The works of Josephus with great diligence revised and amended according to the excellent French translation of Monsieur Arnauld D'Andilly : also the Embassy of Philo Judæus to the Emperor Caius Caligula :

[ H]

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE WARS of the JEWS, [ I] (Book 2)

Written by FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

The Contents of the Chapters of the Second Book.

• 1. Of Herod's Successor Archelaus, how he entred into the Temple, and the Mutiny that arose for the revenge of those that were executed for taking away the Golden Eagle.
• 2. Of the Fight and Massacre in Jerusalem, between the Jews and the Sabinians. [ K]
• 3. Varus, Governour of Syria for the Romans, represseth the Insurrections in Judea.
• 4. How the Jews had an Ethnarch constituted over them.
• 5. Of the Impostor Alexander, Herod's pretended Son; and how he was taken.
• 6. Of the Banishment and Death of Archelaus.
• 7. Of Judas the Galilean, who established a fourth Sect; and of the three Sects amongst the Jews,
• 8. Of the Cities which Philip and Herod built: and of Pilat's Government. [ L]
• 9. The Emperour Caius orders Petronius, Governour of Syria, to constrain the Jews by Arms, to receive his Statue into the Temple: Petronius forbears to do it. The death of Caius saves him from Punishment.
• 10. The Roman Army declares Claudius Emperour. Of the Reign and Death of A∣grippa.
• 11. Of divers Tumults in Judea and Samaria.
• 12. Of the Tumults in Judea under Foelix.
• 13. Of Albinus and Florus, Presidents of Judea. [ M]
• 14. Of Florus his cruelty against the Jews of Caesarea and Jerusalem.
• 15. Of another Oppression of the Citizens of Jerusalem by Florus.
• 16. Of Politianus the Tribune. King Agrippa's Speech to the Jews, exhorting them to o∣bey the Romans.
• 17. Of the Rebellion which the Jews begun against the Romans.
• 18. Of the death of Ananias the High Priest, Manahem and the Roman Soldiers.
• 19. Of the great Massacre of the Jews at Caesarea, and in all Syria. [ N]
• 20. Cruelties exercised against the Jews in divers other Cities, and particularly by Va∣rus.
• 21. Fifty thousand Jews slain at Alexandria.
• 22. Of the Massacre of the Jews by Cestius Gallus.
• 23. Of Cestius his Battel against Jerusalem.
• 24. Of the Siege of Jerusalem by Cestius, and of the Massacre.
• 25. Of the cruelty of those of Damascus against the Jews, and of Joseph's Affairs in Ga∣lilee. [ O]
• 26. Of Joseph's danger and escape; and of the malice of John of Giscala.
• ...

• ... [ A] 27. The Cities of Tiberias and Sephoris are recovered by Joseph.
• 28. How the people of Jerusalem prepared themselves for War; and of the Robberies of Si∣mon, Son of Gioras.

CHAP. I.

Of Herod's Successor Archelaus, and how he entred into the Temple; and the Mutiny that arose for the revenge of those that were executed, for taking down the Golden [ B] Eagle.

ARchelaus being acknowledged Successor in the Kingdom to He∣rod, * 1.1 lately dead, necessity constrained him to go to Rome, to the end he might be confirmed by Augustus; which Journey gave occasion of new broils. For after that for seven days he had celebrated his Father's Funeral, and largely feasted the people (for this is a custom amongst the Jews,* 1.2 which bringeth many of them to poverty; and yet he that doth not so, is re∣puted impious) he went to the Temple,* 1.3 attired in a white Gar∣ment, [ C] where he was, with great joy, received of the people; and he himself sitting in a Tribunal, upon a Throne of Gold, very courteously admit∣ted the people to his Presence, and thanked them for their diligent care used in his Father's Funeral, and for the Honours they had rendered to himself, as to their King. Yet he said, he would not take upon him either the Authority or Name of King, till such time as his Succession was approved of by Caesar, who by his Father's Testament▪ was Lord and Master of all; and for that cause, he had refused the Diadem offered him by the Soldiers at Jericho, when they would have Crowned him. But he promised,* 1.4 that if he were confirmed King by the hands of the Emperour, he would largely recompence both the Soldiers and the people for their good will; [ D] and that he fully purposed to be more favourable unto them, than his Father had been. The multitude hereat greatly rejoyced, and made present tryal of his mind and purpose; for some cried out, requesting that the Tributes might be lessened; Others desired that the new Imposts might cease; others requested him to set all Prisoners at liberty. Archelaus, in favour of the people, granted all these requests; and then offering Sacrifices,* 1.5 he banquetted with his Friends. But suddenly, a little after Noon, a great multitude desirous of alteration (the common lamentation for the King's death being ceased) began a private mourning, bewailing their mis-fortune, whom Herod had put to death for pulling down the Golden Eagle from the Porch of the Temple.* 1.6 This sorrow was not secret; but the whole City resounded with la∣mentations [ E] for them, that were thought to have lost their lives for the Temple, and their Countrey Laws. They also cried, that revenge was to be taken upon them, whom Herod for that fact, had rewarded with money. And that first of all, he who by Herod was constituted High Priest, was to be rejected, and another more honest and devout was to be put in his place.* 1.7 Archelaus, although he was herewith offended, yet, because he was presently to take such a journey, he abstained from violence, fearing lest he should render the multitude his enemies. Wherefore he sought rather by admonition, than by force, to reclaim those that were seditious; and he sent the Governour of the Soldiers to request them to be pacified. But the Authors of the Se∣dition, so soon as he came to the Temple, and before he spake one word, threw stones [ F] at him; and in like manner they used others, sent afterwards by him, to appease them; for Archelaus dispatched many messengers unto them, whom they contumeliously treated; so that if they had been more in number, their fury would have proceeded further.* 1.8 Wherefore, when the Feast of Unleavened Bread drew nigh, which the Jews call Easter, wherein an infinite number of Sacrifices were appointed; an innumerable multitude of people came out of all Villages thereabout, for devotion sake, to the Solemnity: And they who so lamented the death of the Doctors, remained in the Temple, seeking by all means to promote the Sedition. Which Archelaus fearing, sent a Band of Soldiers, and a Tribune with them, to take the chief of the Seditous, before such time as they had drawn unto them the multitude of the people; against whom the [ G] whole people being stirred up, slew a great man•• of them with stones; and the Tri∣bune himself being sore hurt, had much ao to escape. And when they had so done, they presently went and offered Sacrifice, as though no hurt had been done. But

