with La∣bour, Watching, Thirst and Wounds, did what Men might; yet at length were overcome by a greater Force,* 16.9 and so the Castle by the Turks won, but with such slaughter of their Men, that it was a wonder that so many should be slain of so few. The Defendants were all slain, every Man in valiant Fight.

Here may I not in silence pass over the inhu∣man and more than barbarous Cruelty of the Turks against the dead Bodies of the slain Knights,* 16.10 that thereby may appear, that Cruelty never wanteth whereon to shew it self merciless, yea even after death. The Turks after they had taken the Castle, finding certain of the Knights yet breathing, and but half dead, first cut their Hearts out of their Breasts, and then their Heads from their Bodies; after that, they hanged them up by the Heels in their red Clokes with white Crosses, (which manner of Attire they after an ancient Custom use in time of War, as they do black in time of Peace) in sight of the Castles, Saint Angelo and Saint Michael. And yet Mastapha the Turks General not so contented, commanded them afterwards to be fast bound together, and so cast into the Sea, whose dead Bodies were in few days after by the Surge of the Sea cast up into the Haven Major, and known by their Friends, were by the commandment of the sorrowful Great Master honourably buried. With which the E∣nemies most barbarous Cruelty he was so moved, that he commanded that no Turk should from that time be taken prisoner, but to be presently slain. And thereupon all that were before taken, were forthwith put to the Sword, and their Heads cast over the Walls on that side towards the Ene∣my. From the beginning of the Siege to the taking of the Castle, of the Christians were slain a thousand three hundred▪ amongst whom were an hundred and thirty of the sacred Knights of the Order all worthy to be registred in the Book of everlasting Fame.

The Castle of Saint Elmo thus lost,* 16.11 Valetta al∣though his mind (as he had good cause) was in∣wardly attainted with exceeding grief, yet made semblance otherwise, because he would not daunt the minds of his Souldiers; telling them, that nothing was hapned unprovided for or unfore∣seen. This was (as he said) the Will of God, and the chance of War, that sometimes one, sometimes another should be overcome; and that cowardise, not such Valour as was in them that were gon, gave oc∣casion to living▪ Friends to lament; yet that the Ene∣my was not for that to be feared, who had also re∣ceived such a loss, as he might thereby rather seem con∣quered, than a victorious Conqueror; whereas the loss of his Knights was recompenced with Honour and Immor∣tality, things of themselves sufficient to inflame all noble minds to behave themselves valiantly. As for himself (he said) that trusting not in his own strength, but in the help of Almighty God, he had not yet cast off the hope of

Victory over the relicks of the discomfited Enemy; and that he well hoped, they were all of the same mind, wherein he most earnestly requested them to persist unto the end. When he had thus said, he being a Man armed against all Fortunes, with∣drew himself a little aside; where casting many things in his troubled mind, he determined to send Letters to Petrus Mesquita, Governour of the City of Melita, to certifie him and the Knights of the Order that were at Messana, and the Viceroy, of the loss of St. Elmo; the Copy whereof, because that in them evidently appear∣eth the Christian mind of him the Great Ma∣ster, I have thought good here to set down as followeth:

* 17.1Whilst these Knights are setting forward, in the mean time chanced the miserable misfortune of the Castle Saint Elmo; which although it brought unto us that grief you may easily imagine, we for all that, as if it had happened by some secret appointment of God, have taken it in that part, that he as a most merciful Father purposeth thereby to warn us, but not utterly to destroy us. Neither do I think it lawful to doubt of his mercy and power. Yet for all that, I may nevertheless complain, that we are of them for∣saken of whom it least beseemed. So that in the space of seven and thirty days, wherein our most va∣liant Souldiers endured all the force of the Enemy (which truly was done rather by the power of God than of Man) we were holpen of our own (which owe so much unto us) not so much as with the least help, which they might oftentimes have sent us. But I list to ascribe it, whatsoever it is, to God, of whom alone as we have hitherto received so many good things, so rest we in hope hereafter to receive also. For, for any thing that I can see, we must not now trust to Mans help; forasmuch as we could by no Letters, no Diligence, no Prayers, no Admonitions, and to be brief, by no Commands move them, who of all others ought most to have obeyed it. The shortness of the time suffereth us not to write to the Viceory of these things, it shall be your part to certifie both him and other our Friends thereof; who if they had obeyed our command, or aided us with never so little a sup∣ply of Souldiers, happily we had not lost the Castle St. Elmo; in defence whereof we have spent the best part of our Souldiers. Wherefore except the Viceroy make hast to deliver us from this Siege, I fear that he cannot in time come; but especially if we be here besieged before the coming of those our small helps which we as in a Dream have promised unto our selves, and which we now scarce hope will be in time present. For all that, we do not distrust of God his love and providence; by whose divine inspiration the rare cou∣rage of the Viceroy being in short time stirred up, will hasten hither to relieve us. For all our welfare consisteth in celerity. Our Enemies having drawn all their Fleet into the Haven Marza Moxet, are busied in cleansing the Castle, and repairing the Breaches, that they may afterward the better use them against us. Wherefore upon the sight of these our Letters, send unto us the Captains Catherin, Belcacar, Bel∣mest, and Zoricius, with their Companies, that we may use their faithful and valiant service, God of his mercy send us aid from some place, and keep you. Fare you well, from our Castle St. Angelo, the twenty fourth of June, 1565.

Mesquita having received these Letters, com∣manded a Galliot forthwith to be launched, and therein embarked Masius Cedonellus, one of the Knights; to whom he delivered both the Let∣ters of the Grand Master to him, and others of his own, almost of the same purport, directed to the Knights of the Order which lay at Messana, requesting him with all speed possible to pass over with them into Sicilia.

In the mean time Mustapha the Turks Gene∣ral sent a Messenger to Valetta,* 17.2 and with him an old Spanish Captive, with promise of liberty if he would go with his Messenger to the Town, to talk with Valetta concerning the yielding up thereof, and to try if he would by any means, come to agreement; who coming to the Town, the Turk still waiting at the Gate, the Chri∣stian was let in, and brought to the Great Ma∣ster, to whom he declared what he had in charge from the Bassa.* 17.3 But as soon as Valetta heard of the name of composition and yielding, he was so filled with indignation, that had he not been a Christian, he would presently have commanded him to have been hanged. Wherefore he gave him choice either to tarry still in the Town, if he thought so good, or else forthwith to return and tell his Companion, that if he got him not Packing quickly, he would send him farther off with a great shot. With this short answer the Turk suddainly returned into the Camp. Where∣upon Mustapha fell into such a rage, that he openly protested, never from that time to forbear any kind of cruelty against the Christians.* 17.4 There was then with Mustapha one Philip, of the most noble Grecian Family of Lascaris, who of a Boy taken Prisoner by the Christians in Patras, a City of Achaia, and by them honestly and cour∣teously used, was therefore ever after well affected toward the Christians; he privy to many of Mustapha's designs, by a certain divine motion thought he should not a little profit the Christi∣ans by revolting unto them; wherefore he re∣solved to flie unto the Castle of Saint Michael. Which thing when he had oftentimes attempted, at length the first of Iuly he cast himself into the Sea (for by Land he could no way escape) and swum to the Castle, not without danger of his life; for discovered by the Turks, he was many times shot at both with their Arrows and small Shot. He, brought to the Great Master, revealed unto him many of the Enemies Secrets, and also advised him what was best to be done at the point of Saint Michaels, to frustrate the Enemies purpose for the assailing of that place; with many other things, which were unto the Defendants no small hlep; and afterwards as often as need was, during the Siege, fought vali∣antly against the Turks.

Whilst these things were in doing, Codonellus sent as we have before said into Sicilia, came in safety to Messana where he found the Christi∣an Fleet not yet ready to relieve the distressed Maltaeses; for the Spanish Ships were not yet come, and Iohn Andreas Auria with eight and twenty Ships was ready to return to take in four thousand Footmen, taken up in Etruria by Capi∣nus Vitellius.* 17.5 Which backwardness the Knights of the Order considering, and what danger was in delay, after they had well debated the mat∣ter amongst themselves, they resolved by the power of God by all means possible to help their Brethren. And for this expedition chose two most fit Generals of their own Fellows (the Com∣manders of Messana and Baroli) who forthwith went to Garzias the Viceroy, declaring to him what things the sacred Knights of their Order had done, not for the King of Spain only, but for the Christian Common-weal, and also what great charge they had been at the year before in the Pinionian expedition, wherein they had neither spared Ships, Victual, nor Munition, nei∣ther their own Lives, to profit the King and the Christian Common-weal. Besides this, they be∣sought him well to consider, that the loss of Malta concerned not the sacred Knights only, but all Italy, and especially Sicilia, for the nearness of

so troublesome and puissant an Enemy. For these and other like reasons, which the shortness of the time suffered them not to rehearse, they requested of him four thousand Footmen, with whom all the Knights of the Order which were there, and many other noble and voluntary Men would make all possible speed to relieve the besieged, which they had before in vain attempted; with which strength they were in good hope, if not to repulse the Enemy, or to recover that was already lost, yet at least to stop and stay his farther proceeding, untill such time as he having rigged up and brought forth all his Fleet, might set upon the Turks, and (as was to be hoped) vanquish and disperse them. But whilst the Vice∣roy having heard their request, considereth what answer to make, a Messenger came unto him from Spain, but with what command from the King (although Me•• guessed diversly) could not be known. But upon his coming, the Viceroy gave the Knights this cold answer, That he could not grant what they requested,* 17.6 for that in so doing he should disfurnish his Fleet, and not be able af∣terwards to relieve them as he desired; but if it pleased them to transport the Knights with part of the Bishops Souldiers into the Island, they might so do with their own two Gallies they had already, whereunto he would also joyn another of his own. The Knights when they could obtain no more, accepted of that which was offered.

Whilst these Gallies were letting forward, those four Gallies whereof we have before spoken, wherein were embarked eighty Knights and six hundred other Souldiers, having at Sea suffered many troubles by the space of twenty days, could not as yet arrive at Malta; and because the Vice∣roy had commanded that they should not land, except they first knew whether the Castle Saint Elmo were still holden by the Christians, they sent out a Frigot to land, promising that day and the next to tarry in the Sea for her return. In the mean time a great Tempest suddainly arising, it so fell out, that the Frigot could not at the ap∣pointed time return; wherefore the Gallies which expected her coming, fearing lest she had been either by Tempest lost, or by the Enemy inter∣cepted, retired unto Pozalo a Port upon the Coast of Sicilia, nearest to Malta, there to expect some good News; where as soon as they had put in, they understood that Saint Elmo was yet defended; whereupon they put to Sea again, with purpose to have arrived at Malta. But when they were within two Leagues of the place where they thought to have landed, they saw a Fire there which caused them to mistrust that the place was possessed of the Enemy, and that he lay there∣about to intercept them; wherefore they returned again to Pozalo; where now understanding of the French Knight come from Malta, that that Fire was by his commandment, as a sign that they might without fear come forward; they with all speed made again for the same place, and at length the nine and twentieth day of Iune about midnight landed at the Black Rocks on the South side of the Island toward Africk, and unseen of any, got in haste to the City Malta, where they were joyfully received, and there staid to expect what the Great Master should command. In the mean time it fortuned, a great foggy Mist (which sel∣dom times there chanceth) to arise so thick, that a Man could hardly see for it; at which time a Boy of twelve years old looking by chance out of a Window in the Castle of Melita, suddainly as one afraid cried out, that he saw a Turk going from the City to the Castle of Saint Michael. Which thing some of the Knights hearing, ran presently out that way, and found a Greek of the City Melita, who brought back and examined (for that without the Governors pass it was not lawful for any Man to go out of the City) con¦fessed, That his purpose was to have advertised the Turks of the coming of those Souldiers, that so they might have intercepted them as they should have come from Melita to the Grand Master;* 17.7 for which Treason he was as he had well deserved cut in four pieces. Three days after, this new Supply come from Sicilia,* 17.8 in the first Watch of the night came all in safety from Melita to the Grand Master, except two or three Boys, who overcharged with Armor and other Baggage, were not able to keep way with the rest. It is not to be told, how much the besieged rejoyced at the coming of these their Friends; and espe∣cially Valetta, who seeing the Flower of his Knights and other Souldiers, as it were by Divine Providence come unto him; with tears trickling down his Cheeks, and his Eyes cast up to Hea∣ven, said:

I thank thee, O Heavenly Father,* 17.9 which hearest my Prayers, and forsakest not this thy little Flock, beset round with ravening Wolves: these are the Works of thine everlasting Goodness, Mercy and Pro∣vidence.

These new come Souldiers requested of the Great Master, as a Reward of their Pains, That they might be put in Garrison into the Town Saint Michael, a place now most laid unto by the Turks; which thing he (commending their forward∣ness) easily granted; yet for all that removed not the old Garrison. These fresh and couragious Souldiers desirous of nothing more than to fight with the Enemy, the next day sallied out, and having slain two hundred of the Turks, and wound∣ed as many more, without loss of a Man returned, every Mans Sword imbrued in the Blood of his E∣nemy. Which thing Mustapha the Turks General hearing, knew it was they which lately came into the Town; and thereupon fell in rage with his Captains, as that they had by their negligence en∣tred. But the suspicion grew most upon them which were appointed for the keeping of the ut∣termost part of the Island; which was the more increased, for that three Galliots of Algiers had withdrawn themselves away; so that he neither trusted them nor the Renegate Christians, who as occasion served fled dayly from him. For which cause he gave out Proclamation, That none of them should lie by night out of the Gallies, and that such as did otherwise, should therefore be burnt, or impaled upon sharp Stakes; and chang∣ing his Warders, appointed Salec with his Galliots, whom he thought to be more faithful, for the keep∣ing of the Island. And that neither they nor the Christians, should be able to attempt any thing, he chained together divers Gallies in the Entrance of the Haven Marzamoxet, and caused the rest of the Fleet to ride nearer together than before. But because exceeding many were at that time sick in the Turks Camp, of the Flux and other Diseases; three places were assigned for them; one for the wounded Men near unto Aqua Martia, guarded with two thousand Turks; another in the Poops of their Ships and Gallies for the Turks Voluntiers; and the third amongst the Bulwarks, where the inforced Christians were cured. At the same time,* 17.10Mustapha appointed Ochial Bassa Governor of Tripolis, instead of Dragut before slain; who going thither with five Gallies, and having set all things in order there, returned again unto the Camp. With him the Bassa had sent two Ships loaded with Corn to Tripolis, there to make Bread, whereof they began to feel some want in the Camp. He also sent Zaloch one of his Colonels to Solyman, to certifie him of

the winning of the Castle St. Elmo, and to deliver unto him the description of the Island of Malta as they found it at their arrival; and further to declare unto him, That he found the Maltaeses stronger and better provided, than was at his setting forth supposed; wherefore if it were his pleasure longer to continue the Siege, he should send a new supply of Men, Victual, and other Warlike Provision; which if he did, he would then be in hope to take the other strong places of the Island also, though not so soon as was at first supposed, and that in the mean time whilst he expected Answer, he would not fail to do what he possibly might. And because he would not seem to have written an untruth, he began his battery in fourteen places with 70 great pieces of Artillery,* 17.11 amongst which was three most huge Basilisks; for from the Gallows Pro∣montory to Aqua Martia, and from thence to the Castle of St. Elmo, wherein he had placed 300 Janizaries, the Turks had inclosed all that compass with sundry Bulwarks, Trenches, and Mounts, from whence they with their thunder∣ing Shot day and night incessantly battered the Towns and Castles of St. Michael and St. Angelo, overthrew the Walls, beat down the Bulwarks, and brake down the houses in such terrible man∣ner, that scarce any could be safe therein; which of all others most troubled the fearful Wo∣men and Children. But the Turks in their Trenches rested in far more safety; yet so, as they durst not stray far out of the Camp, but trusting upon their multitude, and that not many times without their loss, being cut off by the Horse∣men of the Garrison of Malta, who were ever ready at their heels.

When the loss of the Castle St. Elmo was known at Rome, the City was filled with mourn∣ing and heaviness; some were sorry for the dishonour, othersome feared lest the Calamities of the Maltaeses should redound unto themselves. There was also amongst others, a certain envious and foul-mouth'd kind of men, altogether igno∣rant and unacquainted with Martial Affairs, who shamed not to lay the blame of the loss of St. Elmo upon the Grand Master; whom both his own Valour, with the worthy Testi∣mony of so many famous and valiant men as were there present with him▪ as also this History gathered out of the true light of things then done, shall both for the time present and for all Posterity sufficiently acquit of so false a slander. But he will easily blemish another mans name, that spareth not his own; neither can Ignor••nce rightly judge of the counsels of the Skilful; or Cowardise, of valiant deeds.

But to return again to our purpose; we said before,* 17.12 that three Gallies were made ready at Messana; in setting forth whereof, they which had the Charge used such diligence, that the seventh of Iuly they departed out of Harbour. In them (besides the Knights of the Order) were imbarqued 600 Spaniards, and 300 of the Great Bishops Souldiers, conducted by Pompeius Columba; the Mariners were part hired, part Slaves, to whom liberty was promised, if they would lustily do their endeavour to get into the Ha∣ven, and to be accounted of as the rest of the Souldiers were. And because they would relieve the besieged not with Men only, but with Victual also, they put into the same Gallies five hundred bushels of Wheat, beside Gunpowder, Salt-peeter, and Lead for Shot▪ And although it was thought a most hard matter, by the Haven it self to enter into the Island, the Turks pos∣sessing it and all the places thereabouts; never∣theless there was in the Knights such an earnest desire to relieve their Brethren, that they pro∣mised both to themselves and others, all things easie and safe. But when they began to approach the Island, they sent a Scout before, to under∣stand by signs from the Castle of St. Angelo, whe∣ther they were to proceed forward or not;* 17.13 who coming so far that they might discover the sign, perceived thereby that they should retire. Which thing the Turks perceiving also, presently with the smoke of their great Ordnance and other things, they so obscured the Air as with a thick Cloud, in such sort as that those signs were no more to be discerned; but all in vain: for why, our Men had already descried them; so those three Gallies returned again to Sicilia. For, Valetta that good Prince thought it not meet to bring so many of the sacred Knights, so many noble Gentlemen and valiant Souldiers, into a most manifest danger; for he saw certain of the Turks Gallies to lie by night in the mouth of the Haven Marza Moxet, at a place called The Little sands, to impeach the going in or out of the Haven Major. About the same time, they which lay in Garrison in the City Melita, hear∣ing of the notable Sally made by the Souldiers lately come, and taking heart thereupon, at such time as the Turks were fetching in a certain booty of Cattel, the Horsemen pursued them, and having slain divers of them, recovered the Prey; and yet not so contented, chased them even to their Camp. But the other Turks seeing their Fellows flying in such hast towards them, raised an Alarm, ran to their Generals Tent, and for that time ceased their battery.

The Great Master probably conjecturing, that the Turks would in short time assault both the Town and Castle of St. Michael, thought good by his presence to encourage and strengthen the Garrison; and therefore was about to have gone thither by a Bridge made of Boats from the one point of the Land to the other, between St. Mi∣chaels and S. Angelo; but quickly understanding the certainty thereof, returned again into his Castle. Some there be that think, For him to have so done, had been a venturous part, and full of danger, and therefore to have been dis∣commended; for that great things are perform∣ed, not so much by strength of body as of mind, by politique counsel and direction, wherewith a General (although absent) may yet with his Forces be always present; but the General once lost (which may easily happen if he will pre∣sent his Person to the danger) we see most com∣monly all fall together with him, no otherwise than do all parts of the Body when the Soul departeth. But other-some are of contrary opi∣nion, That the Generals presence, especially in great dangers, is both praise-worthy and most necessary; for that he, as the Soul, cannot pro∣vide for, or rule the body, except it be pre∣sent, yea placed therein; and that Valetta in so doing, followed the Examples of the greatest Kings and most famous Generals; as of Alex∣der the Great, Iulius Caesar, Themistocles, Marius, and others; whose words unto their Souldiers were these, I my self will be your Conductor in the Field, in the battel partaker of the danger with you, you shall be in all things as my self. Besides that, who knoweth not, that as in other things, so most of all in Martial Affairs, all things are better, more orderly, and more easily done when the Master is present; neither was the learned Poet his meaning any thing else, when in the Wars betwixt the Latins and the Rutilians, he saith, Urget praesentia Turni? whereupon they con∣cluded, that the Great Master in going had done both valiantly, wisely, and according to

his duty. But this we leave for martial men to determine.