Archelaus perswaded himself, that the multitude would not be appeased without [ H] slaughter: wherefore he sent against them the whole Army, the Foot into the City, and the Horse into the Field; who assaulting the seditious people as they were sacri∣ficing, slew of them almost three thousand, and scattered the residue into the Moun∣tains adjoyning.* 1.9 There were also some who followed Archelaus, and proclaimed by vertue of his Command, that every one should depart home to his house; as ac∣cordingly, notwithstanding the holiness of the day, they did. But he, accompanied with his Mother, Poplas, Ptolomey and Nicholaus his Friends, went to the Sea-coast, leaving Philip Governour of the Kingdom, and of his Houshold: With them depart∣ed Salome and her Children, and the Kings Brethren and Kindred, under pretence to assist Archelaus to the Crown; but indeed, it was to inform Caesar of the Murther com∣mitted [ I] in the Temple against the Law.

When they came to Caesarea,* 1.10 they met with Sabinus Governour of Syria, who was coming towards Judea, to take into his custody Herod's Treasure. Varus, to whom Archelaus had sent Ptolomey about this matter, forbad him to proceed further. And so Sabinus, in obedience to Varus, neither entred the Castles, not took Herod's Trea∣sure from Archelaus;* 1.11 but promised, that he would let all alone, till Caesar's pleasure were understood. But so soon as one of them that hindred him was gone to Antioch, and the other, to wit, Archelaus, to Rome; he still remaining at Caesarea, now hasted to Jerusalem, and took the King's Palace: Where, calling for the chief of the Guard, and the Purveyors, he exacted of them an account, and sought to take into his custo∣dy [ K] the Castles and Strong Holds. But the Captains of the Garrisons, mindful of the charge which Archelaus had given them, refused him entrance; affirming that they kept them more for Caesar than Archelaus.* 1.12 At this time also, Antipas, one of Herod's Sons, went to Rome with a design to obtain the Crown; alledging that Herod's first Testament was of more force than the last, and that he in the first was declared King; and both Salome, and divers others of his Kindred, who sailed with Archelaus, promis∣ed him their aid. He took with him his Mother and Ptolomey, Brother to Nicholaus; in whom he had great confidence, because he had been always faithful to Herod, and was held by him in great credit. But none had so much encouraged him, as Irenaeus the Orator, who had an excellent faculty of speaking. Trusting to these, he refused [ L] the counsel of them who sought to perswade him to yield to Archelaus, both as the elder, and appointed by the last Testament of his Father. Now, when they were all arrived at Rome, those of the Kindred that hated Archelaus; and especially those that looked upon it as a sort of Liberty to be governed by the Romans, favoured Antipas; in hope, that if their design of being freed from the Rule of Kings did not succeed, they should, at least, have the comfort to be commanded by him, and not by Arche∣laus. * 1.13 And to further him the more, he obtained Sabinus's Letters to Caesar; wherein Archelaus was accused, and Antipas commended. Salome, and the rest of the Com∣plices, presented Accusations against Archelaus, to Caesar; who, after them, deliver∣ed also his Justification in writing; and withal, his Father's Ring, and an Inventory [ M] of his Treasure,* 1.14 by Ptolomey. Caesar pondering with himself what both Parties alledg∣ed, and the greatness, and large Revenues of the Kingdom, and the number of He∣rod's Children; and having also read the Letters of Varus and Sabinus, he called the chief of the Romans to Council; where Caius, the Son of Agrippa, and his Daughter Julia, whom he had adopted by his assignment, sate in the first place, and so he licenced the Parties to plead their Rights.* 1.15 Antipater, Salome's Son, being the greatest of all Arche∣laus's Adversaries, spake first, and said, that Archelaus now only for form disputed for the Kingdom, of which he had already possessed himself without waiting to know Cae∣sar's Pleasure; and that he did now strive in vain, to render Caesar favourable to him, whom he would not attend to judge of his Lawful Succession. That after Herod's [ N] death, he suborned some to offer him the Diadem: And that sitting on a Throne of Gold in Kingly manner, he had changed all Orders of the Soldiers, disposed of Offi∣ces, and granted unto the people their Requests; which could not be effected but by a King. That he had also set at liberty many men, who for great Crimes were impri∣soned by his Father. And having done all this he came now to Caesar, to crave the sha∣dow of the Kingdom, the substance and body whereof he already possessed; so that herein he left nothing to Caesar to dispose of, but the bare Title. Moreover, he al∣ledged that Archelaus did but counterfeit sorrow for his Father's death, feigning him∣self to mourn in the day time,* 1.16 and in the night he would be drunk and Riotous. By which carriage, he said, that he had caused the Sedition of the people, and incurred [ O] their hatred. After these Accusations, he insisted upon the horrid slaughter of the multi∣tude about the Temple: for he said, that they only came against the Festival Day, to

[ A] offer Sacrifice; and that they themselves were sacrificed, as they were offering the Sacrifices which they brought: And that there were such heaps of dead bodies in the Temple, as never in any Foreign War, the like had been seen. That Herod, foreseeing his cruelty, never judged him worthy of the Kingdom, till such time as his Understanding failed him;* 1.17 when being more sick in mind than body, he knew not whom he named his Successor in his last Will; whereas, he had nothing where∣of he could blame him, whom in his former Will, he had appointed his Successor, when he was in health,* 1.18 both of mind and body. Yet (said he) put the case, Herod in his extremity, knew what he did, yet Archelaus hath rendred himself unworthy of the Kingdom, by having committed many things against the Laws. For (said [ B] he) what will he be after he hath received Authority from Caesar, who before he received any, hath murthered so many? Antipater having spoken more to this ef∣fect, and at every Accusation taking Witness of his Kindred that stood by, ended his Speech.