* 17.14At the same time the King of Algiers tame to Aid the Turks with seven Gallies and ten Gal∣liots, and in them 2200 Souldiers, who sorry that he was not there at the beginning, and de∣sirous to do some notable Act, and withall to make proof of the Valour of his Souldiers, re∣quested the great Bassa to bestow upon him the first place in the besieging the Castle of St. Mi∣chael; which he not only granted, but joyned to his Forces 2000 of his own best Souldiers. These things obtained, he commanded ninety small Vessels by devices to be carried over land out of the Port Marza-Moxet to Aqua Martia, for that he purposed on that side to besiege the Castle by water. But Valetta perceiving the Enemies pur∣pose, both by seeing that was done, and also ad∣vertised thereof before by a Christian Fugitive; presently called unto him two faithful and skil∣ful Ship-Masters of Malta, and imparting the matter unto them, demanded what they thought best to be done to keep the Turks from landing, as it seemed they purposed at the Walls foot. They quickly perceiving the matter, answered, That in their opinion, if a Chain were made of Masts and Sail-yards as Spars joyned together with iron rings, and so drawn all alongst from the corner of the Castle of St. Angelo, to that place where the Enemy thought to land, their purpose might be so defeated. This device so pleased the Great Master, that the night follow∣ing such a Chain was made, and fast mored in the appointed place. The Turks so soon as it was day perceiving this bar, stood as men doubt∣ful, not knowing how by any means to land their men, as they had before purposed. Whilst they stood so abashed,* 17.15 a Christian Fugitive a most desperate Villain (in which kind of men foolish hardiness is accounted a vertue, and desperation, constancy) came to the King, and promised him to break the Chain, and so with a Hatchet in his hand cast himself into the Sea; after whom followed two or three more to help him; who swimming to the Chain, got up upon it, and began to hew apace with their Hatchets. Which the Christians beholding, suddenly five or six of the Maltaeses swam thither with their drawn Swords in their hands, and having slain two of them, caused the other to fly; after which time none of the Turks was so hardy as to attempt the same. The barbarous King for all that gave not over his purpose so, but with wonderful dili∣gence prepared for the Siege, which the fifteenth day of Iuly began both by Sea and Land. But the Defendants turning their great Ordnance upon that place from whence the Galliots came,* 17.16 with the fury thereof (in the space of three hours, which the Assault endured) slew two thousand Turks, and sunk twelve of the Gal∣liots; the rest coming as far as the Chain, when they could get no farther, nor land their men, turned their Prows upon the corner of the Castle, but were glad at last to retire and leave that they came for, undone. The assault by Land also endured five hours, wherein many of the Turks were slain; and of the Defendants 200, amongst whom was Fredericus the Vice-Roy of Sicilia his Son, struck in sunder with a great Shot, Gordius a Frenchman, Franciscus Sanoghera and his Nephew Iohn, Spaniards, all Knights of the Order: Medina was also wounded, whereof he afterward died.* 17.17 But Valetta considering into what danger the State of Malta was like to fall, if he should be constrained to fight many such fights, where his Souldiers wearied day and night without rest, were still to incounter with fresh men, and heard nothing of any Aid or new Supply; the 17 day of Iuly he sent a Messenger into Sicilia, who swam from the Castle to the farthest part of the Bay to Aqua Martia, and from thence escaped unknown through the midst of the Enemies, unto the City of Melita, and so in a little Frigot came to Messana. By him the Great Master sent Letters to the Vice-Roy, re∣questing him to send him his own two Gallies with those Knights which were at Messana, and such other Souldiers as might in them be trans∣ported; willing them, that as soon as they came to the Island, they should hover off aloof before the Haven, ready upon a sign given to thrust in. The same time that this Messenger arrived at Messana, came thither also the Fleet from Spain, wherein were many of the Knights of the Order from divers Nations. The Vice-Roy de∣sirous to send these two Gallies to Valetta, sent Letters before unto him in secret Characters by two Frigots, wherein he certified him that he would send the Gallies, requiring to have from him some sign whereby they might at their coming know whether they should enter or re∣tire; which Frigots taking divers courses, one of them laded with Medicines, as was afterwards known, was intercepted by the Enemy; the other although she came in safety to Melita, yet for as much as all the passages betwixt the Castle of St. Michael and the City Melita, were certain days before by the diligence of the Ene∣my shut up, and three which had used to pass too and fro, intercepted and most cruelly exe∣cuted; and besides that, the Haven straightly kept; the Knights of Messana could have no fur∣ther direction from the Great Master, for the safe sending of the two Gallies; yet neverthe∣less because he had requested them, and they themselves were of the same opinion (as he had before written) that where all ii in question, the adventure of a little part is less to be feared; they thought it good to adventure them, yet with this regard, not to expose all those Knights to so great a danger, but of them all to send only forty, with a convenient number of other Soul∣diers, and with them Salazar a Spanish Captain was sent by the Vice-Roy to be landed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Island Gaulos, who should afterwards from thence in a Boat (for that purpose towed along by the Gallies) pass over into the Island of Molta as a Spy, to take view both of the City and Enemies Camp.

In the mean time the Turks mindful of the loss received in the Assault of the Castle St. Mi∣chael, and desirous of revenge, did so violently batter the Castle with their great Ordnance, that what the Defendants repaired by night, that they still beat down again by day; and in time of battery made a Bridge,* 17.18 which the 20th day of Iuly before the Sun rising they laid over the Ditch, that they might as if it had been upon even ground, come to fight hand to hand with the Christians. Which seen, and quickly per∣ceived what danger it might bring, by and by Paris••t the Great Masters Nephew, and Agleria, both Knights, with certain mercenary Souldiers sallied out to have burnt the Bridge, but were so received of the Turks, that they were almost all slain together with Parisot and Agleria, and yet the Exploit unperformed. The Turks with∣out ceasing continued their furious battery until the eight and twentieth of Iuly, which day in the Afternoon they in divers places assaulted the Castle; thrice they with fresh and new Supplies relieved their repulsed and wearied Souldiers, and so fiercely maintained the Assault, that they made no doubt but that day to win the Castle.

But the Defendants with no less resolution with∣stood them, repulsing them with their Weapons, with Shot,* 17.19 Fire, and Force, and at length in∣forced them with no small loss of their men to retire from the Walls. This Victory so incou∣raged the besieged, that now they made small reckoning of the Enemy; but forasmuch as our men always spared their great Ordance but in time of fight, and sallied not out as they were wont, the Turks thought that the Garrison was but weak, and that Shot and Power grew scarce in the Castle. Yet deceived in both, for that it was rather of purpose, than for want, so com∣manded by the Great Master; who hearing no∣thing of the coming of any Aid, and seeing the Enemy to give daily more fierce Assaults, would not vainly spend his most necessary helps. The Turks perceiving what little good they had done with their often Assaults, determined now to prove what might be done by undermining the Castle; and had almost brought one of their Mines to perfection before it was by the Christi∣ans discovered; and to the intent they should the less mark it, they caused two Gallies to come as near as they could to the Walls, and to batter that place; in hope that whilst our men gazed upon that was done openly, they should the less regard what they were working in secret, that so they might in the mean time more easily get into the Castle. But the besieged careful of all that was to be cared for, perceiving their purpose,* 17.20 with a countermine defeated their Mine, and by the couragiousness of certain of their Souldiers, but especially of one Ancient, drave out the Enemy, who having cast certain pots of Wild-fire before him into the Mine, and follow∣ing presently after with a piece of Fire-work in his hand, forced him out. For which good Ser∣vice he was by the Great Master rewarded with a Chain of Gold of five pound weight. And because of vertue springeth vertue, which still resteth upon Difficulties, the next day, which was the first of August, the Bridge which we said the Enemy had made over the Ditch,* 17.21 was by a sally made by the Defendants burnt down with Fire and Gunpowder cast upon it; which was in good time done; for the next day, the Sun now declining, the Turks again assailing that part of the Castle where Carolus Rufus had the charge, were by our men valiantly repulsed. This assault endured three hours, in which time 300 of the Turks were there slain; and of the Knights, Rufus himself and Baresus, with certain merce∣nary Souldiers. At this time the Christians were by the Enemy so shut in with the multitude of great Ordnance, that they could not so much as look into the Ditch or shew themselves, much less sally out, but they were presently fet off. Yet did they not for all that make spare of their lives when occasion was given them to perform any notable Exploit; as appeared by Calderonius a Spaniard, who seeing some viewing that part of the Wall which the Enemy had most battered and shaken at the Castle Bulwark, doubted not to sally out, but was presently taken with a Bul∣let and slain; which mischance when it might seem of right to have terrified the rest from at∣tempting the like, did indeed the more incense them; so that when they saw the Enemy ex∣ceeding busie in filling the Ditch, they, resolute∣ly set down to offer themselves to most assured death, rather than to fall into the hands of the merciless Enemy, agreed to sally out by night, and to meet with his designs. Whereupon an hundred, part Knights, part other Souldiers, sal∣lying forth, caused the Enemy to forsake the Ditch and betake himself to flight, of whom they slew about fourscore, and lost of their own, ten men; amongst whom were Ioannes and Ma∣nicrinus two Knights, whose heads the Turks the next day set up upon two Spears upon their Trenches, that they might be seen by the Christi∣ans.

The same day, they of the City of Melita at night made at one instant a number of fires, and as if it were in triumph discharged great Vollies of small Shot, with many other tokens of joy; which as well the besieged as the Turks thought verily to have been done upon discovery of the Christian Fleet, or else the landing of such Forces as were come to remove the Siege; whereas in∣deed it was neither, but done only to shew their chearfulness, and to keep the Turks in suspence with the novelty of the matter; who for all that were not slack in their business, but with Earth filled up the Ditch at the Castle Bulwark; where∣by it came to pass that they could not be hurt by the Flankers made in that place to scour the Ditch, but might thereby, as upon plain ground, without stay pass unto the Wall, now opened and overthrown with their continual battery, and with two great Pieces (which they had planted upon a high Mount which they had newly cast up on the right hand the Bulwark Savoire) they began to play upon the Castle, and at the first shot, shot into the Loupe where Franciscus Castilia commanded. Ioannes Bernar∣dus Godinetius a Spanish Knight was there slain with a small shot.* 17.22 The same day Franciscus Aquilates a Spaniard, one of the Garrison-Soul∣diers, perswaded by fear and hope (in dangers two evil Counsellors) fled out of the Town St. Michael to the Enemy; perswading the Turks Colonels to give a fresh Assault, assuring them that they should without doubt win the Town, because there was but 400 Souldiers left alive in it, and they (as he said) almost spent with la∣bour and wounds, all the rest being dead. Which the Turks hearing, and seeing fair breaches both in the Walls of the new City and of the Castle of St. Michael, wide enough for Carts to go through, they determined with all their Forces to assault both places at once, and to prove if there were yet so much strength left in those Holds, as again to repulse them; so the 7th day of August at one instant they assaulted the new City at the Castle Bulwark,* 17.23 and the Castle St. Michael at the breach, with such a multitude, that all the Earth seemed to be covered with men round about. The thundring of the great Ordnance, the noise of the small shot, with the clattering of Armor, and noise of Trumpets, Drums, and other War-like Instruments, with the cry of men on both sides was so confused and great, as if Heaven and Earth should have been confounded together. Which when the Knights in the City Melita heard, and saw the Heavens obscured with smoke, fearing that the Turks (as at the Castle St. Elmo) would never give over the As∣sault until they had won both the Town and the Castle; presently all the Garrison-Horsemen issued out of the City, and to avert the Turks from the Assault, set upon those Turks which lay at Aqua Martia;* 17.24 who all surprised with sud∣den fear, fled, the Christian Horsemen hardly pursuing them with bloody Execution, and they in their flight pitiously crying out upon their Fel∣lows for help. Whereby it came to pass, that they which were assailing the City and Castle, to rescue their discomfited Fellows, were glad to give over the Assault; so with great slaughter foiled on both sides by the Christians, they re∣turned to their Trenches, when they had lost about fifteen hundred at the Assault, beside them

which were slain in the chase by the Horsemen of Melita. Of the Defendants of both places were slain above an hundred, and almost as many wounded. This fight endured about five hours. Valetta delivered of so great a danger, that day and certain others, caused publique Prayers to be made, and went himself with the multitude of the Citizens to the Church, to give Thanks to Almighty God for that Victory.

Whilst these things were in doing, Garzias the Vice-Roy was advertised from Calabria, that cer∣tain Ships laded with Men, Victual, and other provision necessary for the Wars, were coming from Constantinople to Malta; wherefore he forth∣with sent Al••amira and Gildandrada two Noble∣men, with five Gallies to meet them; who being come within thirty miles of Malta, met with no such Ships, but only one Frigot and a Galliot; the Frigot they took, but the Galliot escaped to the Enemies Fleet at Malta.

Mustapha the Turks General now thinking no man so strong which might not with continual labour and watching be wearied and overcome, resolved not to give unto the besieged any time of rest, but commanded his Souldiers again to assault the breach at the Castle of St. Michael; where they were by the valour of the Defen∣dants, with no small slaughter quickly repulsed; neither did the Bassa give so many assaults, for the hope he had to win those places, but rather to perform the duty of a valiant General, and to satisfie Solymans pleasure, who had expresly com∣manded, either to win that Island, or there all to lose their lives.* 17.25 He also sent a Galliot in hast with Letters to Solyman; wherein he shewed him the state of the Fleet, with what difficulties the Army was distressed, what small hope there was of winning the places besieged, how well the Christians were provided, with many other such things.

In the mean time those two Gallies of Malta (which we have before spoken of) departing from Messana, came to Syracusa, where they stayed a day. The next day after, in going out of the Haven, they met with one of Malta in a small Boat coming from Pozalo sore wounded; he being demanded how he was so hurt; told them, That landing by night with his Boat and one Companion, he was requested by two Sicili∣ans which dwelt there, to rest there that night; which they doing, about midnight five Turks brake into the house upon them, killed his Com∣panion, carried away the Sicilians, and he wound∣ed as he was, hardly escaped by the benefit of the night; moreover he said, That the Sicilians had told the Turks, that two Gallies were come into that Port, with Souldiers and other War-like Provision bound for Malta. Whereby the Knights perceived, that their coming would be discover∣ed unto the Enemy, and that it was a most dangerous thing, or rather impossible to get into the Haven of Malta, as they had before pur∣posed; nevertheless, to conduct Salazar with his little Boat, they kept on their course. But as they were sailing, they descried two Gallies and one Galliot going before them, who seeing the Gallies coming after them, made with all speed to Malta; and were no doubt those Gallies, from whence those five Turks came, which had done those things which the wounded Maltaese re∣ported. For all that, these Gallies kept on their course as far as Pozalo, from whence they cer∣tified the Vice-Roy by Letters, all that had hap∣ned; and not daring to put to Sea, the South∣wind blowing with a stiff gale against them, they returned back again to Syracusa, expecting there farther direction from the Vice-Roy. For which cause, they forthwith sent one of the Knights to him to Messana; by whom they re∣ceived answer, That they should go on farther, but to stay for the coming of the whole Fleet, ready in short time to pass over to Malta. But Salazar brought by the Gallies to Pozalo, resol∣ved with his little Boat to go on; and although the day he departed thence, the Air was trou∣bled with great Wind, Thunder and Rain, yet the day following proving more calm, he in short time arrived in the Island of Malta, and came in safety to the City Melita; and there disguised himself in Turkish Apparel, and taking with him one Companion,* 17.26 who could also speak the Turkish Language, by night got into the Enemies Camp; where diligently marking all things, they perceived that there was in all the Turks Army of Land-Souldiers scarce 14000, and of them many wounded and sick; and that the rest was but an unserviceable and feeble multi∣tude, for that the course of Wars had (as com∣monly it doth) consumed their best Souldiers. When they had thus viewed the Camp, they returned again to the City; from whence Sala∣zar with one Petrus Paccius a Spaniard, a ven∣turous and valiant man, went to a certain place near unto the Watch-Tower of Maleca; which when they had curiously viewed, Paccius was there left, that observing the signs from the Island of Gaulos and the City of Melita, he might give knowledge of all things to the Vice-Roy at his approach, as he was by Salazar instructed. As for Salazar himself, he in his little Boat (which at his coming into the Isle he had there left) happily returned to Messana, and there declared unto the Vice-Roy all that he had seen; con∣stantly affirming amongst other things, That the Turks Fleet was but weak, lame, and disfurnish∣ed both of Men and Munition, far unable to encounter with 10000 Christians. About which time also, one of the two Frigots which were before sent to Malta, returned with another Spaniard, and a Fugitive from the Turks Camp; and four Gallies before gone from Messana, were also come in with fourteen Turks taken about the Island of Malta, who all confirmed the same that was by Salazar reported; Which was, That the Turks Army was with often assaults wonderfully weakned, both in number and strength; so that they could not with stripes be enforced to the assault, for which the Bassa had with his own hands slain divers of them; and that which more encreased their fear, they saw none of their men wounded, but that they died thereof: Besides that, they saw the Christians with invincible courage to defend their strong places, and not to spend one shot in vain: Wherefore they were sorry, and repented that they ever took in hand that Expedition; they detested such a War, shrinking as much as they could from the Assault, and as they might, stealing quite away, which many of them did, specially such as before abjured the Christian Faith. For which cause diligent Watch and Ward was kept, and Commandment given by the great Bassa, that they should resolve with themselves either to win the Town, or there all to lay up their bones, for that the great Sultan Solyman had so commanded, whom to gainsay, was in it self death. These and such like per∣swasions, caused the Vice-Roy somewhat the sooner to think of the bringing forth of his Fleet; the besieged in the mean time did what men might for defence of the place and them∣selves. There was in the Castle one Franciscus Gi••ara Captain of the Vauntgard, a noble and

valiant Gentleman, of a great conceit; he about ten foot from the Town Wall, which the Enemy had with their great Ordnance beaten down, caused a Curtain to be drawn 50 foot long, and five foot thick, with Flankers at both ends, which in two nights was brought to perfection, and was afterwards a great help to the besieged. The Enemy in the mean time began a Mine under the corner of the Town-Ditch,* 17.27 where Boning∣segna a Spaniard and a most valiant Knight had the Charge; which the besieged perceiving, by a countermine defeated the same. It hapned in the mean time, that a Fugitive was swimming to the Town, he was taken by the Enemy, which much grieved the besieged, desirous to have understood something of the state of the Enemies Camp, and of their purposes. Now when the former Mine had taken so evil success, part of the Turks assailed the Castle of St. Mi∣chael, and part with Gunpowder thought to have blown up the Castle-Bulwark; but by the care∣fulness and courage of the Defendants, all their Attempts were disappointed; for many of the Turks were in both places slain, and certain bags of Powder taken from them in the Mine. With these and other such difficulties, Mustapha and Piall the Turks Generals disappointed of their hope, consulted with the other great Captains of the Army, Whether they should there still continue that desperate Siege, or depart? Where most were clear of opinion, That it was best be∣time to depart. Yet for all that, the old Bassa said, He would there stay, until the Galliot which he had before sent to Constantinople, were returned with answer from Solyman, and in the mean time both by force and policy to seek af∣ter Victory; which thing he oftner did, than stood with the broken estate of his Army, or of the besieged; neither resting himself nor suffer∣ing others to take rest; for one while he batter∣ed the Walls, another while he wrought Mines or else made Bridges; sometime he cast up Mounds, and then again filled the Ditches; and ever and anon gave one assault or another. In all which doing he used such industry, that what∣soever he took in hand, was in short time brought to such perfection as might have car∣ried a stronger place, had not the valour of the Defendants far exceeded all his strong and poli∣tique devices.