Then Nicolaus stood up,* 1.19 and first of all shewed, that the slaughter of them in the Temple was necessary and unavoidable; for they, for whose death Archelaus was now accused, were not only enemies of the Kingdom, but also of Caesar: And for o∣ther Crimes objected, he shewed how that they were done, even by the counsel and perswasion of the Accusers. He also urged, that the second Testament might be of force, for that therein Herod had referred it to Caesar, to confirm his Successor. And [ C] he who had such remembrance, as to leave the Arbitriment of his Will to him who is Lord of all; could not be thought to mistake himself in appointing his Heir, nor yet deprived of his Senses,* 1.20 seeing he knew by whom he should be established. When Nicolaus had ended his Speech, and declared all that he thought might make for Ar∣chelaus, Archelaus coming into the midst of the Council, prostrated himself at Caesar's feet.* 1.21 Augustus courteously raised him from the ground, and declared him worthy to succeed his Father. Yet did he not pronounce a definitive Sentence; but the same day, the Council being dismissed, that he might deliberate with himself at more lea∣sure, whether any one single person of those nominated in the two Wills, should suc∣ceed their Father in the Kingdom, or that the Kingdom should be divided amongst the [ D] whole Family; because they were many in number, and had all need of Estate to sup∣port themselves with honour.

CHAP. II.

Of the Fight and Massacre at Jerusalem, between the Jews and the Sabinians.

BEfore Caesar determined any thing concerning this matter,* 1.22 Malthace, the Mother of Archelaus,* 1.23 fell sick and died; and many Letters came out of Syria, signifying [ E] that the Jews had rebelled. Which Varus foreseeing after the departure of Archelaus from thence, had gone to Jerusalem to repress the Authors of that Sedition: And be∣cause the multitude would not be quiet, he left one Legion of the three which he brought out of Syria,* 1.24 in the City, and so returned to Antioch. But Sabinus coming afterwards to Jerusalem, was the cause that the Jews began a new Broil: For he forc∣ed the Garrisons to render to him the Castles, and rigorously made search for the King's Treasure: And he was not only assisted by those that Varus left there, but also he had a great multitude of his own Servants all armed, to further his Avarice. And in the Feast of Pentecost (so called, because it happens at the end of seven times seven days) the People gathered themselves together, not for Religion's sake, but for anger [ F] and hatred; so that there was an infinite multitude of people which came out of Ga∣lilee, * 1.25 and Idumaea, and Jericho, and the Countreys beyond Jordan. Yet the Jews which were Inhabitants of the City, surpassed the rest both in number and courage: and they therefore parted themselves into three Bands, and made three Camps; one on the North side of the Temple, another on the South towards the Hippodrome, the third on the West, near the Palace; and so they besieged the Romans on every side. Sabinus greatly fearing them, both for their multitude, and for their courage, sent many Letters to Varus, earnestly requesting him with all speed to bring succour; for if he did not,* 1.26 the whole Legion would be destroyed. He himself got into the high∣est Tower of the Castle of Phasaelus, so called from the name of Herod's Brother, whom [ G] the Parthians killed; and from thence he gave a sign to the Roman Soldiers to issue out suddenly upon their enemies; for himself was in such a fear, that he durst not come down to the Soldiers of whom he was Commander. The Soldiers obeying his

Command, attacked the Temple, and there fought a fierce Battel with the Jews; who [ H] having none to assist them, and being unexperienced in Warlike Affairs, were soon conquered by them that were skilful. At last, many Jews got upon the Porches, and cast Darts at them from the Pinacles, so that they killed many: But the other could not revenge themselves of them,* 1.27 who fought against them from so high a place; nei∣ther could they sustain the force of them who joyned Battel with them; till at last the Romans fired the Porches, which for greatness, and curious work, were admira∣ble. * 1.28 By this means many Jews were either destroyed with the suddain fire, or else, leaping down amidst their enemies, were by them slain; others going backward, were cast headlong from the Wall; others despairing of life, killed themselves with their own Swords; and they who privily came down the Walls, being assaulted by the Ro∣mans, [ I] and astonished with fear, were easily overcome: Till at last, all being either put to the Sword, or fled through fear, the Treasure dedicated to God, was left destitute of Keepers; so that the Soldiers took away thereof about four hundred Talents; and that which they left, Sabinus got.