* 17.28It fortuned, that as Robles the Camp-Master, and Governor of the Castle St. Michael, was by night viewing the ruines of the Wall, he was struck in the head with a small shot, and slain; leaving behind him to his Fellows, the great desire of himself; for why, he was a man for many his good parts (whe••ewith he had many times stood the Defendants in great stead) wor∣thily beloved. In whose stead the Great Master sent one of the Colonels that was with himself, a most expert and resolute Captain, to take charge of St. Michaels Castle; who by his valiant care and providence so well discharged the charge committed unto him, that as often as the Turks attempted the place, so often they were with loss repulsed.

The two Gallies with the Galliot, described by the Gallies of Malta (as we have before said) told Piall Bassa the Admiral, that the Christian Fleet was ready to come forth; wherefore he fear∣ing the sudden coming thereof, caused seventy Gallies to be in readiness; besides which forty others lay in the Haven Marz•• Moxet unservice∣able, as wanting both Men and other Equipages; for that was spent in making Bridges, Mines, and other such things necessary for the Siege; as for the Men, they were part with sickness, and part with often assaults consumed. Where∣fore Pi••ll for certain days kept himself by day in the Port Major near the shore, and by night put forth to Sea, expecting the coming of the Fleet. But after long looking, when he saw no man appear, he again landed his Souldiers; and because at Land the Bassa began to want Powder, of every thirty Barrels of Powder in every Gally, he took out twenty, and of some twenty five, or according to that proportion. After which time, the Turks began with greater sury than at any time before, to batter the Walls of both Towns, especially with those great Pieces which they call Basilisks, whose shot of two hundred pound weight was seven hands about; whereby the Walls of the Castle of St. Michael were beaten flat. And at the same time, the Bassa at the Castle St. Angelo, had with continual battery so shaken the Castle Bulwark,* 17.29 that it was almost fallen quite down. These breaches thus made, when the Turks faw both Towns barred of Walls and other Defen∣dants, and laid so open, that nothing seemed now to let them to look upon their Enemies, they made no longer stay, but the 18th day of August (the Sun being now at the highest) with all their Power fiercely assaulted both the Towns. Thrice they were repulsed, and still came on afresh; yet at length beaten down on every side with greater slaughter, they were glad shamefully to give over the assault, and again to retire to their Trenches. In this most cruel fight (which endured five hours) the invincible courage of the Great Master notably appeared, who armed with a Pike in his hand, and dreadful to behold, was still valiantly fighting in the face of the Breach; whose presence incouraged not the Souldiers only, but even Boys and Women to fight; for so it is, that men are more moved with exam∣ple, than with words. Yet of the great number of the Turks, part stood still in the Town-Ditch, and to save themselves from the shot of the Castle Bulwark, had with wonderful celerity cast up a defence of Earth, Fagots, and other like matter, which they did of purpose to ap∣proach and to undermine the Walls, and had therefore inclosed the space of fifteen Elns; which when the besieged perceived, they bent certain Pieces of Artillery upon it, and slew many of them, and with fire consumed what was left. The next day the assault was at the same places by the Enemy renewed, who by reason of his number of Souldiers might easily send fresh men in stead of them which were wounded or weary; and first, after their wonted manner they bat∣tered both the Towns all that day until night; afterwards the Moon arising, about midnight with a horrible cry they began a most terrible assault, which at the first much troubled the Christians, who yet still mindful of their wont∣ed valour, did so much with their Weapons and Fire-Works, that the Enemy evil intreated, was glad after three hours fight to retire to his Trenches. The same day a Mine was by the Defendants perceived, at the Castle Bulwark, wherein a hundred Turks there found, were al∣most all slain, and the Mine destroyed. Yet for all this did not the Enemy rest at all, but the next day seven times assaulted the same Breaches,* 17.30 using now not Weapons only, but Fire-Works also; wherewith Bosninsegna had his face so burnt, that he lost one of his eyes. At the same time also, the Turks at a place called The Spur, la∣boured mightily to have gotten into the Castle; where Cantius a Knight of an invincible courage, got up upon the Rampier, and with a Pike couragiously thrust them down that were climing

up, and thrusting through one, discouraged the rest; but was himself wounded in the Arm with a small shot; yet when he had a little withdrawn himself to have his Wound bound up, he came again to the Rampier, and never departed from the fight, until he had (as a valiant Conqueror) preserved the place. So the Turks with great slaughter on every side repulsed, left the Victory to the Christians, of whom were slain almost an hundred, and most of them (as at other times) with shot; amongst whom were these most vali∣ant Knights; at the Castle St. Angelo, Fragus; at the Castle of St. Michael, Scipio Piatus, Ioh. Bap∣tista Soderinus, Paulus Bomportus, Marius Fagia∣nus, Ruffinus, and certain others, men worthy of longer life. The Turks had also at the same time wrought a Mine at the Castle St. Mi∣chael, which was at once both discovered and destroyed.

With these so many and so great Assaults, cer∣tain of the Knights (and those not of the mean∣est sort) fearing lest that which was so often attempted by the Enemy, should at length be effected; told the Great Master, That they thought it convenient and necessary, to remove all the Records, all the Pictures and Reliques of the Saints, and other their religious things into the Castle St. Angelo, there to be kept as in a place of more strength and assurance. The Great Master, although he well knew that they which thus said, spake it of a good mind, was for all that with that speech exceedingly moved; where∣fore he shortly answered them, That so to do, were nothing else but to appaul and discourage the minds,* 17.31 not of the Maltaeses only, who had hitherto valiantly behaved themselves, and done more than any man could have hoped for; but also of the mercenary Souldiers, if they should perceive it; wherefore he was resolved, either together to keep all, or lose all; and because none should from thenceforth repose any hope in the strength of the Castle St. Angelo, he said he would bring all the Garrison out of the Castle into the Town, that there they might together with others withstand the Enemy; and that he would leave in the Castle none but Gunners, who should as need required shoot at the Enemy; an answer truly well beseeming a man of his place, and to be to all Posterity commended; for how can the Souldier hope, which seeth his Captain despair? or adventure, where the Chief∣tain seems to be struck with fear?* 17.32 Whilst the Grand Master with this answer doth both ashame them and also encourage their quailing minds; the Turks (that this day as the other three be∣fore should not pass without assault) with the dawning of the day assailed the very same places with the greatest fury possible, especially at the ruines of the Castle; where San Romanus an Avergnois, which had the charge of that place, lost this short and transitory life, winning there∣by immortal Fame; and at St. Michaels, Adurnius one of the Knights, and Fagio with certain others, were grievously wounded; for the Enemy sud∣denly retiring from the Assault, presently so thundred into the Breaches with their great and small shot, that all the Island seemed to trem∣ble, the Heavens to burn, and the Air to be dark∣ned with smoke. In the mean time Valetta through∣ly wearied with the mornings fight, had with∣drawn himself a little to breath himself; when suddenly a Spanish Priest,* 17.33 with his hands cast up to Heaven, came running to him, roaring and crying out, That all was lost and forlorn, and that three or four Ensigns of the Enemies were by the Castle breach broken into the Town. Which the great Master hearing, suddenly clapt his Helmet upon his head, and with a Pike in his hand, said unto them that were about him, Lo, Fellow-Souldiers,* 17.34 the hour is come wherein you may shew your selves the most valiant Champions of the Christian Religion, if it be so, that you now also retain the same valour which you have in other battels shewed. There is no cause wherefore you should doubt of this last, for the Enemy is the same; and the same God which hath hitherto preserved us; will not now forsake us; wherefore follow me, valiant hearts. This said, he hasted to the place where most danger was, and with him all the Souldiers, all the Citi∣zens Men and Women, old and young, yea the very Children, all against the Common Enemy. There was fought a most dreadful and dangerous battel; some kept the Enemy from entring, some set upon them that were already entred, whom they wounded, chased, and slew, although they notably resisted. Within, without, all was covered with Weapons, Darts, dead Bodies, and Blood. The Great Master was careful of all, and in every place present, commending, exhorting, directing, as occasion required, performing at once all the duties of a most valiant Souldier and worthy Ge∣neral. At length the Turks with the setting of the Sun retired, and so the Assault ceased. Thus was the Great Master the undoubted Victor,* 17.35 but not without much blood of his people, consider∣ing his small number; for in this fight he lost above 200 Men, whereas of the Enemies, beside them which were entred, whereof not one esca∣ped, were slain above 2000. These are those four terrible Assaults, presently given one after ano∣ther unto the besieged.

Garzias the Vice-Roy in the mean time tarried for nothing else to transport his Army to Malta, but for the coming of Io. Cardona, who with twelve Gallies was gone to Panormo, to conduct thence four Ships laded with provision; but when he saw him stay long, he sent to him in post, That if he could not with such speed as was required tow forth those Ships, he should spend no longer time, but take out the provision into his Gallies, and with speed to come away. So the Vice-Roy with a Fleet of 72 Gallies the twentieth day of August set forward from Messana to Syracusa, wherein he carried ten thousand select Souldiers, amongst whom were above two hundred Knights of the Order of St. Iohn, and above forty of the Order of St. Stephen, which is an Order of Knights instituted by Cosmos Medices, Duke of Florence, to the imitation of the Knights of Malta, in the year 1561. and have their residence at Cosmopolis, a new built City in the Island of Elba in the Tuscan-Sea, over against Piombino. Besides these Knights, in this Fleet were divers noble and valiant Gentlemen of Italy, Sicily, and other Countries. The Fleet being arrived at Syracusa, the Vice-Roy sent Auria with one Gal∣ly and a Boat to Malta, to land a man, to know of Paccius (left, as we have before said, for a Watch in the Island at Maleca) what News, or what he had seen. By whom it was understood, That no Ship was seen at Sea, but one Galliot, which the one and twentieth day of August in the morning made towards Gaulos, and the same day towards night as he was informed by the Watchmen of Maleca, sixteen Gallies came to water at Saline, but what became of them after∣wards, by reason of the coming on of the night could not be descried.

In this while the besieged had notably repair∣ed the Breach at the Castle Bulwark, and had in sundry places aptly placed certain great Pieces to Flanker the Ditches, and to beat the Mount cast up by the Enemy at the Bulwark of Bo••in∣segna, that they might from thence annoy all the

plain of the Castle with their small shot. But the Turks having determined with all their Forces at once to assault both the Towns as before, brought an Engine made of Spars and Boards, able to cover thirty Men, under the Breach at St. Mi∣chaels; whereby it came to pass, that none of the Defendants could without danger shew them∣selves in the Breach; which when they could by no means endure, they suddenly sallied out, and putting them to flight which were there cover∣ed, set fire on the Engine and burnt it. In like manner, they which besieged the new City, were repulsed at the Castle breach, and another like Engin burnt. The next night, certain of the Watch of the Castle issued o••t, and having destroy∣ed the Turks Engins prepared for the assailing of that place, and slain them that were set for the keeping thereof, returned in safety into the Castle. But when the Enemies both that day and others following rested not, but repairing their Mines, Mounts, and Engins, laboured in both places to have beaten the Christians from the Walls; all their endeavour and labour was by the industry and valour of the Defendants made frustrate. The besieged had at the Castle breach made a Mine,* 17.36 and laid in it eight Barrels of Powder, that if the Enemy should again assault that place, he might there be blown up; but whilst the Turks were for like purpose working a Mine in the same place, they chanced upon the Mine be∣fore made, which they spoiled, and carried away all the Powder. Thus whilst they labour both on the one side and the other, Mustapha the Ge∣neral, a most expert and famous Commander, considering that Summer now so far spent, he was not to use longer delay; and withall, that resolute perseverance oftentimes in War findeth out a way to Victory; determined with all his Power once again to assault the Castle St. Mi∣chael.* 17.37 Wherefore displaying the stately Standard of the Turkish Emperor, upon the point whereof was fastned a Globe of Gold, he commanded his Souldiers to enter the Breach; who now like desperate men attempted to have performed his Command, and were by the Christians valiantly encountred; so that in the Breach was made a most terrible and doubtful fight. But when the Turks had now been twice rejected and beaten down; Mustapha perceiving his Souldiers as men half discouraged, but faintly to maintain the Assault, came himself to the places, praying and exhorting them not to be discouraged, but that day to confirm their former Labours and Victo∣ries; and not to suffer their vanquished Enemies to triumph over them; he told them that the Enemy had now no defence left wherewith to cover himself, that all was beaten down flat, and and that there remained only a few weary and maimed Bodies, which were not able long to indure the edge of their Swords; that with such resolution they had before won the Castle St. El∣mo; last of all, he by promising to some Money, to some Honour and Preferment, threatning some, and requesting others, incouraged some on•• way, some another, every one according to his quality and disposition; who moved either with their Generals presence, promises, or threats, gave a fresh and fierce assault. The fight was on both sides terrible,* 17.38 yet at length the Turks were again inforced to retire; for the Defendants had cast up a Rampier, whereon they had fitly placed two Field Pieces, wherewith they sore troubled the Enemy, and at the first shot struck in sunder one of those wooden Engins, which the Enemy had made stronger than the rest, covered with raw Hides to keep from burning, and rent in pieces forty Souldiers which were under it; and the same night they which were in the other Town and the Castle Bulwark, sallying couragiously out, destroyed all the Enemies defences, and drave them from a Mount which they had made upon the Fortifica∣tions of the Christians; whereby they perceived plainly, what small courage the Turks had to fight, for upon that Mount they were almost 300, whereas of our men was but 25, with which small number for all that, they had no mind to deal. The Defendants had for like purpose as before, made another Mine at the Castle Bulwark, but percei∣ving that it was in danger to be found by the Ene∣my in repairing his Fortifications without, they suddenly put fire unto it, by force whereof three∣score Turks which were within the danger of the place, were blown up and slain.

Garzias the Vice-Roy, in the mean while that these things were in doing, departing with his Fleet from Syracusa, with a prosperous Wind kept on his course tward Pachynum, where they de∣scried a tall Ship at Sea, driven thither (as was afterward known) by Tempest; she out of the Island M••ning was carrying a great supply of Shot and Powder unto the Turks Camp at Malta; but now overtaken by the Christian Fleet, easily yielded, and was by the Vice-Roy sent by other Mariners to Syracusa. And now the Christian Fleet carried with a fair gale towards Malta, suddenly arose such a Tempest from the East, that they were driven to the Island Aegusa, two hundred and twenty miles West of Malta, from whence the first of September Letters were brought from the Vice-Roy to the Great Master, certi∣fying him, That he would in short time come with his Fleet and relieve him.* 17.39 The same day also a Christian fled out of the Turks Gallies, wherein he was Captive, to the City St. Angelo; who reported, That in the Turks Camp were few men able to fight, most of the Army being with Wounds, Famine, Sickness, and other Mise∣ries brought to extream weakness; and besides that, that infinite numbers of them died daily; yet for all that he said moreover, that they were determined to besiege the City of Melita, and had already for that purpose mounted five great Pieces of Artillery for battery; and that they had but a few days before taken twelve, and the last day of all fourteen Horsemen of the Garrison-Soul∣diers of that City. In the mean while the Fleet which was driven (as we said) to Aegusa, the rage of the Sea being now well appeased, came to Drepanum, and from thence toward Gaulos, as was before intended; where by the way the two Gallies of Malta light upon two of the Turks Gal∣liots, and took them.

The fifth day of September the Christian Fleet came to Gaulos,* 17.40 where the Vice-Roy perceiving not the appointed signs from Malta, whereby he might safely land, returned forthwith back again to Pozalo, whither Auria immediately fol∣lowing him, told him, That he had seen the signs, and assured him of safe landing in the Island of Malta; wherewith the Vice-Roy encouraged, the next day towards night returned again to Gaulos.

The same day a Christian Captive fled from the Turks to St. Angelo,* 17.41 and told the Great Ma∣ster, That he was come to bring him good News, how that the Turks had determined to prove their last Fortune in assaulting the Castle St. Michael, which they would do the next day, where if the success were answerable to their desire, they would then tarry, but if not, then forthwith to be gone; and that Mustapha the more to encourage his Souldiers, had promised five Talents of Gold to the Ensign-bearers, that should first advance their Ensigns upon the Walls

and farther to promote them to greater places of Honour; as for the rest, he would reward eve∣ry one of them according to their desert, either with Money or Preferment. Valetta thinking all these things to be by Gods appointment disco∣vered unto him by such men, as they had from time to time been; first gave thanks unto Al∣mighty God; and after that, with all diligence prepared such things as he thought most ne∣cessary for the repulsing of the Enemy. But the Turks all that day with their great Ordnance battered the new City, and the Shipping in the Haven, in such sort that one of the great Ships was there sunk.

* 17.42In the morning Garzias the Vice-Roy with his Fleet arrived at the Island of Malta, and there quickly and quietly landed his Forces, and whilst his Gallies watered at Gaulos, went forward with the Army about half a mile, instructing the Generals and Colonels, what he thought needful to be done, commanding all Proclamati∣ons and Commands to be made in the name of the King of Spain, until they came to the Great Master, and then in all things to obey him as their Sovereign; and charged Ascanius Cor∣nia the General, in all his actions to follow the counsel of the greater part. So in few words exhorting them to play the men, he left them marching towards Melita. About noon he re∣tired to his Gallies, and sailing Eastward, came with all his Fleet within the sight of the City of Melita, about three miles distant from the South shore. They of the City upon sight of the Fleet, in token of joy discharged all the great Artillery, which was answered from the Fleet, by discharging all their great Ordance twice. After that, he returned as he had before deter∣mined into Sicilia, to take into his Gallies the Duke of Urbins Companies, which were come to Messana, and certain Bands of Spaniards at Syra∣cusa, and so forthwith to return to Malta, to at∣tend the departing of the Turks Fleet, being now evil appointed, and already as good as half over∣thrown.

The Turks, who (as is before said) had purpo∣sed to prove their last Fortune upon the Town of St. Michael, had now certain days before the coming of the Fleet, begun to truss up their Bag∣gage; but as soon as they heard that the Fleet was come, and the Army landed, there sudden∣ly arose a wonderful tumultuous confusion amongst them, some cried, Arm, arm, and other∣some as fast to be gone; and being generally all afraid, every one according to his disposition, be∣took himself to his Weapons or to his heels; the greatest number thrust together into their Tren∣ches as near as they could unto the great Ord∣nance; and so burning the Engins and Fortifica∣tions, with all the speed they could imbarked their great Ordnance and Baggage. Which they in the Town of St. Angelo perceiving, not ex∣pecting the Commandment of the Great Master in so sudden an opportunity, couragiously sallied out to Burmolo, where certain Turks kept a huge great Piece of Ordnance; who now having no mind to fight, betook themselves to flight, and forsook the Piece; which they of the Town presently drew within their Walls; and if the new-come Forces had that day charged the Ene∣my as they disorderly ran to their Gallies, hap∣pily they had either found an occasion of Victo∣ry, or at leastwise taken from them the greatest part of their Artillery. But it may be, that they followed the old Military saying, That unto the flying Enemy a man should make a Bridge of Silver. Besides that, they thinking it not conve∣nient to depart from the provision and things which they had brought for the relief of the besieged; which for the roughness of the way and want of Horses were hardly carried, would not provoke the Enemy with any Skirmish; whereby it came to pass, that the Turks without let imbarked their great Ordnance, their Baggage, and most part of their Army. The 11th of Sep∣tember,* 17.43 whilst the Turks Fleet was brought out of the Haven Marza-Moxet, a Fugitive of Genoa came in hast to the Great Master, and told him, that 10000 Turks were marching toward Melita, to meet with the Christians upon the Way. Which thing the Great Master hearing, presently sent a sufficient number of good Souldiers to the Castle St. Elmo there to set up one of the Ensigns of the sacred Order; who coming thither, found there four and twenty great Pieces, some for battery, some for the field, which they could not in so great hast remove thence.