But this loss of men and money stirred up many more Jews, and those more brave than the first, against the Romans; whom they besieged in the King's Place, and threatned all their destructions, unless they would presently depart from thence: Yet promising Sabinus and the Legion lieve to depart, if he so liked. Part of the King's Soldiers, who of their own accord fled to them, assisted them. But the most Warlike and valiant amongst them, were three thousand men of Herod's Army, whose Lead∣ers [ K] were Ru••us and Gratus; one of the Foot, and the other of the Horse; both which, although they had had no Soldiers with them, might yet for their Valour and Coun∣sel, have been considerable to the Party of the Romans. The Jews earnestly conti∣nued the Siege, and assaulted the Castle-Walls, crying upon Sabinus to depart, and not to hinder them now, after so long time, to recover their Countrey's Liberty. Sabinus, though with all his heart he wished himself away, yet he durst not trust them; but he suspected, that their courtesie was but a plot to entrap him. And on the other side, hoping that Varus would come and help him, he still endured the danger of the Siege. At the same time there were tumults in many place of Judaea;* 1.29 and many, through op∣portunity of the time, aspired to the Kingdom. For in Idumaea two thousand old Sol∣diers, [ L] who had born Arms under Herod, gathering together, and having armed them∣selves, went to attack the King's Forces commanded by Achiab, Herod's Nephew; who, because they were old Soldiers, and very well armed, durst not meet them in the Field, but withdrew into some Fortresses. At Sephoris also, a Town of Galilee, Judas the Son of Ezechias, Captain of the Thieves which formerly were defeated by King Herod, and had wasted the Countrey; gathered together a great multitude, and brake into the King's Armory, and armed all his Company, and fought against them who affected the Royal Dignity.* 1.30 Also, beyond the River, one Simon, who had been Herod's Servant; being a goodly man, and of a huge stature, put a Crown upon his own head; and gathering together a company of Vagrants, went about with them to [ M] Jericho, and burnt the King's Palace, and many fair and sumptuous houses there, and so got a great Booty there; and he had surely fired all other Buildings of Note, had not Gratus, Captain of the King's Footmen, made haste to fight him with the Bow-men of Trachon, and the most Warlike men of Sebaste. Simon lost many men in this En∣counter; and when he fled into a strait Valley, Gratus overtook him, and cut him overthwart the neck, so that he fell to the ground. In like manner, other of the King's Palaces near Jordan, by Bethara, were burnt by a multitude of other Rebels, gathered together in Bands from beyond the River.* 1.31 At this time a Shepherd, named Athron∣gaeus, pretended to make himself King: His Birth was so low, that formerly he had been but a simple Shepherd; and he had no other merit, but that he was very large, [ N] and strong of body, and despised death. With this resolution he armed his four Bre∣thren, each of which had a Company armed, and they were as his Lieutenants, to make Incursions; whilst he, like a King, meddled only with great Affairs, and wore a Crown upon his head: And thus he continued a long time wasting the Countrey, and killing, not only the Romans, and King's Soldiers; but also the Jews, if there was hope to gain any thing by them. One day he met a Company of the Romans at Em∣maus, who carried Corn and Armour unto the Legion; he fought with them, and kil∣led one Arius a Centurion, and forty of the most valiant amongst them upon the place; the rest being in like danger, through the help of Gratus with the Soldiers of Sebaste, escaped.* 1.32 After they had done many things in this manner against their own Coun∣trey-men [ O] as well as strangers, at last, three of them were taken; the eldest by Arche∣laus, and the two other, who were eldest after him, fell into the hands of Gratus and

[ A] Ptolomey; and the fourth yielded himself to Archelaus upon Composition. Such was the success of the bold Enterprize of these five men. But at that time a War of Thieves filled all Judaea with Troubles and Robberies.

CHAP. ••.

Varus, Governour of Syria for the Romans, represses the Insurrections in Judea.

WHen Varus had,* 1.33 by the Letters of Sabinus, understood the danger wherein the [ B] whole Legion was,* 1.34 being besieged in Jerusalem; he hasted to succour them: But first he went to Ptolemais with two other Legions, and four Cornets of Horse; where he had appointed the King's Forces, and the other Auxiliary Troops to meet him. As he passed by Beritus, the Inhabitants gave him fifteen hundred men. Also Aretas the King of Arabia, for the hatred he bare to Herod, sent him a great number, both of Horse and Foot. As soon as the Host was assembled, Varus incontinently di∣rected part of his Army into Galilee, adjoyning to Ptolemais; and appointed a friend of his, the Son of Caius their Governour, who presently put all to flight against whom he was sent; and having taken the Castle of Sephoris, he fired it, and made all the In∣habitants thereof Slaves.* 1.35 Varus, with the rest of the Army, went to Samaria, and [ C] took it; yet he did the City no harm, because he found, that amidst all these Tumults, they had been quiet. When he had pitched his Tents at a Village called Arus, which belonged to Ptolomey, the Arabians sacked it, for they hated those that loved Herod. From thence they went to Sampho, another strong Burrough; which they in like man∣ner sacked and destroyed, without sparing any thing. All was filled with the slaugh∣ter and fires which the Arabians made,* 1.36 there was no end nor hindrance of their Ava∣rice. Also Varus commanded Emmaus to be burnt, being angry for the death of Ari∣us, and the rest that were slain there; and the Inhabitants thereof abandoned it, eve∣ry one by flight seeking to save himself.* 1.37 From thence he went to Jerusalem; and at his approach, the Jews that besieged the Roman Legion fled and scattered themselves, [ D] some here, some there, all about the Countrey: They that remained in the City ex∣cused themselves, that they were not consenting to the Tumult; but that for the Ce∣lebration of the Feast, they permitted those Seditious to come into the City; affirming that they had rather have been besieged together with the Romans, than have joyn∣ed with those of the Sedition; and so they laid the cause of that Tumult upon others. But first Josephus,* 1.38 Archelaus's Cousin, with Gratus and Rufus, went to meet him; lead∣ing the King's Army, and the Sibastians, and the Roman Soldiers, adorned in their accustomed Apparel. Sabinus durst not be seen by Varus, and therefore got him out of the Town before, and went to the Sea-coast. Varus divided his Army, and sent some Parties into the Countrey,* 1.39 to seek the Authors of the Tumult: And those that [ E] were brought to him who were in less fault, he committed to Prison; those who were the chiefest, he crucified, to the number of two thousand.

And understanding that in Idumaea there yet remained ten thousand men in Arms, he presently sent the Arabians home, because he perceived that they did not serve as they that came to help him, but as they themselves pleased, wasting the Coun∣trey against his Orders; and so, accompanied with his own Army, he hastned a∣gainst the Enemies: But they without any fight, through Achiab's Counsel, yielded themselves to Varus. And he pardoned the Common Soldiers, and sent the Captains to Caesar to answer the matter:* 1.40 Who, pardoning most of them, yet punished some that were of Herod's Kindred, because they had rebelled against their own King. Varus hav∣ing [ F] thus quieted the Estate of Judea and Jerusalem, left in the Fortress of Jerusalem, the same Legion that was there before, and departed to Antioch.

CHAP. IV. [ H]

How the Jews had an Ethnarch constituted over them.* 1.41

NOw Archelaus met a new obs••acle at Rome;* 1.42 for the Jews, who before the Sedi∣tion, with the lieve of Varus, were gone to Rome, to crave the liberty of their Countrey.* 1.43 Those who went as Ambassadours in their Countrey's behalf, were fifty in number; and they were assisted by more than eight thousand Jews, that lived at Rome.* 1.44 Whereupon, Caesar called a Council of the Nobility of Rome in the stately Temple of Apollo, which he had built on Mount Palatine. The whole Body of the [ I] Jews appeared with the Legats against Archelaus and his friends. Archelaus's Kindred neither came with him, nor with the rest of the Jews: with him they would not joyn, for envy; and with the Jews they durst not, for shame. Amongst them also was Phi∣lip, the Brother of Archelaus, whom Varus sent in courteous manner to assist his Bro∣ther; or to the end, that if it should please Caesar to divide Herod's Kingdom among his Children, he might have a part. The Ambassadours spoke first, and began to declaim against Herod's Memory: First of all they said, that they found him not a King, but the most cruel Tyrant that ever was; and that he had murthered many; and those whom he left alive, endured such misery, as they thought themselves far more unhappy than those that were so butchered.* 1.45 For (said they) he was not only con∣tented [ K] to tear his Subject's bodies with torments, but also defaced and ruined the Cities of his own Countrey, to adorn and beautifie the Cities of Strangers: And he permitted For∣reigners to massacre the Jews without revenge. And instead of their ancient and wonted happiness which Judea enjoyed by a Religious observation of the Laws, the Countrey was by him made so poor, and so wasted with Injustice, that within these few years that Herod reigned, they have suffered more Murthers and Massacres, than all their Ancestors had, from the time of their departure out of Babylon, in the Reign of Xerxes, to the days of He∣rod. That being, by enduring such misery, now accustomed to the Yoke, they had willingly subjected themselves to his Son Archelaus after that Herod his Father was dead,* 1.46 notwith∣standing he was the Son of such a Tyrant; and had publickly mourned for the death of He∣rod, [ L] and offered Sacrifice for the prosperity of his Successor. But he, to shew himself He∣rod's true Son, began his Reign with the slaughter of three thousand Citizens; and because he had so well deserved the Kingdom, he offered so many men to God for Sacrifice; and on a Festival Day,* 1.47 filled the Temple with so many dead bodies. Wherefore, 'tis not strange that they who escaped that Massacre, consider their own calamity; and as in Battel, turn their faces against those who wounded them, and beseech the Romans, that they would think the remnant of the Jews worthy of compassion; and not abandon and expose the residue of their Nation as a Prey to them, by whom they are like to be most cruelly butchered; but that it may please them to adjoyn their Countrey to Syria, and to let them be ruled by the Romans; that so they may find that the Jews, though now counted seditious and rebellious, [ M] are under peaceable and quiet Governours, a peaceable Nation. With this Petition the Jews ended their Accusation.* 1.48 After this, Nicolaus stood up against them; and first of all acquit∣ted the King's of the Crimes laid to their charge, and then reproved his Countrey-men, as people not to be easily Governed, and of their own nature averse, except forced, to obey their King: And by the way he also blamed the Kindred of Archelaus, who joyned with his Accusers. Caesar having heard what both parts could say, dismissed the Assembly.* 1.49 And within few days after he gave Archelaus half the Kingdom, with the Title of Ethnarch; promising moreover, to make him King, if he behaved him∣self well: the other half he divided into two Tetrarchies, and gave the same to the rest of Herod's Sons;* 1.50 one to Philip, the other to Antipas, who contended with Ar∣chelaus [ N] for the Crown. Antipas his Part lay from Galilee, beyond the River Jordan; the Revenues whereof amounted to two hundred Talents a year. Philip had Batanaea, and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and part of what belonged to Zenodorus near Jamnia; the Revenues whereof amounted to one hundred Talents a year. Archelaus had in his Ethnarchy Idumaea, and all Judaea and Samaria, which was freed from the fourth part of the Tribute,* 1.51 because they had not rebelled with the rest. These Cities also, were given him, Straton's Tower, Sebaste, Joppa and Jerusalem. But Gaza, and Ga∣dara, and Hippon, Caesar took from the Kingdom, and joyned them to Syria. Arche∣laus's yearly Revenues amounted to four hundred Talents a year. Caesar also, besides that which Herod had left Salome,* 1.52 as Jamnia, Azotus and Phasaelis, gave her the Pa∣lace [ O] at Ascalon; all which amounted to threescore Talents a year. But Caesar oblig∣ed her to live in the Countrey subject to Archelaus. And having confirmed the rest

[ A] of Herod's Kindred the Legacies which in his Testament he had left them, he gave his two Daughters that were Virgins, over and above, a hundred and fifty thousand Drachmes of Silver, and married them to Pheroras's two Sons. Lastly, he divided that which Herod had bequeathed unto himself, amounting unto a thousand Talents, amongst his Sons; leaving himself only some Jewels of small value, which he reserved in honour and remembrance of the dead.