The Turks Fleet departing out of the Haven Marza-Moxet to the Port of St. Paul, there land∣ed seven thousand men, with Mustapha their General, who was falsly informed, That the Christians were not above three thousand strong; and from thence incouraged with the small num∣ber of the Enemies (as they supposed) they marched directly toward Melita. The Christians also marching orderly and ready to give battel, held on their way to meet them; and at the rising of an hill both Armies meeting together, they gave a great shout, and withall the formost began the battel, where some few were at the first slain on both sides. But the Christians still growing upon them both in number and strength,* 17.44 the Turks finding themselves overcharged, fled, the Christians pursuing them and killing them until they came to their Gallies; where in striving who should get in first, about four hun∣dred of them were drowned in the Sea, besides eighteen hundred slain in the battel at land; and had the Christian Souldiers well known the Country, they had slain them every Mothers Son. The Turks thus driven to their Gallies, lay there in the Haven all the next day, and most part of the night following, but little before day, upon the shooting off of a great Piece, the sign of their departure, they all hoised Sail for Gertia,* 17.45 leaving the Island of Malta sore impoverished and wasted. In this Siege the Turks lost about four and twenty thousand, whereof most part were of their best Souldiers; and of the Christians were slain about five thousand, besides two hundred and forty Knights of the Order, Men of divers Nati∣ons, but all worthy eternal Fame, whose dead Bo∣dies the Great Master caused to be honourably buried. The Turks in their battery during the Siege, spent as is accounted, threescore and eigh∣teen thousand great shot.

If a man do well consider the difficulties and dangers the besieged passed through in this five months Siege, the manifold labours and perils they indured in so many and so terrible assaults, the small Relief to them sent in so great distress, with the desperate obstinacy of so puissant an Enemy; he shall hardly find any place these many years more mightily impugned, or with greater valour and resolution defended. The late besieged, and now Victorious Prince, honourably acquitted of so great an Enemy,* 17.46 first commanded Publique Prayers with Thanksgiving to be made unto the Giver of all Victory; after that, he re∣warded the Valiant, commended the rest, and gave thanks to all, he charitably relieved the sick and wounded, bewailed the spoil of the Island, and carefully provided for the repairing of the Breaches and Places battered; and yet in all this doing, diligently inquired after the Enemies

Course and purpose, and was not in any thing re∣miss or secure, as in Victory most Men are. But because so great harms could not without great helps in short time be repaired, and the return of the proud Enemy, not without cause the next year feared; he by Letters to divers great Princes, and especially to the Grand Priors of the Order, in divers Countries, requested help; amongst whom George, Grand Prior of Germany, and Founder of the Castle of Saint Elmo, was one of the chiefest. The Copy of which Letters, because they briefly contain what we have before in this History at large written, I have thought good here to set down, that the same may in such order be read, as it was by the Great Master himself re∣ported.

Brother Valetta, Master of the Hospital of Ierusalem, to the Reverend and Re∣ligious our well beloved Brother in Christ George of Hohe••heim, called Bom∣bast, Prior of our Priory in Almaine, Greeting.

* 18.1ALthough we doubt not but that by the Letters and Relation of many, you already understand of the coming of the Turks to invade these Islands, or rather utterly to ••ubvert our Society; and the happily and heavenly Victory by us obtained of it; yet if the same things shall by our Letters also be brought unto you, we have thought the same will be unto you a thing much more pleasing. For seeing that we are cer∣tainly perswaded, that you in this no less happy than wholesome success will give most hearty thanks to Almighty God, and that the fruit of this good shall most of all redound unto you, for the honour which you bear in our Order; we have willingly determined to participate this our joy with you, and plainly and open∣ly to protest, that we attribute this so notable and won∣derful a Victory to our Lord Christ Iesus, the greatest King of all Kings, and Author of all good things. Which that you may the more worthily and willingly do, we will declare the whole matter, not at large (for that were to write an History) but briefly and in few words. Sultan Solyman the most mortal Enemy of the Christian Name, and especially of our Society, not contented to have spoyled us of the most famous Island of the Rhodes, the Castle of Tripolis, and almost whatsoever we had else; commanded a great and strong Fleet to be made ready against us; which de∣parting from Constantinople the one and twentieth day of March, arrived here the eighteenth day of May; Which Fleet consisted of almost two hundred and fifty Gallies, Galliots, and other Ships. The num∣ber of the Enemies that bear Arms, according to the truth, was about forty thousand more or less: Gene∣ral of the Land Forces, was Mustapha Bassa; and of the Fleet, Pial Bassa was Admiral; who having spent a few days in landing their Forces, viewing the places, pitching their Tents, and setting things in ord•••• (as the manner of War is) they began first to as∣sail the Castle of Saint Elmo (situate in the mouth of the Haven) with great Force and most furious Battery. Which when they had many days done with∣out intermission, and had opened a great part of the Wall, and with all kind of Weapons assaulted the Breach; yet was it by the Valour and Prowess of our Knights, and other worthy Souldiers, kept and defended by the space of thirty five days with the great loss and slaughter of the Enemy; although the Castle it self, in the Iudgment of many, seemed not possible to be but a few days defended against so great a Force. At length the four and twentieth day of June, when our Men could no longer endure the multitude and fury of the Enemy, environed and shut up both by Sea and Land, and destitute of all help, the Castle was taken by the Turks; those few of our Men which were left, being all slain. Of which Victory they being proud, began to besiege the Castle and Town of Saint Michael, and this new City, especially at the Castle and Portugal Bulwark; and (as their manner is) with great diligence and greater force and num∣ber of great Artillery and Warlike Engins, they be∣gan in divers places at once to batter and beat down the Walls. Which Siege, the dreadful Army of the Turks by Sea and Land; made to be most fearful and terrible, with such huge great Ordnance, as the like for bigness and force was in no place to be seen; day and night thundring out their Iron and Stone Shot, five and seven hands about; wherewith not the thickest Walls, but even the very Mountains themselves might have been beaten down and overthrown; by fury whereof, the Walls in many places were so battered, that a Man might easily have entred as on plain ground. Where, when the barbarous Enemies had with wonderful Force and hideous Outcries oftentimes attempted to enter, so often were they with great Slaughter and Dishonour repulsed and beaten back; many of their Men slain or wounded. Their Generals, as well at Sea as Land, after that they had in so many places, with all their Forces in almost four months Siege and Assault, with exceeding fury in vain attempted the Breaches, and lost the greatest part of their old Souldiers, especially Winter now coming on, wherein all Wars by Law of Nations ought to cease; thought of nothing else but of departure, or rather of flight; which the coming of Garzias of Toledo, Viceroy of Sicilia, and Admiral of the King of Spain his Fleet, with ten thousand select Souldiers (amongst whom were at the least two hundred and fourteen of our Knights, and many other noble and valiant Gen∣tlemen; which only with a Christian Zeal, volunta∣rily met together from divers parts of the World to help and relieve us) caused them to hasten. So have you summarily and in few words, the proceedings and flight of the Turks Fleet, and the Victory by us (by the power of God) thereof obtained. It shall be your part to consider and conjecture, in what state our Order and this Island now standeth, into what poor estate we are brought, how many things we want; wherein ex∣cept we be relieved by the help and aid of our Brethren, especially such as you are, as we well hope, and assuredly believe we shall, our State will quickly take end. Fare you well. From Malta the ninth of October, 1565.

The Great Master thus delivered of so great a Siege, and bountifully relieved by the Christian Princes, and the great Commanders of his Or∣der; speedily repaired the Breaches and places battered, and with new Fortifications strengthned those places as he had by the late passed dan∣gers perceived to be most subject to the Enemies Force.

After the return of the Turks Fleet to Constan∣tinople, Solyman being exceeding angry with the Governor of the Island of Chios his Tributary, as well for that he had during the late Siege of Malta, had intelligence with the Great Master, and revealed unto him many of the Turks Designs; as also for detaining of two years Tribute, which was yearly ten thousand Ducats; and had also neglected to send his wonted Presents to the great Bassaes, who therefore the more incensed the Tyrant; commanded Pial Bassa his Admiral to make ready his Fleet, and by Force or Po∣licy to take that fruitful and pleasant Island wholly into his own hand. Who without delay, with a Fleet of eighty Gallies the fifteenth day of April in the year 1566, being then Easter day, [year 1566.]

arrived at Chios. The chief Men of the Island upon sight of the Fleet, forthwith sent Embas∣sadors to the Bassa with Presents, courteously offering unto him the Haven, and whatsoever else he should require. Pial with great kindness accepted their offer, and presently possessed him∣self of the Haven in three places; and afterward landing, sent for the Governor of the City and twelve of the chief Citizens to come unto him, as if he had some special matter to confer with him about from the great Sultan, before his de∣parture thence for Malta or Italy. Who having a little conferred together, went to him with great fear; and that not without cause; for as soon as they were come before him, he commanded them to be laid hold upon and cast fast into Irons;* 18.2 which done, the Souldiers forthwith took the Town Hall, and without resistance pulling down the Towns Ensign, (wherein was the Picture of Saint George with a red Cross) instead thereof set up one of the Turks; the like whereof was done with great rejoycing of the Turks through the whole Island. After that, they rifled the Churches, and again consecrated them after their Mahome∣tan manner. The Governor of the City, and the Senators, with their Families, the Bassa sent in five Ships to Constantinople; as for the Vulgar People, they were at choice, either there to tarry still, or depart, as best stood with their liking. And so the Bassa, when he had there placed a new Governor, one of the Turks, with a strong Garrison, and set up the Mahometan Supersti∣tion in that most fertile Island, departed thence for Italy; where sailing alongst the Coast of A∣pulia, he did exceeding much harm in burning and destroying the Country Villages, and carry∣ing away of the poor People into Captivity▪ and so returned.

At this time the Kingdom of Hungary was most miserably rent in pieces by the Lieutenants and Captains of Solyman and Maximilian the Empe∣ror, and Iohn the Vayvod of Transylvania Soly∣mans Vassal; who grieved with the harms done unto him by the Emperors Captains, whereof himself was the cause, and vainly hoping to have obtained at Solymans Hands the greatest part of the Kingdom of Hungary, as had sometime King Iohn; ceased not continually to solicite him to come himself in Person to make a full Conquest of the Reliques of Hungary, yet holden by the Emperor and some of the Hungarian Nobility; and flattering himself in that vain hope, called himself the King of Hungary; and increasing his strength by Letters unto the Nobility and Bur∣gesses of the Cities of Hungary; summoned them, as if it had been by the appointment of Solyman his great Patron, that they should all the ninth of March meet together at Thorda, to determine with him of Matters concerning their common good. Which thing as soon as Lazarus Suendi the Em∣perors Lieutenant understood, he forthwith by other Letters countermanded those of the Vay∣vods; perswading the Hungarians not to listen to Charms of the Vayvod and the Turk, tend∣ing to their destruction, but rather to yield their Obedience to Maximilian the Christian Empe∣ror, whose purpose was by the aid of the Chri∣stian Princes, to protect and preserve them in Peace. And hereby it came to pass, that the remainders of this sore shaken Kingdom, divided into Factions, and diversly carried, according to their Affection, some to the one side, some to the other, began afresh to work one anothers confusion, which fitly served the Turks to incroach more and more upon them;* 18.3 Who at the same time surprised the Town of Ainatsch (the Cap∣tain whereof, with certain of the Garrison Soul∣diers being gon about their business to Agria) and put to the Sword all them that they found in the Town. They thought also to have taken the strong Town of Sigeth, but were by the va∣liant Count Nicholaus Serinus Governor thereof, couragiously encountred, and after four hours hard Fight overthrown and put to Flight. Not long after, they ranged up and down the Coun∣try, and set in Booties as far as Iula and Rab, and did the Country People much harm. For which cause, Maximilian the Emperor about the later end of May brake up the Assembly of the Empire then holden at Augusta, and began care∣fully to provide things needful for the War; ap∣pointing his Captains for the raising of such Forces in Germany, as were but a little before granted unto him by the Princes and States of the Empire, in their late Assembly; but went himself to Vienna. For it was told him (as the truth was) that Solyman now in his extream Age was with a mighty Army set forward from Constantinople, and marching through Bulgaria and Servia, was come directly to Belgrade; where Iohn the Vayvod or Transylvania met him, and kissing his Hand, had commended himself and all his state unto his Protection. At which time Suendi the Emperors Lieutenant laid hard Siege to the Town of Husth in the Borders of Tran∣sylvania. The Bassa of Buda at the same time on the other side,* 18.4 by commandment of Soly∣man, with eight thousand Turks and five and twenty Pieces of great Ordnance besieging Pa∣lotta (a strong Town about eight miles from Rab) had with continual Battery by the space of eight days brought the same into great dan∣ger, although it was valiantly defended by George Thuriger. But hearing of the approach of George Count of Helffenstein, sent by the Emperor with certain Companies of Germans to relieve the same, he rose in such haste from the Siege, that he left certain of his great Ordnance and a great part of his Baggage behind him, and retired towards Alba Regalis. The Count having re∣lieved the Town,* 18.5 caused the Breaches to be forth∣with repaired, and with a new Supply strengthned the old Garrison. Thus was a most lamentable War at once begun in divers places of Hungary. After that, the Count of Helffen••tein, strengthned by the coming of the Count Salmo with cer∣tain Companies from Rab, departed from Pa∣l••tta, and came to Vesprinium a City about two miles off, then holden by the Turks; which City he took by force the last of Iune, and left not a Turk alive therein, because that they a few days before had cruelly slain certain Christians whom they had taken Prisoners. So leaving strong Garrisons both in V••sprinium and Palotta, they returned to Rab. Shortly after, the Count Salma laid Siege to Tatta a strong Town, o∣therwise called Doti••, betwixt Rab and Comara, which at length he▪ took by Assault the eight and twentieth day of Iuly, and slew all the Turks, except fifty, which flying into one of the Towers of the Castle, yielded upon com∣position; amongst whom was the late Governor of Vesprinium, and the Governor of this place, with the Bassa of Buda his nigh Kin••man, who were all presently sent Prisoners to Vienna. So the Count following the Course of his Victory (the terror of his former good Fortune running before him into the Turks strongest Holds) was on his way to have besieged Gestes a Town near to Palotta; when the Turks there in Garrison upon the first ••ight of his Army, left all and fled out at the farther side of the Town to S••rigo∣nium. After whose example other of the Turks Garrisons in Witha, Tschokik••, and Sambok, Castles

thereabouts, set fire on that they could not carry, and followed their Fellows to Strigonium also. The Emperor understanding of the good success of his Captains, caused publique Prayers with thanksgiving to Almighty God to be made through all the Churches thereabouts.

Count Serinus Governor of the strong Town of Sigeth and the Country thereabout, certainly advertised of the coming of Solyman, sent Caspa∣rus Alapianus and Nicholas Cobach, two of his Captains, with a thousand Foot and five hun∣dred Horse, to lie in wait for the Forerunners of the Turks Army; who drawing near unto the place where these Turks lay, not far from Quinque Ecclesiae, suddainly in the shutting in of the next day set upon them, doubting no such matter, and put them in such fear, that they disorderly fled, some one way, some another, and were most of them slain or wounded by the Hun∣garians in their Flight. Hali Beg one of the Turks great Sanzacks and Leader of that Company, sore wounded, and seeking to save himself by Flight in the Marishes, there perished; his Son and many other notable Men amongst the Turks, were there taken and carried Prisoners to Sigeth. The Spoil the Hungarians there took was exceeding great; for besides Plate and Coin, whereof they found good store,* 18.6 they took eight Camels, five Mules, threescore Horses, and six Carts laden with all manner of Spoil, and many Garments of great price; wherein the Gentlemen attired, returned to Sigeth in great Bravery, with two fair red Ensigns of the Enemies.

Maximilian the Emperor long before adver∣tised of Solymans purpose for the Conquest of the remainder of Hungary; to withstand so mighty an Enemy, had beside the Forces raised in his own Dominions, procured great Aid both of the States of the Empire and other Christian Princes, which about this time met together at Rab. First there repaired thither four Legions of German Footmen, and upwards of twenty thousand Horsemen, with four thou∣sand Hungarians; the Duke of Savoy sent thi∣ther four hundred Argoletiers; and many no∣ble Gentlemen out of divers parts of Europe resorted thither, to serve the Emperor in those Wars, of their own Charge; especially the Knights of Malta; and out of Italy, Prosper Co∣lumna and Angelus Caesius; out of France, Guise the Grand Prior, Brissack, and Lansack, who but a little before were going to Malta, of pur∣pose to have served there if the Turks Fleet had come thither again, as it was reported it would; but understanding that it came not, returned directly into Hungary, with certain o∣ther Knights of the Order. Many also of the Princes and free Cities of Italy declared their good Will toward the Emperor in this War; some sending him Men, as did Cosmus Medices Duke of Florence, who sent thither of his own Charge three thousand Footmen; some Mony, as Mantua, Genoa and Luca. Thither came also Alphonsus Duke of F••rrara with a gallant Company of noble Gentlemen, and other his Followers. Besides which Land For∣ces, the Emperor had also provided upon the River of Danubius twelve Gallies, and thirty other Ships for Burthen, so made, as that the Men could not be hurt with the Turks Arrows; wherein were embarqued three thousand Soul∣diers, most part Italians, under the Con∣duct of Philippus Flachius a German and one of the Knights of Malta, who was afterward re∣ceived into the number of the Princes of the Empire.

Solyman coming to the River Dravus, com∣manded a Bridge to be made over that great River,* 18.7 and the deep Fens on the farther side of the River towards Sigeth, for the transport∣ing of his great Army; a Work of such dif∣ficulty, that being thrice unfortunately begun, it was again given over, as a thing almost im∣possible. Wherewith Solyman was so moved, that in his rage he swore to hang up the Bassa that had the charge of that work, if he did not with as much speed as was possible, bring it to perfection. Whereupon the Work was a∣gain begun, all the Boats that were to be found in the River taken up, and Timber for the pur∣pose brought from far, for the making of that Bridge. In this Work were imployed not the Vulgar People only, of the Country which was Tributary to the Turks, but the Gentlemen themselves also, were by the imperious Turk (now commanding for his Life) enforced to lay their Fingers to work day and night without ceasing, until the Bridge (which before was thought scarce possible to have been made) was by the restless industry and labour of such a multitude of Men, in the space of ten days brought to perfection. Wherein the severity the barbarous Tyrant useth towards his Subjects, is worth noting; whereby he extorteth from them more than is almost possible for Men to per∣form; so that it is not to be marvelled, that he hath so good success in whatsoever he taketh in hand. Over this Bridge (a mile in length) passed Solyman, and encamped at a place called Muhatchz, where he stayed certain days, until his Army was all come over. The last of Iuly, ninety thousand Turks (the Vantguard of Soly∣mans Army) came before Sigeth, and encamped within a mile of the Town; after whom shortly after followed a hundred thousand more out of Solymans Camp; of whom many in approaching the Town,* 18.8 were slain with great Shot out of the Castle; the rest for all that encamped them∣selves as near unto the Town as they could, and began the Siege.