CHAP. V.

[ B] Of the Impostor Alexander, Herod's pretended Son, and how he was taken.

AT the same time,* 1.53 a certain young man, a Jew born, brought up by a Freed-man of Rome in the Town of Sidon,* 1.54 being very like Alexander whom Herod had put to death, went to Rome, having one of his Countrey-men for his companion, who knew very well the Estate of the Kingdom; and by whose instructions he affirmed, that they who should have put him and Aristobulus to death, being moved to com∣passion, let them go, and put two others in their room like them. With this tale he deceived many Jews living in Creet, where he was honourably received: From thence he sailed to Melos, where he was entertained with greater pomp; and enriching [ C] himself, he used such means, that he got his Hosts (which gave him entertainment) to accompany him to Rome. At his landing at Puteoli, he received great Presents from the Jews who dwelt there, especially those that were well affected to his Father, ho∣noured him as a King. For he was so like Alexander, that they that had seen Alexan∣der, and knew him well, would have sworn he had been the same. Wherefore, when he arrived at Rome, all the Jews desired to see him, and an infinite multitude followed him whithersoever he went in the streets; and they so doted upon him, that they carried him in a Horse-litter, and at their own proper cost and charges, prepared for him a Royal Train.

But Augustus well remembred Alexander's visage (for Herod had accused him be∣fore [ D] him) and although,* 1.55 before he saw him, he judged that he was some Impostor, yet he made as though he believed all; and sent one Celadus, who knew Alexander well, to bring this young man to him. Celadus no sooner beheld him, but forthwith he perceived the difference betwixt them; and especially, when he took notice of his hard flesh and servile shape, he presently understood the whole matter. But he could not but be greatly surprized at his bold speeches; for when they demanded of him what was become of Aristobulus, he answered, that he was alive; but on purpose tarried behind, and lived in Cyprus, because, being asunder, they could not both so easily be entrapped. Celadus taking him apart from the rest of the Company, told him, that Caesar would save his life, if he would truly confess, by whose counsel he [ E] feigned himself to be Alexander. He, accepting this proffer, followed him to Caesar, and declared to him the Jew, who, for lucre sake, had made use of his likeness to A∣lexander; confessing that he had received as great Gifts of the Cities by which he pas∣sed, * 1.56 as they would have given Alexander, if he had been alive. Caesar laught at the Cheat, and condemned this false Alexander to the Galleys, but put the other Jew to death, who had induced him to this Imposture. And as for the Jews at Milo, he thought that they had punishment sufficient, in losing all that which they had laid out, and bestowed upon him.

[ F] CHAP. VI.

Of the Banishment and Death of Archelaus.

ARchelaus being now made Prince,* 1.57 remembred the contests past; and in revenge thereof,* 1.58 he ill treated, not only the Jews, but also the Samaritans. But in the ninth year of his Reign, the Jews and Samaritans sent Ambassadours against him, to Caesar; by whom he was banished to Vienna, a City of Gallia, and all his Goods con∣fiscated. 'Tis reported, that before he was summoned to appear before Caesar, he had a strange Dream,* 1.59 in which he saw nine great Ears of Corn devoured by Oxen; and [ G] presently sending for some Chaldeans, he demanded what that Dream betokened. Some interpreted it one way, and some another; but one Simon an Essean told him, that the nine Ears of Corn betokened the number of years he had reigned, and the

Oxen signified the change of his Fortune; for as much as these creatures in labouring [ H] the Land, turned up and altered the face of it: And therefore, nine years being past since he had been established Prince, he was to prepare himself for death. Five days after this Interpretation, Archelaus was sent for to Rome, to answer before Augustus the things whereof he was accused. I have also thought it worth rehearsing, to set down the Dream of his Wife Glaphyra, Daughter to Archelaus King of Cappadocia, who was first married to Alexander, Brother to this man, and Son to King Herod, by whom he was put to death, as we have said before: After whose death, she was married to Juba, King of Lybia; and he being dead, she returned home to her Father; where living in her Widowhood,* 1.60 Archelaus the Ethnarch beholding her, was so inflamed with her love, that presently he divorced his Wife Mariamne, and married her. Soon [ I] after she came into Judaea, she dreamed that she saw Alexander her first Husband, stand∣ing before her, and saying unto her;* 1.61 It had been enough for thee to have married the King of Lybia; but thou, not contented therewith, comest again to my house, greedy of a third Husband; and which is worst of all, art now married to mine own Brother. I will not conceal nor dissemble this injury which thou dost me, but I will recover thee against thy will. And she scarcely lived two days after she had related this Dream to her friends.

CHAP. VII. [ K]

Of Judas the Galilean, who established a fourth Sect; and of the three Sects amongst the Jews.

AFter that Archelaus's Dominions were reduced into a Province,* 1.62 a certain Roman Knight called Coponius, was made Governour thereof. During his Administra∣tion, * 1.63 a certain Galilean named Judas, incited his Countrey-men to revolt; reproach∣ing them for paying Tribute to the Romans, and for being subject to any but to God. This Judas was Author of a new Sect of his own devising, nothing like other Sects. For there are three Sects of Philosophers amongst the Jews; one is that of the Phari∣sees, [ L] * 1.64 another of the Sadducees, and the third of the Esseans, which is the most fa∣mous of all the three. The Esseans are Jews born, but live in the greatest union to∣gether imaginable: They consider all Pleasures, as Vices that are to be avoided; and esteem Continence and Victory over the Passions, as the greatest Vertues. They reject Marriage, and account other men's Children, put to them to be taught whilst young,* 1.65 as their own Kins-men, whom they diligently instruct in their Manners and Opinions; not for that they condemn Marriage and Propagation of Mankind, but to avoid women's incontinence; for they think that none of them keep themselves true to one man.* 1.66 Also, they contemn Riches, and all things with them are common, and no man amongst them is richer than other. And they have a Law amongst them∣selves, [ M] that whosoever will embrace their Sect, he must make his Goods common; for so, neither any amongst them seems abject for Poverty, nor any great for Riches; but they have, as it were, all equal Patrimonies like Brethren. They account it a shame to anoint the body with Oyl; and if any man, though against his Will, be a∣nointed therewith, they use all diligence to wipe it away: And they account them∣selves fine enough, if their Cloaths be white. They have amongst them Stewards, to oversee all things for their common benefit; who are chosen from amongst them, by a common consent. Their Revenue is distributed according to the need that eve∣ry one ha••h.* 1.67 They have not one certain City, but are dispersed in many Cities; and if any of their Sect, though a stranger, come to them from another place, they give [ N] him any thing they have, as if he were their ancient Acquaintance. In like manner, they go boldly to those, whom they never in their lives saw before, as though they were familiarly acquainted with them: And therefore, when they take a journey, they only arm themselves against Thieves, and carry nothing with them else. In e∣very City there is one appointed, whose Office is to receive and lodge those of their Sect that come thither; and to see that they neither want Cloaths, nor any thing else necessary for them.* 1.68 All Children under Government, brought up by them, go apparelled alike; and they never change their Apparel nor Shooes, except they have worn out their first Apparel. Among themselves they neither buy nor sell; but eve∣ry man that hath any thing which another wanteth, giveth him it, and taketh that of [ O] him which himself needeth; yea, every one of them may take any thing he hath need of from whom he pleaseth, without any change. Above all, towards God they

[ A] are very Religious; for before the Son rise, they speak of nothing but holy things, and then they make certain Vows and Prayers after the custom of their Countrey, as it were praying that God would please to make it rise upon the earth. After this, eve∣ry one is dismissed to practice the Art he knoweth: And when every one hath dili∣gently laboured till eleven a clock,* 1.69 they all meet together again, and being covered with linen cloaths, they wash their bodies with cold water: and having thus purged themselves, they go to their Cells, into which no man that is not of their Sect is ad∣mitted: And then they come to the Refectory, as into a holy Temple; where all sit∣ting down with silence, there is set before every man in order, a loaf, and a little mess of pottage, all of one sort. Before they eat a Priest giveth thanks, and no man may eat [ B] any meat till this Prayer be made to God. Likewise, when dinner is ended they pray again; for both before and after, they give thanks to God, the Giver of all: And then putting off that Apparel as Sacred, they apply themselves to their work till eve∣ning. At supper they do as before, causing their Guests to sup with them, if by for∣tune any come. Their house is never troubled with cries or tumults, for every one is appointed to speak in his turn; so that their silence produces respect in strangers The cause of this moderation is their continual sobriety, and that every one is limited how much to eat or drink.* 1.70 And although, that in all other matters they are ruled by their Superior, yet in these two, to wit, compassionating and helping, they may do as they think good: for every one may when he pleaseth, help those whom he thinketh de∣serve [ C] help; and when he pleaseth, give meat to them that are in need. Yet may not they give any thing to their Kindred, without the lieve of their Superior. They take great care to suppress their anger; they keep their promise, and maintain peace; and people account every word they speak of as much force,* 1.71 as if they had bound it with an oath: and they shun oaths worse than perjury; for they esteem him a liar, who is not to be believed, without he call God to witness. They study diligently ancient Writers, chiefly gathering out of their Writings, what is most convenient for the soul and the body. Out of them they learn Remedies for Diseases, and the Vertues of Herbs, Stones and Mettals. Those who are desirous to be of their Order, do not straight way converse with them; but for a year before, live out of the Colledge, and [ D] have the same diet, a little hatchet, and such a girdle as is before spoken of, and a white garment. But at the years end, if they perceive such a person to be continent, they give him a diet more agreeing with their own, and he is permitted to wash himself in cold water, to the end, to purifie himself; yet is he not admitted in common amongst them,* 1.72 till for two years more, they have observed his life and manners: And at last, when he is thought worthy, he is admitted to their common company. But before he is received to the common Table, first he is to protest solemnly to honour and serve God with all his heart, to observe Justice and Fidelity towards all men; never wil∣lingly to hurt any man, nor injure any for another man's command; but always to hate the wicked, and assist the good; to keep his faith to all, but especially to his Su∣periors; [ E] * 1.73 because they hold their power from God. To which they add, that if he be put in Authority over others, he never will abuse it to the prejudice of those that are under him; and neither exceed the rest in apparel, nor any other ambitious pomp: that he will always love the truth, and severely reprove liars: and that he will keep his hands and soul pure from all theft and unjust gain: and that he will not conceal a∣ny mysteries, or secrets of their Religion from his companions, nor reveal them to any strangers, although he should be thereto threatned by death. Adding moreover, that he will never deliver any Doctrine, save that which he hath received; and dili∣gently preserve the Books, as well as the Names, of those from whom they received it. These Protestations they oblige those to take solemnly, who enter into their Order, to [ F] the end, to fortifie them against Vices. Those of the Society who transgress notorious∣ly, they thrust out of their company: and whosoever is so punished, for the most part dieth a miserable death; for, it being not lawful for him to eat with any stranger, he is reduced to feed on grass like beasts, and so he perisheth through Famine. For which cause oftentimes they are moved with compassion, to receive many into their Order again, when ready by Famine, to yield up the ghost; judging them to have endured pennance enough for their offences, who with famine were almost brought to death's door. They are very severe and just in their Judgments; and to decide any matter, there is never fewer of them than an hundred; and that which is by them agreed up∣on, is irrevocable. Next after God, they reverence their Law-giver, insomuch that if a∣ny [ G] one revile him, they forthwith condemn him to death. They take it for a great duty to obey their Elders, and what is appointed by many; so that if ten of them sit toge∣ther, no man of them must speak, without he be licenced thereto by nine of the com∣pany.