The Town of Sigeth is strongly situate in a Marish on the North side of Dravus upon the Frontiers of Dalmatia, commanding all the Coun∣try round about it, which of it taketh name; and was at that time a strong Bulwark against the Turks, for entring farther into the Coun∣try that way toward Stiria. In this Town was Governor Nicholaus Serinus, commonly called the Count, a valiant Man, and a mortal Ene∣my of the Turks, with a Garrison of two thousand three hundred good Souldiers; who seeing the huge Army of the Turks, called to∣gether into the Castle, the Captains of the Gar∣rison, and the chief of the Citizens; where stand∣ing in the midst of them, he spake unto them as followeth:

You see (said he) how we are on every side beset with the Multitude of our Enemies,* 18.9 wherein resteth their chief hope; but let not us be thereof afraid or discouraged; for that Victory dependeth not on a confused Multitude of heartless Men, but on the Power of our God, who hath by a few at his pleasure many times overthrown the mighty Armies of the Proud; and will not in the midst of these dangers now forsake us, if we putting our Trust and Confidence in him, do what beseemeth valiant and couragious Men. Besides that, our just Cause, with the strength of the place we hold, our own Va∣lour, and the help of our Friends, who I assure my self will not fail us at our need, countervaileth their confused Multitude, forced together by their imperious

Commanders o••t of far Countries, and whatsoever else the proud Tyrant hath brought with him into the Field. Wherefore let us all as becometh valiant Men, for the truth of our Religion, and for the honour of our Prince and Country, live and die together; know∣ing whatsoever befals, that to a Life so lost, beside never dying Fame, belongeth a most assured hope of Ioy and Felicity. As for my self, I am resolved, and so I hope are you also, that as I am a Christian, and free born, so will I (by the Grace of God) in the same Faith and Freedom end my days. Neither shall the proud Turk, so long as I am able to hold up this hand, have ever power to command over me, or the ground whereon I stand.

This said, he first took himself a solemn Oath to perform what he had promised, and perswaded the rest to take the like; which done, every Man returned to the place of his charge.

The fifth of August Solyman encamped with∣in a mile of the Town,* 18.10 and the next day after came himself into the Camp, at whose coming the great Ordnance and small Shot so thun∣dred out of the Turks Camp, as if Heaven and Earth should have gon together, the Turks after their wonted manner crying aloud their Alla, Alla, Alla, and the Christians answering them with the Name of Jesus. The seventh of August the Turks cast up a great Mount, and thereon planted certain great Pieces of Ordnance. The next day following they be∣gan most terribly to batter the new Town in three places, and with incredible Labor cast up a Mount in the midst of the Marish, as it were in the Town Ditch, from whence they the next day with certain Pieces of great Artillery day and night battered the inner Castle of the Town without any intermission, and did great harm both to the Castle and the Defendants. The Count perceiving the new City to be now so laid open with the fury of the Turks Battery, as that it was not possible to be defended, caused his Souldiers to set it all on fire, and to retire into the old. The tenth of August the Turks fu∣riously battered the old Town in three places,* 18.11 and brought their Ordnance into the new Town; and with Timber, Earth and Rubbish made a Bridge, the more commodiously to go over the Marish. For the speedier accomplishment where∣of, all the Turks were compelled to lay to their Hands, and to carry Wood, Fagots, Earth, and such like things without ceasing. There might a Man have seen all the Fields full of Camels, Horses, and of the Turks themselves, like Em∣mets, carrying Wood, Earth, Stones, or one thing or other to fill up the Marish; so was there with wonderful Labour two plain ways made through the deep Fen, from the Town to the Castle; where the Janizaries, defended from the great Shot with Sacks of Wool and such like things, did with the Multitude of their small Shot so overwhelm the Defendants, that they could not against those places without most manifest danger shew themselves upon the Walls. So that what by their vigilant Industry, and the fury of the great Artillery,* 18.12 the Turks (though not without great loss) by force entred the old Town the nineteenth of August, using in their Victory such celerity, that they slew many of the most valiant Defendants before they were able to recover the safeguard of the Castle. Both the Towns thus lost, and so many wor∣thy Men slain, not without cause brought great heaviness upon the rest which were in the Castle with the Count. The Turks possessed of the old Town, the next day planted their Battery against the Castle in four places, and with Fagots, Rubbish, and Earth, made two plain ways unto it, still filling up the Marish; and having with continual Battery made it as∣saultable, the nine and twentieth day of Au∣gust they began fiercely to assail the Breaches; but when they had lost many of their Men, and done what they could, they were enforced with shame to retire. In this Assault, amongst many other of their best Souldiers, was lost one of their great Bassaes also.

Whilst these things were in doing, Solyman far spent with years,* 18.13 and distempered with his long travel, fell sick of a Loosness in his Belly, and for the better recovery of his Health, retired himself (the Siege yet continuing) to Quinq•••• Ecclesiae a City near to Sigeth, where shortly after he died of the Bloody Flux the fourth day of September, in the year of our Lord 1566, when he had lived seventy six years, and there∣of reigned forty six. He was of Stature tall, of Feature slender, long Necked, his Colour pale and wan, his Nose long and hooked, of Na∣ture ambitious and bountiful, more faithful of his Word and Promise than were for most part the Mahometan Kings his Progenitors, wanting nothing worthy of so great an Empire, but that wherein all happiness is contained, Faith in Christ Jesus.* 18.14 Muhamet the Visier Bassa (who command∣ed all in Solymans absence) fearing the insolen∣cy of the Janizaries, and lest some Tumult should arise in the Camp, if his death should be known, concealed it by all means, and to be sure of them that were of others best able to make certain report thereof, caused his Physicians and Apo∣thecaries to be secretly stra••gled, and by a trus••y Messenger, sent in Post, certified Selymus (Soly∣mans only Son, and his Father in Law, then lying in Magnesi••) of the death of his Father, willing him in haste to repair to Constantinople, to take possession of the Empire; and that done, forth∣with to come to the Army in Hungary. But this could not be so secretly done, but that the Jani∣zaries began to mistrust the matter; which M••∣hamet Bassa quickly perceiving, caused the dead Body of Solyman in his wonted Apparel to be brought into his Tent sitting upright in his Horse-Litter, as if he had been sick of the Gout, his wonted disease, and so shewing him to the Jani∣zaries, both deceived and contented them, and so went forward with the Siege.

The Janizaries having in the last Assaul•• lost many of their Fellows,* 18.15 began now to under∣mine the greatest Bulwark of the Castle, from which the Defendants with their great Ordnance did most annoy them; wherein they used such diligence, that the fif••h of September they with Gunpowder and other light ma••ter provided for that purpose, had set all the Bulwa••k on a light fire; and by that means possessed thereof, with all their force assailed the Bulwark next unto the Castle Gate, from whence they were with great slaughter twice repulsed by the Count. But the raging Fire still increasing▪ he was en∣forced with those which were yet le••t alive, to retire into the inner Castle, wherein were but two great Pieces, and fourteen others of small force. Thus the Turks still prevailing, and taking one place after another, the seventh of Septem∣ber they furiously assaulted the little Castle,* 18.16 whereinto they cast such abundance of Fire, that in short time it caught hold on the Build∣ings, and set all on fire. The Count thus as∣sailed by the Enemy without, and worse distressed with the Fire within, which still increasing, left no place for him in safety to retire unto,

went into his Chamber, where putting on a rich new Suit of Apparel, came presently out again with his Sword and Targ••et in his hand; and finding his Souldiers with chearful Countenance and their Weapons in their hands, attending his coming, spake unto them these few his last words: The hard Fortune of this sinful Kingdom hath toge∣ther with our own overtaken us;* 18.17 but let us, noble Hearts, with patience endure what is to us by God assigned. You know what we have before promised, which hitherto God be thanked we have accordingly performed, and now let us with like resolution per∣form this last. The place you see is not longer to be kept, the devouring Fire groweth so still upon us and we in number are but few; wherefore let us ••s becometh valiant Men breakout into the utter Castle, there to die in the midst of our Enemies, to live afte∣wards with God for ever; I will be the first ••hat will go out, follow you me like Men. This said, with his Sword and Targuet in his Hand, with∣out any other Armor, calling thrice upon the Name of Jesus, he issued out at the Castle Gate, with the rest following him; where valiantly fighting with the Janizaries upon the Bridge; and having slain some of them, he was first wounded in two places of his Body with small Shot, and at last struck in the Head with an unlucky shot,* 18.18 fell down dead; the Turk for joy crying out their wonted word Alla. The rest of the Souldiers in flying back again into the Castle, were all slain by the Turks, except some few, whom some of the Janizaries in re∣gard of their Valour, by putting their Caps up∣on their Heads, saved from the fury of the re••••. In this Siege, the Turks (as they themselves re∣ported) lost seven thousand Janizaries, and twenty eight thousand other Souldiers, beside many vo∣luntary Men not enrolled in their Muster-Books, and three of their great Bassaes. Serinus his Head was presently cut off, and the next day (with the Heads of the other slain Christians) set upon a Pole, for all the Army to gaze up∣on. After that it was taken down, and by Muha∣met the great Bassa sent to Mustapha the Bassa of Buda his Kinsman, who by two Country Men,* 18.19 sent it wrapped in a red Scarf covered with a fair linnen Cloth, to Count Salma in the Emperors Camp at Rab, with this taunting Let∣ter thus directed.

Muhamet Bassa to Eccius Salma, Greeting.

* 19.1IN token of my love, behold, here I send thee the Head of a most resolute and valiant Captain thy Friend, the remainder of his Body I have honestly buried, as became such a Man. Sigeth biddeth thee farwell for ever.

The death of this noble and valiant Captain was much lamented of all the Christian Army, and his Head with many tears by his Son Bal∣thasar honourably buried amongst his Ancestors in Tschacat••rna, his own Castle. Solyman at his coming with this mighty Army into Hungary, had purposed before his return, if he had not been by death prevented, to have conquered both the remainder of the Kingdom of Hun∣gary, and to have again attempted the winning of Vienna. For the accomplishing of which his Designs, he at his first coming sent Parthaus Bassa, with forty thousand Turks to help the Bassa of Temesware and the Tartars, in the be∣half of the Vayvod, to besiege the strong Town of Guyla, situate upon the Lake Zarkad in the Confines of Transylvania, not far from whence Suendi had but in August before overthrown the Tartars, called in by Solyman for the aid of the Vayvod, and slain of them ten thousand. And at the same time he sent Mustapha Bassa of Bosna, and Cara••bei••s, with a great Power to Alba R••galis; who joyning with the Bassa of Buda, should keep the Emperor Maximilian busie, whilst he in the mean time besiegeth Si∣geth, as is before declared. Parthaus Bassa coming to Gyula, and laying hard Siege to the Town, was still notably repulsed by Nicholaus Keretschen, Governor of the Town; insomuch,* 19.2 that in a sally he had certain Pieces of his great Ordnance taken from him by the De∣fendants, and the rest cloied. But this brave Captain, not to have been constrained by all that the Bassa could do, was at last perswaded by his Kinsman George Bebicus (from whom Suendi had a little before taken certain Castles, for revolting from the Emperor to the Vay∣vod) for a great sum of Mony to deliver up the Town to the Bassa; which he did, cove∣nanting beside his Reward, That the Souldiers should with Bag and Baggage in safety de∣part; all which was frankly granted; who were not gon past a mile out of the Town, but they were set upon by the Turks, and all slain except some few which crept into the Reeds growing in the Marish fast by, and so escaped. The Traitor himself expecting his Reward, was carried in Bonds to Constantinople; where after∣ward, upon complaint made how hardly he had used certain Turks whom he had sometime taken Prisoners, he was by the commandment of Selymus, who succeeded Solyman, thrust into an Hogshead struck full of Nails with the Points inward, with this inscription upon it,* 19.3 Here re∣ceive the Reward of thy Avarice and Treason. Gyula tho•• ••oldst for Gold; if thou be not faithful to Maximilian thy Lord, neither wilt thou be to me; and so the Hogshead closed fast up, he was therein rolled up and down until he therein miserably died.

The Emperors Camp then lying at Rab, and the Bassa of Buda and Bosna with thirty thousand Turks not far off at Alba Regalis, and many hot skirmishes passing between them; it for∣tuned that the fifth of September the Turks in hope to have done some great piece of service upon the Christians, came forth of the Camp in great number, and by chance light upon a few Forragers of the Army, of whom they slew some; the rest flying, raised an Alarm in the Camp; whereupon the Hungarians and Burgundians with some others issuing out, pur∣suing the Turks, slew divers of them; in which pursuit George Thuriger descrying the Governor of Alba Regalis, a Man in great account,* 19.4 and very inward with Solyman whilst he lived, fierce∣ly pursued him in the midst of the flying Ene∣mies, and never left him until he had taken him Prisoner; and at his return presenting him to the Emperor, was for that good service Knighted, and rewarded with a Chain of Gold. There was by chance then present a Spaniard, who had heard him say openly at Constantino∣ple, That he alone with his own power was able to vanquish the German King (by which name the Turks commonly term the Empe∣ror;) With which words when that the Spani∣ard hardly charged him in the presence of the Emperor, still urging him as it were to say something for himself,* 19.5 the Turk answered him in these few words following: Such is the chance of War, thou seest me now a Prisoner, and able to do nothing.

All these troubles, with many more like in short time to have ensued, were by the death of

Solyman within a while after well appeased. Mu∣hamet Bassa after he had repaired the Breaches; and placed a Turk Governor of Sigeth, with a strong Garrison for the defence of the place and commanding of the Country, called back the dispersed Forces, and rising with the Army, re∣tired toward Belgrade, carrying Solymans dead Body all the way sitting upright in his Horse-litter carried by Mules,* 19.6 giving it out that he was sick of the Gout; which thing the Janizaries easily believed, knowing that he had been many years so carried; yet still wishing his presence, as always unto them fortunate, although that he were able for to do nothing.

Christian Princes of the same time with So∣lyman.

• Emperors of Germany
  • Charles the Fifth. 1519. 39.
  • Ferdinand. 1558. 7.
  • Maximilian the Second. 1565. 12.
• ...Kings
  • Of England
    • Henry the Eighth. 1509. 38.
    • Edward the Sixth. 1546. 6.
    • Queen Mary. 1553. 6.
    • Queen Elizabeth. 1558. 45.
  • Of France
    • Francis the First. 1514. 32.
    • Henry the Second. 1547. 12.
    • Francis the Second. 1559. 1.
    • Charles the Ninth. 1560. 14.
  • Of Scotland
    • James the Fifth. 1514. 29.
    • Queen Mary. 1543.
• Bishops of Rome
  • Leo the X. 1513. 8.
  • Hadrian the VI. 1522. 1.
  • Clement the VII. 1523. 10.
  • Paulus the III. 1534. 15.
  • Julius the III. 1550. 5.
  • Marcellus the II. 1555. 22 days.
  • Paulus the IV. 1555. 4.
  • Pius the IV. 1560. 5.
  • Pius the V. 1566. 6.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Solyman hardly per∣swaded that his Father was dead.
• * 1.2

  Gazelles Governor of Syria rebelleth against So∣lyman.
• * 1.3

  Gazelles slain.
• * 1.4

  Belgrade won by Solyman.
• * 1.5

  Philippus Villerius chosen great Ma∣ster of the Rhodes.
• * 1.6

  Cortug-Ogly the Pyrat per∣swadeth Solyman to besiege the Rhodes
• * 2.1

  Solymans Letter to Villerius Great Ma∣ster of the Rhodes.
• * 3.1

  The answer of Villeri∣us to So∣lymans Letter.
• * 3.2

  Solymans Oration to his Men of ••ar▪ de∣claring his purpose of b••si••ging the Rhodes
• * 3.3

  Solyman maketh preparati∣on against the Rhodes
• * 3.4

  Villerius prepareth to make re∣sistance a∣gainst the Turks.
• * 4.1

  Solymans Letter to Villerius.
• * 5.1

  Pyrrhus Bassa his Letter to Viller••us.
• * 6.1

  The answer of Villeri∣us to So∣lymans Letter.
• * 7.1

  Villerius his answer to Pyr∣rhus the Bassa his Letters.
• * 7.2

  Villerius advertised of the coming of the Turks Fleet.
• * 7.3

  The care∣fulness of the Grand Master.
• * 7.4

  Villerius his Orati∣on unto the Rhodians.
• * 8.1

  Solymans threatning Letters to the Rho∣dians.
• * 8.2

  The Rho∣dians for fear of the Turks de∣stroy their Suburbs and places of pleasure without the City.
• * 8.3

  The fear of the Coun∣try People.
• * 8.4

  The Chan∣cellor his Speech per∣swading the Rhodi∣ans ••o fight with the Turks Gal∣lies.
• * 8.5

  The worthy commen∣dation of the Great Master.
• * 8.6

  The Turks Fleet de∣scried at Sea trou∣bleth the Rhodians.
• * 8.7

  The order of the Turks Fleet
• * 8.8

  The Great Master by his Embas∣sadors cra∣veth aid of the Christian Princes.
• * 8.9

  The com∣mendation of Preja∣nes.
• * 8.10

  The de∣scription of the Rhodes.
• * 8.11

  A Turkish Woman Sl••ve, con∣spireth to fire the City.
• * 8.12

  The pain∣fulness of the Turks Pioniers.
• * 8.13

  The Turks deceived by the Christian Mariners.
• * 8.14

  Solyman cometh into the Camp.
• * 8.15

  Solymans cholerick Oration to his Soul∣diers.
• * 8.16

  Apella a Traitor.
• * 8.17

  The Turks battery.
• * 8.18

  The En∣glish Bul∣wark blown up.
• * 8.19

  The Turks assault the English Bulwark the second time, and are again repulsed.
• * 8.20

  Mustapha Bassa ••al∣leth into disgrace with So∣lyman.
• * 8.21

  The En∣glish Bul∣wark as∣saulted the third time by Musta∣pha.
• * 8.22

  The Turks Ensigns advanced to the top of the walls, are again cast down.
• * 8.23

  Another breach made in the Walls.
• * 8.24

  The Great Master his oration unto his Knights.
• * 8.25

  The Turks assault the City in five places at once.
• * 8.26

  The Rhodi∣ans vali∣antly de∣fend the City.
• * 8.27

  The Spa∣nish Bul∣wa••k ta∣ken by the Turks.
• * 8.28

  The Spa∣nish Bul∣wark a∣gain re∣covered.
• * 8.29

  The Turks give over the assaul••
• * 8.30

  Solyman in his ••ury command∣eth the two great Bassa••s, Mustapha and Pyr∣rhus to be p••t to death.
• * 8.31

  The Bas∣saes spared at the in∣tercession of the o∣ther Coun∣sellors.
• * 8.32

  Solyman displaceth his Admi∣ral and puni••••eth him as a Slav••.
• * 8.33

  Solyman exceeding∣ly grieved with the repulse and loss recei∣ved at the Siege of the Rhodes was upon point to have l••ft the same.
• * 8.34

  Achime∣tes promi∣seth to make a way for Solyman into the City.
• * 8.35

  Solyman comforteth his Soul∣diers and perswadeth them with patience to endure the Siege.
• * 8.36

  Achime∣tes win∣neth the Vaumures of the A∣vergne Bul∣wark, rai∣seth a strong Pent∣house a∣gainst the Wall, and so under∣mi••eth the same.
• * 8.37

  The mise••∣able state of the Com∣mon Soul∣diers of the Turks, and the small ac∣count is made of them.
• * 8.38

  Solyman encoura∣geth his Souldiers to a fresh Assault.
• * 8.39

  The distres∣sed estate of the Rhodians and their couragious resolution therein.
• * 8.40

  The Turks trouble the Rhodians with con∣tinual A∣larms, and by casting up of Trenches got into the City.
• * 8.41

  Parley of∣fered by the Turks to the Rhodians.
• * 8.42

  Secret par∣ley reject∣ed.
• * 8.43

  The Great Master at the in∣stance of his People sendeth Embassa∣dors to Solyman.
• * 9.1

  Solymans Letter sent to the Great Ma∣ste•• and the Rhodians, by their Embassa∣do••s.
• * 10.1

  The Great Master his opinion concerning that Soly∣man de∣manded by his Letters
• * 10.2

  A notable Speech of a Greek Priest per∣swading the Great Master to yield.
• * 10.3

  A most resolute Speech of a common Souldier, disswad∣ing the yielding up of the Rhodes.
• * 10.4

  The former Speech not∣ably an∣swered by a Greek, and the yield∣ing of the City urged.
• * 10.5

  The Great Master re∣sol••ed that the City was not to be defend∣ed, calleth a Common-Council of his Knights and the Burgess••s of the City.
• * 10.6

  A Truce tak••n with the Turks for four days.
• * 10.7

  A barbar∣ous Fact.
• * 10.8

  Solyman his Speech unto the Great Ma∣ster.
• * 10.9

  The resolute answer of the Great Master to Solyman.
• * 10.10

  Solyman cometh in••o the City unto the Great Ma∣ster.
• * 10.11

  The Speech of the Great Ma∣ster to Solyman.
• * 10.12

  The notable answer of Solyman to the Great Ma∣ster.
• * 10.13

  Solyman entreth in∣to the Rhodes on Christen∣mas day, in the year 1522.
• * 10.14

  Solyman sends Fer∣hates Bas∣s•• against Alis-Beg the Moun∣tain Prince
• * 10.15

  Alis and his four Sons trea∣cherously slain.
• * 10.16

  Solyman returneth to Con∣stantino∣ple.
• * 10.17

  Solyman upon the discord of the Christi∣an Princes and disor∣dered state of ••unga∣ry, taketh occasion to invade that King∣dom.
• * 10.18

  Solyman cometh against Lewis King of Hungary.
• * 10.19

  The vani∣ty of To∣moreus.
• * 10.20

  Wholesome Counsel not followed.
• * 10.21

  The battel of Mo∣hatchz.
• * 10.22

  Tomore∣us slain.
• * 10.23

  King Lewis drowned in a ditch.
• * 10.24

  The Heads of sl••in Christian Bishops and Cap∣tains pre∣s••nted to Solyman.
• * 10.25

  The Bishop of Vera∣d••um too true a Pro∣phet.
• * 10.26

  The ho∣nourab••e Speech of Solyman concerning his coming into Hun∣gary.
• * 10.27

  Joannes Sepusius Vayvod of Transyl∣vania, as∣pireth to the King∣dom of Hungary.
• * 10.28

  King Lewis bu∣ried.
• * 10.29

  John Se∣pusius the Vayvod chosen and crowned King of Hungary.
• * 10.30

  Ferdi∣nand King of Bohe∣mia layeth claim to the King∣dom of Hungary.
• * 10.31

  King Fer∣dinand taketh Bu∣da.
• * 10.32

  The battel of Tocai, between the Armies of King John and King Fer∣dinand.
• * 10.33

  King John 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into Polonia.
• * 10.34

  Ferdi∣nand crowned King of Hungary at Alba Regalis.
• * 10.35

  Lascus counselleth King John to crave aid of So∣lyman.
• * 10.36

  Lascus go∣eth Em∣bassador for King John to Solyman.
• * 10.37

  Abraham Bassa.
• * 10.38

  Lascus his request of Solyman in the be∣half of King John.
• * 10.39

  Solyman granteth Lascus his request.
• * 10.40

  Ferdi∣nand send∣eth an Em∣bassador to Solyman.
• * 10.41

  Solymans answer to Ferdi∣n••nds Em∣bassadors.
• * 10.42

  Solyman cometh in∣to Hun∣gary with a great Army.
• * 10.43

  King John cometh to Solyman at Bel∣grade.
• * 10.44

  Solyman enters Bu∣da with∣out re∣sistance, and be∣sieged the Castle.
• * 10.45

  Solyman contrary to his pro∣mise cau∣seth the Garrison Souldiers after they had deli∣vered the Castle, to be slain.
• * 10.46

  Austria spoiled by the Turks.
• * 10.47

  Alten∣bourg ta∣ken.
• * 10.48

  Solyman cometh to Vienna.
• * 10.49

  Vienna badly for∣tified.
• * 10.50

  Solyman releaseth the Chri∣stian Prin∣ces with∣out ran∣some.
• * 10.51

  Eight thousand Turks lost in the Mines.
• * 10.52

  The Walls of Vienna blown up.
• * 10.53

  The Turks repulsed from the breach.
• * 10.54

  A most ter∣rible As∣sault.
• * 10.55

  The Turks the third time re∣pulsed.
• * 10.56

  The Lord ••ill••••m ••ogen∣dorffe.
• * 10.57

  Vienna 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 10.58

  The Turks repulsed.
• * 10.59

  Solyman raiseth his Siege.
• * 10.60

  Eighty thousand Turks lost at the Siege of Vienna.
• * 10.61

  Solyman restoreth the King∣dom of Hungary to King John.
• * 10.62

  The honour∣able saying of Soly∣man to King John
• * 10.63

  Solyman Circumci∣seth his three Sons.
• * 10.64

  King Fer∣dinand sends Em∣bassadors to Soly∣man.
• * 10.65

  The prepa∣ration of Charles the Empe∣ror a∣gainst So∣lyman.
• * 10.66

  Strigoni∣um besie∣ged by King John.
• * 10.67

  Mutiny, a∣mong the Spanish Souldiers.
• * 10.68

  Solyman cometh in∣to Hunga∣ry.
• * 10.69

  Genza be∣sieged by the Turks.
• * 10.70

  The huge Army of Solyman.
• * 10.71

  Solymans proud Let∣ters unto the▪ Em∣peror Charles and King Ferdi∣nand.
• * 10.72

  Abraham Bassa per∣swadeth Solyman to leave the Siege of Gunza.
• * 10.73

  The Gover∣nor cometh to the Bassa.
• * 10.74

  His answer to the Bassa.
• * 10.75

  Solyman departeth from the Siege of Gunza.
• * 10.76

  Cason sent with fif∣teen thou∣sand Horse∣men to spoil Au∣stria.
• * 10.77

  Four thou∣sand Chri∣stian Cap∣tives mur∣dred by Cason.
• * 10.78

  Cason dis∣com••ited by the Pala∣tine, and slain.
• * 10.79

  The slaugh∣ter of the Turks.
• * 10.80

  Charles the Empe∣ror his power at Vienna.
• * 10.81

  The Order of the Chri∣stian Army
• * 10.82

  Solyman ret••rne••h.
• * 10.83

  The Itali∣ans left for the aid of King Fer∣dinand a∣rise in Mutiny.
• * 10.84

  The sediti∣ous Orati∣on of Titus Ma••coni∣us, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mutinous Italians.
• * 10.85

  At t••is very ti••e a g••••at Blazing Star was s••en in the Firmament at Vienna.
• * 10.86

  Eight thousand of the Ita∣lians in mutiny, forsake their Cap∣tains, and return in∣to Italy.
• * 10.87

  Charles the Empe∣ror return∣eth into Italy.
• * 10.88

  Auria go∣eth against the Turks.
• * 10.89

  Auria be∣siegeth Corone in Pelo∣ponnesus.
• * 10.90

  Corone yielded to Auria by the Turks.
• * 10.91

  Patras ta∣ken and ransacked by Auria.
• * 10.92

  Auria re∣turns to Italy.
• * 10.93

  The Turks besiege Co∣rone.
• * 10.94

  Auria sent by the Em∣peror to relieve Corone.
• * 10.95

  The order of Auria his Fleet before Co∣rone.
• * 10.96

  The Chri∣stian Fleet disordered.
• * 10.97

  Auria ar∣riveth at Corone.
• * 10.98

  The Turks Fleet flies to Modon.
• * 10.99

  Corone relieved by Auria.
• * 10.100

  Auria re∣turns, and before Mo∣don bra∣veth the Turks Fleet
• * 10.101

  The Moor of Alex∣andria well bea∣ten, and taken by C••••••lis the Vene∣tian.
• * 10.102

  The Gar∣rison Soul∣diers of Corone desire of their Ge∣neral to be brought to some ser∣vice.
• * 10.103

  Macicaus Governor of Co∣rone goeth out to sur∣prise An∣drussa.
• * 10.104

  Macicaus slain.
• * 10.105

  Corone forsaken by the Spani∣ards.
• * 10.106

  Aloysius Grittus the Duke of Venice his Son▪ Solymans Lieutenant in Hunga∣ry to over∣see King John.
• * 10.107

  Americus Bishop of Veradium and Vay∣vod of Transyl∣vania, con∣temneth Grittus.
• * 10.108

  Janus Do∣cia incen∣seth Grit∣tus against the Vay∣vod.
• * 10.109

  The cause why Las∣cus the Po∣lonian fell from King John.
• * 10.110

  The Vay∣vod mur∣dred in his Tent by Docia, and his head pre∣sented to Grittus.
• * 10.111

  The Tran∣sylvanians rise up in Arms a∣gainst Grittus, to revenge the death of the Vayvod.
• * 10.112

  Grittus besieged by the Tran∣sylvanians.
• * 10.113

  Grittus taken and brought to Maylat.
• * 10.114

  Grittus beheaded.
• * 10.115

  The Riches sound about Grittus.
• * 10.116

  Solyman at one time purposeth to invade Persia and Africk.
• * 10.117

  The poor beginning of Hor∣ruccius and Hari∣adenus, who of base Pyrats, aspired to the King∣dom of Al∣giers.
• * 10.118

  Horrucci∣us his suc∣cess.
• * 10.119

  Horrucci∣us slain, and his head car∣ried about in Spain.
• * 10.120

  Hariade∣nus sirna∣med Bar∣barussa, succeedeth his Bro∣ther Hor∣ruccius in the King∣dom of Algiers.
• * 10.121

  His won∣derful suc∣cess
• * 10.122

  Solyman sends for Barbarus∣sa.
• * 10.123

  Barbarus∣sa cometh to Con∣stantino∣ple.
• * 10.124

  Barbarus∣sa envied in the Turks, Court.
• * 10.125

  Barbarus∣sa rejected to Abra∣ham the great Bas∣sa.
• * 10.126

  He travel∣leth into Syria to the Bassa, and is by him com∣mended to Solyman.
• * 10.127

  His return to Con∣stantino∣ple.
• * 10.128

  Roscete••.
• * 10.129

  Barbarus∣sa his speech to Solyman to per∣swade him to invade Tunes.
• * 10.130

  Barbarus∣sa is made Solymans great Ad∣miral.
• * 10.131

  He spoileth the Coast of Italy.
• * 10.132

  Jul••a Gon∣zaga a air Lady hardly distressed by B••rba∣rus••a.
• * 10.133

  The Ro∣mans a∣fraid of Barba∣russa.
• * 10.134

  Muleasses King of Tunes.
• * 10.135

  The ingra∣titude of Muleasses.
• * 10.136

  Roscetes riseth a∣gainst his brother Muleasses.
• * 10.137

  Forsaken of the Nu∣midian Princes, he flieth to Barbarus∣sa.
• * 10.138

  Barbarus∣sa la••deth at Biser∣ta.
• * 10.139

  Biserta yielded;
• * 10.140

  Barbarus∣sa cometh to Gulet∣ta.
• * 10.141

  Muleasses flieth out of Tunes.
• * 10.142

  Barbarus∣sa enters into Tu∣nes.
• * 10.143

  The Citi∣zens de∣ceived of their ex∣pectation, rise against the Turks.
• * 10.144

  Muleasses returned into the City.
• * 10.145

  The Citi∣zens of Tunes dis∣comfited by the Turks.
• * 10.146

  Muleasses flieth.
• * 10.147

  The Citi∣zens of Tunes yield them∣selves to Barbarus∣sa.
• * 10.148

  The descri∣ption of Abraham the Bassa.
• * 10.149

  His bring∣ing up in the Court.
• * 10.150

  His great credit with So∣lyman.
• * 10.151

  Abraham Bassa per∣swadeth Solyman to make War upon the Persi∣ans.
• * 10.152

  Solyman resolveth to go a∣gainst the Persians.
• * 10.153

  Abrahams credit ma∣ligned by Solymans mother and Roxolana.
• * 10.154

  Abraham Bassa sent before with an Army into Syria.
• * 10.155

  The City of Tauris yielded un∣to the Bassa
• * 10.156

  Solyman cometh to Tauris.
• * 10.157

  Solyman followeth Tamas the Persian King into Sultania.
• * 10.158

  Solymans Army d••∣stressed with tem∣pest.
• * 10.159

  Babylon yielded to Solyman.
• * 10.160

  The Coun∣tries of Assyria and Meso∣potamia possessed by the Turks.
• * 10.161

  Tamas comes to Tauris.
• * 10.162

  Tamas hearing of the coming of Soly∣man to Tauris, fly∣eth into Hyrcania,
• * 10.163

  Solyman ransack•• Tauris.
• * 10.164

  Delimen∣thes with 5000 Per∣sians pur∣sues the Turks.
• * 10.165

  Delimen∣thes as∣sails the Turks Camp by night, and maketh a great slaughter.
• * 10.166

  Solyman discoura∣ged.
• * 10.167

  Abraham the great Bassa in disgrace with Soly∣man.
• * 10.168

  Abraham Bassa mur∣dred in the Court by the Com∣mandment of Soly∣man.
• * 10.169

  The causes that moved Charles the Empe∣ror to in∣vade Tu∣nes.
• * 10.170

  The Empe∣rors great Preparati∣ons for the invasion of Tunes.
• * 10.171

  Andrew Auria the Emperors Admiral.
• * 10.172

  Alphon∣sus D'aua∣lus Vasti∣us General of the land forces.
• * 10.173

  The Empe∣ror passeth over into Africk.
• * 10.174

  Barbarus∣sa hearing of the coming of the Empe∣ror, is much dis∣couraged.
• * 10.175

  In his rage he ••xecut∣eth Aloy∣sius Prae∣senda.
• * 10.176

  Barbarus∣sa encou∣rageth his Souldiers.
• * 10.177

  B••rbarus∣sa his chief Captains.
• * 10.178

  The situa∣tion of Guletta.
• * 10.179

  The Chri∣stian Army landeth at Guletta.
• * 10.180

  Salec sal∣lieth out upon the Count and the Itali∣ans.
• * 10.181

  The Count slain, and his Head and right Hand sent to Barba∣russa.
• * 10.182

  The Spani∣ards rejoy∣cing at the Overthrow of the Ita∣lians, are themselves foiled by Tabac∣ches.
• * 10.183

  Vastius his Speech to the Spa∣nish Cap∣tains.
• * 10.184

  The Turks sally again out of Gu∣letta.
• * 10.185

  Giaffer Captain of the Iani∣zaries slain.
• * 10.186

  Guletta f••riously battered.
• * 10.187

  Guletta assaulted by the Christians.
• * 10.188

  Guletta won, and Barbarus∣sa his Fleet taken.
• * 10.189

  Barbarus∣sa rageth.
• * 10.190

  The short answer of Sinan the Iew unto Barbarus∣sa.
• * 10.191

  Mulea••ses cometh to the Empe∣ror.
• * 10.192

  The Orati∣on of Mu∣leasses un∣to Charles the Empe∣ror.
• * 10.193

  The Empe∣rors ans∣wer to Muleasses.
• * 10.194

  The beha∣vior of Muleasses.
• * 10.195

  His opini∣on and couns••l concerning the present War.
• * 10.196

  The Spa∣nish light Horsemen put to flight.
• * 10.197

  The Empe∣ror resto∣reth the Battel, and with his own hand rescueth Andreas Pontius of Granado.
• * 10.198

  The Empe∣ror advi∣sed by his Counsellors to return home.
• * 10.199

  The reso∣lute ans∣wer of the Emperor.
• * 10.200

  The Empe∣ror mar∣cheth to∣ward Tu∣nes.
• * 10.201

  The Soul∣diers for 〈…〉〈…〉 of water 〈…〉〈…〉 their march.
• * 10.202

  A draugh•• of water sold for two Du∣cats.
• * 10.203

  Barbarus∣sa in Field against the Emperor.
• * 10.204

  Vastius command∣eth the Emperor.
• * 10.205

  Barbarus∣sa flieth to ••unes.
• * 10.206

  Barbarus∣sa in mind to kill all the Chri∣stian Cap∣tives, is disswaded by Sinan the Iew.
• * 10.207

  The Chri∣stian Cap∣tives break pri∣son, and drive the Turks out of the Castle of Tunes.
• * 10.208

  Tunes yielded to the Empe∣ror.
• * 10.209

  Tunes spoiled by the Chri∣stians.
• * 10.210

  Three things es∣pecially la∣mented by Mul••asses in the spoil of the Castle of Tunes.
• * 10.211

  Barbarus∣sa flieth to Hippona, and th••re comforteth his Soul∣diers.
• * 10.212

  Auria sendeth certain Gallies to intercept Barba∣russa.
• * 10.213

  Barbarus∣sa escapeth to Algiers.
• * 10.214

  The King∣dom of Tunes is by the Em∣peror re∣stored to Muleasses.
• * 10.215

  The Empe∣ror re∣turneth with Vi∣ctory into Italy.
• * 10.216

  The Egyp∣tian Kings about to let in the Red Sea into the Medi∣terranean.
• * 10.217

  〈…〉〈…〉 the Turks.
• * 10.218

  The trea∣cherous dealing of Solyman the Eunuch Bassa with the Kings of Arabia.
• * 10.219

  Solyman incited by the French Embassa∣dor to in∣vade Italy.
• * 10.220

  S••lyman with an Army of two hun∣dred thou∣sand Men cometh to to Aulona.
• * 10.221

  S••lyman sends Lut∣zis and Barbarus∣sa with his Fleet to invade Italy.
• * 10.222

  Castrum in Apulia yielded to the Turks, and by them con∣trary to their faith spoiled.
• * 10.223

  The Turks spoil Apu∣lia.
• * 10.224

  Junusbe••∣us with two Gal∣lies, driven by the Ve∣netians up∣on the A∣croserau∣nian Rock.
• * 10.225

  Auria ta∣keth 12 of the Turks Gallies full of Ia∣nizaries and Soly∣mans o∣ther best Souldiers.
• * 10.226

  Junusbei∣us, Barba∣russa, and Ajax, in∣cense Soly∣man a∣gainst the Venetians.
• * 10.227

  Solyman converteth his Forces from the Italians against the Venetians▪
• * 10.228

  Solyman in danger to have been slain in his Tent in the midst of his Army.
• * 10.229

  Solyman invad••th the Island of Corcyra
• * 10.230

  Good Iu∣stice done by Soly∣man.
• * 10.231

  The Turks depart from Cor∣fu, and carry a∣way with them above 16000 Christians into Cap∣tivity.
• * 10.232

  Aegina with o∣ther Islands of the Aegium ••poiled.
• * 10.233

  The blunt Speech of a Turk sent by Lutzis Bassa unto the Duke of Naxos.
• * 10.234

  Naxos be∣cometh tri∣butary unto the Turks.
• * 10.235

  Lutzis Bassa dis∣graced by Solyman and exiled
• * 10.236

  The Turks spoil the Venetians, and the Venetians them like∣wise.
• * 10.237

  Mahome∣tes Gover∣nour of Belgrade.
• * 10.238

  An ••evil assured Peace.
• * 10.239

  King Fer∣dinand breaketh his ••••ague with the Turks.
• * 10.240

  Cazzia∣ner Gene∣ral of King Ferdi∣nands Army.
• * 10.241

  Mahome∣tes Gover∣nour of Belgrade, aided by the other Turks Cap∣tains.
• * 10.242

  A slow march.
• * 10.243

  Cazzia∣ner cometh to Walpo.
• * 10.244

  The Turks Skirmish with the Christians.
• * 10.245

  The Chri∣stians come within sight of Exek.
• * 10.246

  The Turks Skirmish with the Christians in passing the Forrest.
• * 10.247

  Mahome∣tes wisely refuseth to fight with the Christians, offering him Battel.
• * 10.248

  Balthazer Pamphi∣lus his counsel for relief of the Army.
• * 10.249

  Balthazer taketh the Town of Hermande
• * 10.250

  The Castle of Her∣mande yielded un∣to the Christians.
• * 10.251

  Cazzia∣ner to re∣tire with more haste, would have bro∣ken his great Ord∣nance.
• * 10.252

  The Turks sore trou∣ble the Christians in their retiring.
• * 10.253

  A general fe••r in the Christians Camp.
• * 10.254

  The fear∣ful resolu∣tion of the Chri∣stians to get from the Turks.
• * 10.255

  The vigi∣lancy of Mahome∣tes.
• * 10.256

  The Chri∣stian Cap∣tains shamefully flie, some one way, some ano∣ther, in the night.
• * 10.257

  The disho∣nourable Flight of Cazzia∣ner.
• * 10.258

  Lodroni▪ encourag∣eth the Footmen.
• * 10.259

  An old German Souldier jesteth at Lodroni∣us.
• * 10.260

  The ••••rs••∣men dis∣comfi••••d b•• the Tu••ks▪
• * 10.261

  The Chri∣stian Foot∣men over∣thrown.
• * 10.262

  Lodroni∣us slain.
• * 10.263

  Three of the great Captains Heads pre∣sented to Solyman at Con∣stantino∣ple.
• * 10.264

  Cazzia∣ner gene∣rally hated
• * 10.265

  Cazzia∣ner im∣prisoned breaketh Prison.
• * 10.266

  Cazzia∣ner most shamefully murdred, and his Head sent unto King Ferdi∣nand.
• * 10.267

  The Empe∣ror, the Ve∣netians, and the Bishop of Rome, en∣ter into a Confedera∣tion a∣gainst the Turks.
• * 10.268

  Solyman sendeth Barbar••s∣sa against the Vene∣tians.
• * 10.269

  Barbarus∣sa landing in Creete, is repulsed with loss.
• * 10.270

  The con∣federate Princes Fleets meet at Corcyra.
• * 10.271

  Gongaza his opinion▪
• * 10.272

  Auria of another opinion.
• * 10.273

  Auria braveth Barbarus∣sa lying in the Bay of Am∣bracia.
• * 10.274

  Barbarus∣sa reproved of cowar∣dise by one of the Turks Eu∣nuchs.
• * 10.275

  Barbarus∣sa his ans∣wer to Sa∣lec con∣cerning the Eu••uchs speech.
• * 10.276

  Barbarus∣sa putteth out of the Bay of Ambracia and fol∣loweth Aur••••.
• * 10.277

  The order of the Turks Fleet.
• * 10.278

  Auria his politiqu•• course.
• * 10.279

  The Chri∣stian Fleet shamefully ••••ieth.
• * 10.280

  Barbarus∣sa jeasteth at Auria.
• * 10.281

  Barbarus∣sa braveth the Chri∣stians.
• * 10.282

  Castrono∣vum taken by the Christians.
• * 10.283

  Auria neg∣lecting to pursue Bar∣barussa, returns in∣to Italy, to the grief of the Veneti∣an Admi∣ral.
• * 10.284

  Barbarus∣sa sent by Solyman to besiege Castrono∣vum.
• * 10.285

  Castrono∣vum hard∣ly besieged by Barba∣russa.
• * 10.286

  Castrono∣vum taken
• * 10.287

  Sarmen∣tus slain.
• * 10.288

  Alphon∣sus Vastius and Hane∣baldus sent Embassa∣dors from the Empe∣ror and the French King to the State of Venice.
• * 10.289

  Vas••••us his Orati∣on to the Venetian Senate.
• * 10.290

  The answer of the Duke to Vastius.
• * 10.291

  Vastius his answer to the de∣mand of the Vene∣tian Sena∣tors.
• * 10.292

  The Vene∣tian Sena∣tors diver∣sly affected towards th•• confe∣deration with the Emperor and the Fr••••ch ••••ng, a∣gainst Solyman▪
• * 10.293

  Foscarus a grave Senator.
• * 10.294

  Foscarus disgraced by the m••l∣titude.
• * 10.295

  The Vene∣tians sent Aloysius Badoeri∣us their Embassa∣dor to So∣lyman, to conclude a Peace.
• * 10.296

  The most se∣c••••t decree of the Ve∣tian S••∣nate made 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to S••lyman.
• * 10.297

  A Peace conclu∣ded be∣twixt the Venetians and Soly∣man.
• * 10.298

  The Trai∣tors which revealed the secrets of the Ve∣netian state to Soly∣man exe∣cuted.
• * 10.299

  The secret confedera∣tion be∣twixt King Fer∣dinand and King John re∣vealed.
• * 10.300

  King John in his old years mar∣rieth Isa∣bella King Sigis∣munds Daughter.
• * 10.301

  The Queen with Child
• * 10.302

  Queen Isa∣bella deli∣vered of a Son.
• * 10.303

  The death of King John.
• * 10.304

  The honou∣rable say∣ing of King John.
• * 10.305

  Embassa∣dors sent out of Hungary to Soly∣man.
• * 10.306

  A young Child Crowned King of Hungary.
• * 10.307

  George Bishop of Veradium one of the Kings Tu∣tors, a no∣table Man.
• * 10.308

  The fugi∣tive Hun∣garians perswade King Fer∣dinand to invade Hungary.
• * 10.309

  Laschus disswa∣deth King Ferdi∣nand from seeking for the King∣dom of Hungary by force, perswa∣ding him rather to request it of courtesie of Soly∣man.
• * 10.310

  Laschus sent Em∣bassador from King Ferdi∣nand to Solyman.
• * 10.311

  King Fer∣dinand sendeth an Embassa∣dor to the Queen, to demand of her the Kingdom of Hunga∣ry.
• * 10.312

  The Queens answer to the Embas∣sador.
• * 10.313

  King Fer∣dinand invadeth Hungary.
• * 10.314

  V••••egrade taken.
• * 10.315

  Pes••h and Vachia taken.
• * 10.316

  Buda be∣sieged.
• * 10.317

  King Fer∣dinands Army de∣parts from Buda.
• * 10.318

  Alba Re∣galis yield∣ed to King Ferdi∣nand.
• * 10.319

  The Queen c••aveth aid of So∣lyman a∣gainst Fer∣dinand.
• * 10.320

  Solyman promiseth to protect the Queen and her Son, a∣gainst Fer∣dinand, and sends Presents to the young King.
• * 10.321

  Laschus King Fer∣dinand his Embassa∣dor impri∣soned by Solyman.
• * 10.322

  The Queen joyneth her Forces with the T••rks and burneth Vacia.
• * 10.323

  Pe••••h in vain be∣sieged by the Turks.
• * 10.324

  Kin•• F••r∣din••n•• 〈…〉〈…〉 with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Army in•••• Hung••ry▪
• * 10.325

  Buda be∣sieged.
• * 10.326

  Rogen∣dorff threatns the Queen.
• * 10.327

  The Bishop his scorn∣ful answer to Rogen∣dorff.
• * 10.328

  A great Breach in the Walls of Buda.
• * 10.329

  The Ger∣mans as∣saulting the Breach, are with loss repul∣sed.
• * 10.330

  Bornemis∣sa practi∣seth to be∣tray the City of Buda.
• * 10.331

  Bornemis∣sa recei∣veth in the Germans by a Po∣stern suppo∣sing them to have been Hun∣garians.
• * 10.332

  The Ger∣mans not conducted, are disco∣vered and discomfi∣ted.
• * 10.333

  Solyman at one time main∣tain••th Wa••s in di••ers places of the World far distant▪
• * 10.334

  Mahome∣tes Bassa cometh with the Turks Ar∣my to re∣lieve Bu∣da.
• * 10.335

  The order of King Ferdi∣nands Ar∣my.
• * 10.336

  The Bassa entrench∣eth his Ar∣my within half a mile of the Kings Ar∣my.
• * 10.337

  Skirmishes betwixt the Chri∣stia••s and the Turks.
• * 10.338

  Rayscha∣chius for sorrow of his Son slain by the Turks, suddainly dieth.
• * 10.339

  The Turks suddainly assail the Christians in the Island.
• * 10.340

  Valentinus General for the Queen in Buda, certifieth Perenus of the coming of Soly∣man.
• * 10.341

  The Chri∣stians Ar∣my depart∣eth by night from Buda.
• * 10.342

  The T••rks assail the Christians in their Camp at their de∣parture.
• * 10.343

  A mis∣chievous practise of the Bishop.
• * 10.344

  Great slaughter of the Christians.
• * 10.345

  Pesth ta∣ken by Cason, Ad∣miral of the Turks Fleet.
• * 10.346

  Rogen∣dorff a∣gainst his Will car∣ried away by his Phy∣sician and Chamber∣lain to Comora, there di∣eth.
• * 10.347

  Solyman cometh to Buda.
• * 10.348

  Turkish Cruelty.
• * 10.349

  Solyman sends for the young King into the Camp.
• * 10.350

  The Queen sendeth the young King her Son to Solyman in the Camp at∣tended with the Nobility.
• * 10.351

  Solyman courteously receiveth the young King.
• * 10.352

  Solyman cra••tily taketh the City of Bud••.
• * 10.353

  Solyman detaineth the Noble∣men of Hungary in his Camp.
• * 10.354

  The great Bassaes of divers opi∣nions for the dispo∣sing of the Kingdom of Hun∣gary.
• * 10.355

  The Ora∣tion of Mahome∣tes of Bel∣grade to Solyman, concerning the dispo∣sing of the Kingdom of Hun∣gary.
• * 10.356

  Mischie∣vous Coun∣sel.
• * 10.357

  Solyman entreth Buda the thirtieth of August 1541, and there first sacrificeth after the Mahome∣tan man∣ner.
• * 10.358

  The Doom of Hun∣gary.
• * 10.359

  The Queen departeth out of Bu∣da with her Son.
• * 10.360

  King Fer∣dinand sendeth Embassa∣dors and Pre••en••s to Solyman.
• * 10.361

  The frugal Chear of the Turks.
• * 10.362

  The request of the Em∣bassadors in the be∣half of King Fer∣dinand.
• * 10.363

  Solymans proud an∣swer to King Fer∣dinand his Embassa∣dors.
• * 10.364

  The Turks Camp well ordered.
• * 10.365

  Solyman retu••neth towards Constan∣tinople.
• * 10.366

  Lascus set at liberty by Soly∣man, short∣ly after dieth.
• * 10.367

  Maylat the Vay∣vod not a∣ble to keep the Field against A∣chomates, and the Prince of Moldavia, flieth to Fogaras.
• * 10.368

  Maylat cometh in∣to the Turks Camp.
• * 10.369

  Maylat t••e••che∣rously t••∣ken Priso∣ner by the Moldavi∣an.
• * 10.370

  Transyl∣vania gi∣ven by So∣lyman to the young King.
• * 10.371

  Charles the Empe∣ror re∣turneth out of Ger∣many to invade Africk.
• * 10.372

  The French Kings Em∣bassadors slain by the Em∣peror.
• * 10.373

  The Em∣peror and the Bishop of Rome meet at Luca.
• * 10.374

  The Empe∣ror driven by tempest into Sici∣lia.
• * 10.375

  T••e Empe∣ror cometh to Algiers.
• * 10.376

  The Empe∣rors Fleet out of Spain and the Low Countries.
• * 10.377

  The Duke of Alva.
• * 10.378

  Delay in great acti∣ons hurtful
• * 10.379

  The Empe∣ror sendeth a Messen∣ger to As∣san-Aga Governor of Algiers for Barba∣russa.
• * 10.380

  The scorn∣ful answer of Allan the Eunuch to the Em∣p••rors m••s∣senger.
• * 10.381

  The Empe∣ror landeth his Army at Algi∣ers.
• * 10.382

  The de∣scription of Algiers.
• * 10.383

  The Numi∣dians skir∣mish with the Spani∣ards.
• * 10.384

  The Spani∣ards put the Numi∣dians to flight, and gain the Hills.
• * 10.385

  The de∣scription of the Nu∣midian Footmen and Horse∣men.
• * 10.386

  A marvel∣lous Tem∣••est.
• * 10.387

  The Moors put to flight by the Itali∣ans.
• * 10.388

  The Itali∣ans dis∣comfited by the Moors flie, and in∣danger the whole Camp.
• * 10.389

  The notable courage of the Empe∣ror in stay∣ing the flight of his Army.
• * 10.390

  An horri∣ble Tempest.
• * 10.391

  The Chri∣stian Fleet perisheth by Ship∣wrack.
• * 10.392

  A hard choice.
• * 10.393

  Many Gal∣lies lost by saving of one Man.
• * 10.394

  The misery of the Christian Army.
• * 10.395

  The chear∣fulness of the Empe∣ror comfor∣teth the whole di∣stressed Army.
• * 10.396

  Horses good Meat in the Em∣perors Ar∣my.
• * 10.397

  The Empe∣ror d••par∣teth from Algiers.
• * 10.398

  He enbark∣eth his Army.
• * 10.399

  Horses of great price drowned by the Em∣perors com∣mand, to make room for the common Souldiers.
• * 10.400

  Two Spa∣nish Ships full of Souldiers driven by Tempest to Algiers.
• * 10.401

  Assan ta∣keth the Spaniards to mercy.
• * 10.402

  The Empe∣ror cometh to Buzia.
• * 10.403

  The Empe∣ror arri∣veth in Spain.
• * 10.404

  The French King the more to trouble the Emperor, soliciteth Solyman to invade his Coun∣tries.
• * 10.405

  Polinus the French Embassa∣dor meeteth Solyman coming from Buda and offer∣eth unto him ••re∣sen▪ from the French King.
• * 10.406

  The request of the French Embassa∣dor to So∣lyman.
• * 10.407

  Polinus return into France.
• * 10.408

  Polinus sent back again to Solyman cometh to Venice and nota∣bly solicit∣eth the Ve∣netians to take up arms with the French King a∣gainst the Emperor.
• * 10.409

  The crafty answer of the Vene∣tians to the French Kings Em∣bassador.
• * 10.410

  Solymans Embassa∣dor cometh to Venice.
• * 10.411

  Polinus coming to Constan∣tinople, findeth not the Turk so ready to send his Fleet to aid the French King, as he had hoped.
• * 10.412

  The sharp Oration of Solyman the Eunuch Bassa to Polinus the French Embassa∣dor.
• * 10.413

  Polinus by the means of the ••a∣piaga▪ is brought to the Speech of Soly∣man him∣self.
• * 10.414

  Solymans answer to Polinus.
• * 10.415

  The Prin∣ces of Ger∣many j••yn their forces with King Ferdi∣nand a∣gainst the T••rk in Hungary.
• * 10.416

  The Mar∣quess of Branden∣burg co∣meth to Pesth with his Army.
• * 10.417

  The Turks sally out of Pesth, and put the Christians to the worse.
• * 10.418

  The Turks sallying out again are disco••∣fited by Vitellius and Pere∣nus.
• * 10.419

  Mauritius in danger to be slain.
• * 10.420

  A Breach made in the walls of Pes••h.
• * 10.421

  The Breach assaulted by the Ita∣lians.
• * 10.422

  The Ger∣mans stand still as lookers on, whilst the ••alians give the Assault.
• * 10.423

  The contu∣melious Speech of a Turk a∣gainst the Germans.
• * 10.424

  The Ger∣mans and the Itali∣ans retire with loss.
• * 10.425

  A notable skirmish betwixt the Turks and the Hungari∣ans.
• * 10.426

  The Chri∣stians re∣moving from Pesth are assail∣ed by the Turks.
• * 10.427

  The Chri∣stian Army broken up at Vienna.
• * 10.428

  Perenus the notable Hungarian apprehend∣ed upon su∣spicion of Treason.
• * 10.429

  The un∣courtesie of Liscanus the Spani∣ard in the apprehen∣sion of Perenus.
• * 10.430

  Matters surmised a∣gainst Pe∣renus.
• * 10.431

  The lamen∣table speech of Perenus to Torni∣e••••us and the other Captains, concerni••g his appre∣hension.
• * 10.432

  Perenus his r••qu••st of the Ad∣miral and the r••st of the Cap∣tai••s.
• * 10.433

  Perenus, Valentine and May∣lat, three of the greatest Nobility in Hungary, kept in perpetual Prison.
• * 10.434

  Solyman granteth to send his Fleet by Barbarus∣sa to aid the French King a∣gainst the Emperor.
• * 11.1

  Solymans Letters to the French King.
• * 11.2

  Barbarus∣sa amorous of the Cap∣tain of Rheglum his Daugh∣ter.
• * 12.1

  The French Embassa∣dors Let∣ters to comfort Rodolph the Cardi∣nal, the Popes Le∣gate in Rome.
• * 12.2

  Solyman cometh with a great Ar∣my into Hungary.
• * 12.3

  The Castle of Walpo treache∣rously yielded, and the Traitors justly re∣warded.
• * 12.4

  Solyman cometh with his Army to Strigoni∣um.
• * 12.5

  The stout answer of the Cap∣tains.
• * 12.6

  The terri∣ble battery of the Turks at Strigoni∣um.
• * 12.7

  The Turks repulsed thrice at the assault of the Breach.
• * 12.8

  A Christi∣an Fugi∣tive disco∣vereth the strength and state of the City unto the Turks.
• * 12.9

  Salamanca goeth out of Strigoni∣um, to parly with the Turks about the yielding up of the same.
• * 12.10

  Strigoni∣um yield∣ed to the Turks by Liscanus the Spani∣ard.
• * 12.11

  Liscanus the cove∣ous Spani∣ard merri∣ly stript of all his wealth by Halis Cap∣tain of the Ianiza∣ries.
• * 12.12

  Solyman entreth in∣to Strigo∣nium, and there set∣teth up the Mahome∣tan Super∣stition.
• * 12.13

  A coward∣ly Captain worthily rewarded.
• * 12.14

  Solyman goeth to Alba Re∣galls.
• * 12.15

  The de∣scription of Alba Regalis.
• * 12.16

  The Citi∣zens of Al∣ba will not suffer the City to be destroy∣ed.
• * 12.17

  The Turks with in∣credible labour fill up the Ditches and Lake, and by plain force assault the Bulwark of the Suburbs towards Buda.
• * 12.18

  A notable Act of an Hungarian Woman.
• * 12.19

  The Sub∣urbs of Al∣ba Rega∣lis won by the Turks.
• * 12.20

  The misera∣ble slaugh∣ter of the flying Christians.
• * 12.21

  Embassa∣dors sent to Soly∣man to entreat upon con∣ditions for the yield∣ing of the City.
• * 12.22

  Solyman entreth in∣to Alba Regalis.
• * 12.23

  Solyman causeth the chi••f Ci∣tizens of Alba Regalis to be slain.
• * 12.24

  Solyman ret••rneth to Con∣stantino∣ple.
• * 12.25

  Nice in Provence besieged by the French a••d the Turks.
• * 12.26

  The Citi∣zens crave parly, and after yield the City.
• * 12.27

  The Castle besieged.
• * 12.28

  Barba∣russa in his rage threatneth to lay hands on Polinus, and to re∣turn forth∣with to Constan∣tinople.
• * 12.29

  The Turks and French give over the Castle of Nice, and set fire on the City.
• * 12.30

  Barbarus∣sa derided by the Turks Captains.
• * 12.31

  His answer to their taunts.
• * 12.32

  Muleasses fearing the coming of Barbarus∣sa, depart∣eth from Tunes in∣to Italy, to crave aid of Charles the Empe∣ror.
• * 12.33

  Costly Dishes.
• * 12.34

  Amida riseth a∣gainst Mu∣leasses his Father, and usurps the King∣dom of Tunes.
• * 12.35

  Muleasses turneth in∣to Africk to Gulet∣ta.
• * 12.36

  Amida thrust out of Tunes.
• * 12.37

  Amida re∣turneth, and posses∣seth the Kingdom.
• * 12.38

  Muleasses going to Tunes, by the way o∣verthrown.
• * 12.39

  Lofredius slain.
• * 12.40

  Muleasses taken.
• * 12.41

  Amida put out his Fa∣thers and Brthrens Eyes.
• * 12.42

  Touarres sends for Abdame∣lech Ami∣da his el∣der Bro∣ther.
• * 12.43

  Abdame∣lech by Policy ob∣taineth the Kingdom of Tunes.
• * 12.44

  Abdame∣lech die••h and Ma∣hometes his Son is chosen King in his place.
• * 12.45

  Muleasses at the re∣quest of Touarres is sent to Guletta.
• * 12.46

  Amida re∣covereth the King∣dom of Tunes, and takes revenge up∣on his E∣nemies.
• * 12.47

  Muleasses disdaineth to kiss the Popes Foot.
• * 13.1

  Barba∣russa his Leters to Appiadus Governor of Elba.
• * 13.2

  Appianus glad to de∣liver the Captive whom Bar∣barussa required.
• * 13.3

  Sinan the Iew dieth for joy.
• * 13.4

  Barbarus∣sa in his return to∣ward Con∣stantino∣ple doeth much harm upon the Coast of Italy.
• * 13.5

  Barba∣russa ar∣rived at Constan∣tinople.
• * 13.6

  Mahomet Solymans eldest Son di••th.
• * 13.7

  The death of the fa∣mous Py∣rat Barba∣russa.
• * 13.8

  Vastius dieth.
• * 13.9

  Van yield∣ed to the Turks.
• * 13.10

  Imirza murthred in Prison.
• * 13.11

  Solyman returneth to Con∣stantino∣ple.
• * 13.12

  Dragut a famous Py∣rat of the Turks pos∣sesseth cer∣tain Cities in Africk.
• * 13.13

  Malta at∣tempted by the Turks.
• * 13.14

  The Turks Fl••et arri∣ve••h at Tripolis in Barba∣ry.
• * 13.15

  Tripolis battered by the Turks.
• * 13.16

  Hard con∣ditions o••∣fered by the Bassa to the be∣sieged.
• * 13.17

  More easie conditions offered by the Bassa, which he confirmeth by his Oath.
• * 13.18

  The wary answer of the Gover∣nour to the Bassa.
• * 13.19

  The Castle yielded.
• * 13.20

  The shame∣less answer of the faithless Bassa to the French Embassa∣dor.
• * 13.21

  The Turks Triumph for the winning of Tripolis.
• * 13.22

  A shameful cruelty of the Turks.
• * 13.23

  Temes∣war and Zolnok taken by the Turks.
• * 13.24

  George Bishop of Veradium murthred in his own House.
• * 13.25

  Agria be∣sieged by the Turks.
• * 13.26

  The Turks give over the Siege of Agria.
• * 13.27

  Mu••tapha Solymans eldest Son in great es••imation with the People.
• * 13.28

  Solyman becom••th amorous of Roxolana.
• * 13.29

  Mustapha sent to Go∣vern Ca∣raman••••.
• * 13.30

  The malice of Roxola∣na against Mustapha.
• * 13.31

  Roxolana conspireth with Ru∣stan Bassa her Son in Law a∣gainst Mu∣stapha.
• * 13.32

  Roxolana faineth her self Reli∣gious.
• * 13.33

  Solyman manumi∣seth Roxo∣lana.
• * 13.34

  Solyman sends for Roxolana.
• * 13.35

  She excu∣seth her self, and re∣fuseth to come.
• * 13.36

  Solyman marrieth Roxolana.
• * 13.37

  Roxolana plotteth the confusi∣on of Mu∣stapha.
• * 13.38

  Mustapha in danger to have been poi∣soned by Roxolana.
• * 13.39

  Roxolana and Ru∣stan toge∣ther put Solyman in fear of his Son Mus••apha.
• * 13.40

  Solyman sends Ru∣s••an Bassa with an Army to take Mu∣stapha.
• * 13.41

  The mali∣cious de∣vice of Rustan.
• * 13.42

  Solyman goeth him∣self with an Army to kill his Son.
• * 13.43

  He sendeth for Musta∣pha.
• * 13.44

  Mustapha perplexed in mind.
• * 13.45

  His talk with his Doctor.
• * 13.46

  Mustapsta cometh to his Fathers Cam••.
• * 13.47

  The exceed∣ing trea∣chery of Bustan a∣gainst Mu∣stapha.
• * 13.48

  The melan∣choly Dream of Mustapha in coming to his Fa∣ther.
• * 13.49

  Mustapha cometh to his Fathers Tent.
• * 13.50

  Mustapha most cruelly strangled in his Fa∣thers sight.
• * 13.51

  Mahomet Musta∣phaes Son strangled also.
• * 13.52

  Solyman offereth to Tzihan∣ger all Musta∣pha's trea∣sure and Wealth.
• * 13.53

  Tzihan∣ger for sorrow killeth himself.
• * 13.54

  A bloody tumult be∣twixt the Soul∣diers of Solyman and Mu∣stapha.
• * 13.55

  The Tumult appeased by Acho∣mat Bassa.
• * 13.56

  The Iani∣zaries up in Arms against Solyman for the un∣worthy death of Mustapha.
• * 13.57

  The stout speech of Solyman to the Ia∣nizaries.
• * 13.58

  The fierce answer of the Ian∣zaries to Solyman.
• * 13.59

  Solyman yieldeth unto the Ianiza∣ries.
• * 13.60

  Rustan disgraced by Soly∣man, flyeth to Con∣stantino∣ple.
• * 13.61

  The mise∣rable end of Acho∣mates the great Bassa
• * 13.62

  Zigeth be∣sieged by the Bassa of Buda.
• * 13.63

  A terrible Assault.
• * 13.64

  Zigeth no∣tably de∣••ended.
• * 14.1

  Solymans Letters to the Pope in behalf of the Iews Mer∣chants.
• * 14.2

  The ninth of March, Ann. 1556.
• * 14.3

  Haly Bassa besiegeth Zigeth again.
• * 14.4

  Haly Bas∣sa over∣thrown.
• * 14.5

  Henry the French King soli∣citeth So∣lyman to invade the King of Spain his Territories
• * 14.6

  The Guise, Lord Grand Prior in France, Admiral of Malta, taketh cer∣tain of the Turks Gal∣lies.
• * 14.7

  Solyman in nothing more un∣fortunate than in the proos of his Children.
• * 14.8

  Bajazet Solymans younger Son seeketh to aspire unto the Empire.
• * 14.9

  The crafty dealing of the supposed Mustapha to deceive the People.
• * 14.10

  A counter∣••eit Mu∣stapha set up to make an head of Rebellion.
• * 14.11

  Solyman ang••y with the San∣zacks, for not suppres∣sing the supposed Mustapha, sendeth Partau Bassa a∣gainst him.
• * 14.12

  Mustapha and his compani∣ons drown∣ed by night.
• * 14.13

  Roxolana intreateth Solyman for Baja∣zet her younger Son, and obtaineth his pardon.
• * 14.14

  Bajazet goeth to his Father in fear.
• * 14.15

  Roxolana comforteth her Son Bajazet.
• * 14.16

  Solyman reproveth Bajazet of disloyal∣ty, and afterward pardoneth him.
• * 14.17

  Bajazet returneth to his cha••ge.
• * 14.18

  Solyman admonish∣eth Baja∣zet of hi•• Duty.
• * 14.19

  Solyman removeth his two Sons far∣ther asun∣der.
• * 14.20

  Bajazet unwilling to go to Amasia, seeketh de∣lays.
• * 14.21

  Solyman to be sure that his two Sons should go to their appointed Provinces, sendeth Partau and Me∣hemet, two of the Visier Bas∣sa••s, to s••e them brought thither.
• * 14.22

  Bajazet sendeth Partau Bassa back again to his Father.
• * 14.23

  Solyman makes pre∣paration against Baj••zet, and send∣eth Aid to Sely∣mus.
• * 14.24

  The Iani∣zaries un∣willing to go against B••jazet.
• * 14.25

  Bajazet his mes∣sage to his Father, requesting him not to meddle be∣tween him and his Brother.
• * 14.26

  Selymus depar••eth towards I∣conium.
• * 14.27

  Baj••zet staieth at Ancyra, and there raiseth his Forces.
• * 14.28

  The de∣s••ription of Selymus.
• * 14.29

  Bajazet and his q••arrel ge∣n••rally fa∣voured of the Soul∣diers.
• * 14.30

  Bajazet his purpose.
• * 14.31

  Bajazet goeth a∣gainst his Brother.
• * 14.32

  The battel between Bajazet and Sely∣mus.
• * 14.33

  Forty thou∣sand Turks slain.
• * 14.34

  Bajazet go••th to Amas••a.
• * 14.35

  Augerius Busbequi∣us Epist. 3 legatio∣nis Turci∣cae.
• * 14.36

  The order of the Turks Camp.
• * 14.37

  The opini∣on the Turks have of them that die in their Wars.
• * 14.38

  The spare Di••t of the Ian••za∣ries.
• * 14.39

  The precise manner of the ••Turks in their Fasts.
• * 14.40

  Presents sent from the Empe∣ror Ferdi∣nand to Solyman.
• * 14.41

  Bajazet goeth ••o Amasia, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for his F••∣thers ••a∣vour.
• * 14.42

  Solyman dissem∣bleth with Bajazet.
• * 14.43

  Bajazet departed into Ama∣sia, with purpose to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into Persia.
• * 14.44

  Bajazet deceiveth the Bassa of S••bastia.
• * 14.45

  The ••assa of Erzi∣rum decei∣ved by Ba∣jazet.
• * 14.46

  Solyman much grie∣ved with the flight of his Son.
• * 14.47

  The eager pursuit of the Bassaes and San∣zacks.
• * 14.48

  Bajazet well enter∣tained by the Persian King.
• * 14.49

  Tamas the Persian King in fear of Ba∣jazet.
• * 14.50

  Bajazet his Fol∣lowe•••• d••∣spersed and slain.
• * 14.51

  Bajazet imprisoned
• * 14.52

  The Persi∣an King sendeth Embassa∣dors with Presen••s to Solyman.
• * 14.53

  The cause why the Persian King would by no means let Baja∣zet go out of his hand.
• * 14.54

  The misera∣ble estate of Bajazet.
• * 14.55

  The agree∣ment be∣tween the Persian King and Solyman for the de∣struction of Bajazet.
• * 14.56

  Bajazet and his four Sons strangled.
• * 14.57

  The rare force of in∣nocency.
• * 14.58

  Charles the Empe∣ror resi••n∣eth the Em∣pire to his B••other Ferdi∣nand, and shortly af∣ter dieth.
• * 14.59

  The Chri∣stian Prin∣ces set out a Fleet for the recove∣ry of Tri∣pol••s in Barbary.
• * 14.60

  The Chri∣stian Fleet, arriveth at the Island of Zerbi.
• * 14.61

  The Castle of Zerbi taken by the Chri∣stians.
• * 14.62

  Pial Bassa Solymans Admiral sent to re∣move the Christians out of Zer∣bi.
• * 14.63

  Part of the Christian Fleet op∣pressed at Zerb•• by the suddain coming of the Turks.
• * 14.64

  The Castle of Zerbi besieged by the Turks.
• * 14.65

  Don Alva∣rus with the rest of the chief Comman∣ders taken Prisoners.
• * 14.66

  The Castle of Zerb•• yielded un∣to the Turks.
• * 14.67

  The Turks with Vi∣ctory re∣turn to Constan∣tinople.
• * 14.68

  Auger••∣us Busbe∣qulus E∣pist. 4 le∣gatio••is Turcicae.
• * 14.69

  The misery of the Chri∣stian Cap∣tives.
• * 14.70

  Pial in disgrace with Soly∣man, shun∣neth to come to Constan∣tinople.
• * 14.71

  One of the Imp••rial Ensigns of Charles the fifth redeemed from the Turk.
• * 14.72

  The death of the noble Andreas Auria.
• * 14.73

  A great Shipwreck
• * 14.74

  Maximili∣an chosen King of the Romans and after Crowned King of Hungary.
• * 14.75

  Solyman by his Em∣bassador confirmeth a ••••ace with Fer∣dinand the Emperor for eight years.
• * 15.1

  Solymans proud Let∣ters to the Emperor Ferdi∣nand.
• * 15.2

  Presents from Soly∣man to the Empe∣ror Ferdi∣nand.
• * 15.3

  The death of the Em∣peror Fer∣dinand.
• * 15.4

  New trou∣bles in Hungary.
• * 15.5

  The Turks purposing War, craf∣tily sue for Peace.
• * 15.6

  Solyman maketh preparati∣on against the Knights of Malta.
• * 15.7

  Solymans Oration to to his C••p∣tai••s for the invasi∣on of Mal∣ta.
• * 15.8

  Valetta the Grand Master ad∣vertised of Solyman his purpose.
• * 15.9

  Valetta his Oration unto the Knights.
• * 15.10

  The Knights make pre∣paration for the Turks coming.
• * 15.11

  Solymans Fleet de∣parteth from Con∣stantino∣ple.
• * 15.12

  The Turks Fleet ar∣riveth at Malta.
• * 15.13

  The de∣scription of Malta.
• * 15.14

  Acts 27 & 28.
• * 15.15

  Riveri••s with other Knights taken of the Turk••.
• * 15.16

  The Turks land.
• * 15.17

  They of the Castle of Saint Mi∣chael skir∣mish with the Turks.
• * 15.18

  The Turks besiege the Castle of Saint El∣mo.
• * 15.19

  Dragut cometh to a••d the Turks.
• * 15.20

  The Turks assault the Castle of Saint El∣mo.
• * 15.21

  Saint El∣mo again assaulted.
• * 15.22

  New Sup∣ply sent in∣to the Ca∣stle Saint Elmo.
• * 15.23

  The Great Master dis∣appointed of a Sup∣ply by the fearfulness of the Ship-M••s••er.
• * 15.24

  Saint El∣mo again assaulted.
• * 15.25

  The Turks repulsed.
• * 15.26

  The Turks make a Bridge o∣ver the Ca∣stle Ditch. A hor••ible Battery.
• * 15.27

  Med••a••us a valiant Captain.
• * 15.28

  Eight hun∣dred Turks slain with the fall of the bridge.
• * 15.29

  The Turks retire.
• * 16.1

  The Great Masters Lett••rs to Garzias Viceroy of Sic••lia
• * 16.2

  Four Gal∣lies sent to the Great Master for the relief of Malta.
• * 16.3

  A most ter∣rible As∣sault.
• * 16.4

  Dragut ••lain.
• * 16.5

  Three Knight•• sent to view the state of the Castle of Saint El∣mo.
• * 16.6

  The reso∣lute ans∣wer of them in the Castle to the Knights.
• * 16.7

  The three Knights of divers o∣pinions concerning the keep∣••ng of the Castle St. Elmo.
• * 16.8

  The Turks furiously assault the City.
• * 16.9

  The Castle of Saint Elmo ta∣ken by the Turks.
• * 16.10

  Barbarous Cruelty ex∣ercised by the Turks upon the dead Bo∣dies of the Knights.
• * 16.11

  Valetta encourag∣eth his Souldiers after the loss of the Castle St. Elmo.
• * 17.1

  Valetta his Letters to the Go∣vernour of Melita.
• * 17.2

  Mustapha Bassa sena∣eth Messen∣gers to the Great Ma∣ster.
• * 17.3

  The answer of the Great Ma∣ster to the Turks Mes∣sengers.
• * 17.4

  Philip Lascaris flieth from the Turks to the Ca∣stle St. Michael.
• * 17.5

  The Knights of Malta crave aid of the Viceroy.
• * 17.6

  The cold answer of the Vice∣roy to the Knights.
• * 17.7

  A Traitor taken and executed at Malta.
• * 17.8

  The Soul∣diers new come out of Sicilia, come to the Great Master.
• * 17.9

  The Prayer of Valetta.
• * 17.10

  Och••al Bassa made Governor of Tripo∣lis.
• * 17.11

  A terrible battery.
• * 17.12

  Three Gal∣lies depart from Mes∣sana with aid to∣wards Malta.
• * 17.13

  The Gal∣lies upon a sign given return back.
• * 17.14

  The King of Algiers cometh to aid the Turks.
• * 17.15

  A despe∣rate Fugi∣tive.
• * 17.16

  The King of Algiers notably re∣pulsed both by Sea and Land.
• * 17.17

  A hard shift to carry news
• * 17.18

  A Bridge made over the Castle-Ditch by the Turks.
• * 17.19

  The Turks repulsed.
• * 17.20

  A Mine of the Turks defeated.
• * 17.21

  The Bridge made by the Turks burnt.
• * 17.22

  Aquilates a Spaniard flieth to the Turks.
• * 17.23

  The Turks at one time assault the new City and the Castle St. Michael.
• * 17.24

  The Garri∣son Soul∣diers of Me••••••a sallying out cause the Turks to give over the assault at St. Micha∣els.
• * 17.25

  Mustapha sendeth a Messenger to Soly∣man.
• * 17.26

  Salazar a Spanish Captain as a Spy en∣treth the Turks Camp.
• * 17.27

  The Turks Mines de∣feated by the Chri∣stians.
• * 17.28

  Robles Governor of the Ca∣stle of St. Michael, slain.
• * 17.29

  The Turk•• at once as∣sail the Towns ••f St. Angelo and St. Michael, and are at both places repulsed.
• * 17.30

  Another assault.
• * 17.31

  The reso∣lute answer of the Great Ma∣ster.
• * 17.32

  The Turks assault both the Towns the four••h time.
• * 17.33

  The Turks enter the new City.
• * 17.34

  The com∣fortable Speech of the Great Master when the Turks were en∣tred.
• * 17.35

  The Turks with great slaughter again re∣puls••d.
• * 17.36

  A Mine of the Chri∣stians found by the Turks.
• * 17.37

  The Turks desperately assault the Town of St. Micha∣el.
• * 17.38

  The Turks forced to retire.
• * 17.39

  The Chri∣stian Fleet driven by Temp••st to the Island Aegusa.
• * 17.40

  The Chri∣stian Fleet cometh to Gaulos.
• * 17.41

  A fugitive discovereth the enemies purposes to the Great Master.
• * 17.42

  The Vice-Roy arri∣veth at Malta, and landeth his Forces.
• * 17.43

  The Turks forsake the Siege.
• * 17.44

  The Turks over∣thrown by the Chri∣stians, fly to their Gallies.
• * 17.45

  The Turks depart from Mal∣ta.
• * 17.46

  The care∣fulness of the Great Master.
• * 18.1

  The Great Masters Letters to the Grand Prior of Almaine, concerning the manner of the Turks pro∣ceedings in the Siege of Malta.
• * 18.2

  The Island of Chios taken by the Turks.
• * 18.3

  The Turks surp••ise Towns in Hungary.
• * 18.4

  Great troubles in Hungary.
• * 18.5

  The good success of the Empe∣rors Cap∣tains.
• * 18.6

  A great Prey.
• * 18.7

  The Turks with much labour make a Bridge o∣ver the great Ri∣v••r of Dravus.
• * 18.8

  The Turks ••ncamp b••∣fore Si∣geth.
• * 18.9

  Count Se∣rinus his comforta∣ble and resolute speech to his Soul∣diers.
• * 18.10

  Solyman cometh in∣to the Camp at Sigeth.
• * 18.11

  The defen∣dants burn the new Town.
• * 18.12

  The Turks win the old Town.
• * 18.13

  Solyman dieth of the bloody Flux.
• * 18.14

  Muhamet Bassa con∣cealeth the death of Solyman.
• * 18.15

  The great Bulwark undermi∣ned and set on fire by the Ia∣nizaries.
• * 18.16

  The little Castle set on fire.
• * 18.17

  The last speech of Count Se∣rinus to his Soul∣diers.
• * 18.18

  Serin••••s slain.
• * 18.19

  Serinus his Head sent to Count Sal∣ma.
• * 19.1

  The Bassaes quipping Letter to Count Sal∣ma.
• * 19.2

  Nicholaus Kerets∣chen cor∣rupted for mony, be∣trayeth Gyula to the Turks.
• * 19.3

  A Traitor well re∣warded.
• * 19.4

  The Gover∣nor of Al∣ba Regal•••• taken.
• * 19.5

  The Turks sharp ans∣wer to th•• Spaniard.
• * 19.6

  The Turks Army re∣turneth with the Body of Solyman to Bel∣grade.