They account it a great incivility to be in the midst of the Assembly, or on [ H] their right hand. And they are more severe than any other Jews in observing the Sab∣bath; for they do not only abstain from dressing meat (which they dress the Evening before) that day, but also, they may not remove any vessel out of its place, nor satisfie the necessities of Nature.* 1.74 Upon other days they dig a pit a foot deep in the ground with the hatchet, which (as we before said) every one, at his entrance into their Order, hath given him; and then covering themselves diligently with their garment, as if they feared to be irreverent to the light of Heaven, in that pit they ease themselves; and then cover their ordure with the earth they took out of the pit: And this they do in most secret places. And although this purging of their bodies be natural, yet do they by washing purifie themselves after it, as after great uncleanness. Furthermore, [ I] amongst themselves they are divided into four Orders, according to the time which they have continued this exercise of life; and they that are Juniors bear such respect to the Seniors, that if they do but touch one of them, they are obliged to purifie them∣selves, * 1.75 as though they had touched a stranger. They are long-liv'd, so that most of them live an hundred years, which I judge is by reason of their well ordered diet, and their temperance. They contemn adversity, and by constancy and fortitude triumph over torments.* 1.76 They prefer an honourable death before life. The Wars which the Jews made against the Romans, shewed what invincible courage and hardiness they have in all things; for they suffered the breaking of the members of their bodies, fire and Sword, and all kind of Tortures, rather than be brought to speak the least word a∣gainst [ K] their Lawgiver,* 1.77 or to eat meats forbidden: They could not be forced to any of these, neither would they entreat the Torturers, nor shew any sorrow amidst their torments: Yea, in the midst of their pains they scoffed at their Tormentors; and joy∣fully yielded up their souls, as though they hoped to pass to a better life. For it is an Opinion amongst them,* 1.78 that the body is mortal and corruptible, but the souls remain ever immortal; and being of a most Pure and Etherial Substance, wrap themselves in bodies as in prisons, being drawn thereunto by some natural inclination: But when they are delivered out of these Carnal Bonds, then presently, as freed from a long Bondage, they joyfully mount into the Air. And of the good souls they say, as did the Grecians,* 1.79 that they live beyond the Ocean in a place of Pleasure, where they are [ L] never molested with rain, nor snow, nor heat, but have always a sweet and pleasant Air. But the wicked souls (as they say) go into a place very tempestuous, where there is al∣ways Winter weather, always lamentations of those who for ever are to be punished. For I judge that the Greeks are of this opinion, when they say there is an Isle for the ver∣tuous, whom they call Heroes and half-gods; and that the souls of the wicked go to a place in Hell, where it is feigned, that some are tormented, as Sysiphus, Tantalus, Ixion and Titius. These Esseans also believe that they are created immortal, that they may be induced to Virtue, and averted from Vice; that the good are rendred better in this life, by the hope of being happy after death; and that the wicked, who imagine they can hide their evil actions in this world, are punished for them in the other with [ M] eternal torments. This is the Esseans Opinion, touching the excellency of the soul; from which we see very few of those depart,* 1.80 who have once embraced it. There are also some among them, who promise to foretel things to come; which faculty is obtained as well by the studying of Holy Books and Ancient Prophecies, as by the care they take of sanctifying themselves: And their predictions seldom fail.

There is another sort of Esseans,* 1.81 agreeing with the former, both in apparel, diet and kind of life, and observance of the same Laws and Ordinances; only they differ in the matter of Marriage: Affirming, that to abstain from Marriage, tends to abolish mankind. For (say they) if all men should follow this opinion, presently all mankind would perish. Notwithstanding, these people use such moderation, that for three [ N] years space they observe the women they intend to marry; and then, if they appear sound enough to bear Children, they marry them. None of them lie with their Wives when they are with child; to shew that they do not marry to satisfie Lust, but to have Children. When their Wives wash themselves, they are covered with a Gar∣ment, as the men are, and this is the manner and custom of this Sect. Of the two for∣mer Sects,* 1.82 the Pharisees are said to be most skilful in Interpreting the Laws. The chief Article of their belief is, that all things are to be attributed to God, and Fate; yet so, that every man may in many things, of his own power, do good or ill; though destiny may help much therein: And that the souls of men are all incorruptible; but only the souls of good men go into other bodies, and the souls of wicked men are sent [ O] into everlasting pain.* 1.83 But the Sadduces deny Fate, and affirm, that as God is the Au∣thor of no evil, so he takes no heed to what men do; that a man hath power to do

[ A] well or ill, and every man may chuse whether he will be good or bad; and they ge∣nerally deny both pains and rewards for souls after this life. The Pharisees are as sociable and loving one to another, as the Sadduces are at discord among themselves, living like savage beasts, and as uncourteous to their own Sect, as to strangers. This is all which I have to speak concerning the Philosophers among the Jews. Now I will return to my purpose.

CHAP. VIII.

[ B] Of the Cities which Philip and Herod built; and of Pilates Government.

ARchelaus his Ethnarchy being now made a Province,* 1.84 the rest of his Brethren, to wit,* 1.85 Philip and Herod, who was surnamed Antipas, continued to govern their Tetrarchies. And Salome dying, left Julia by her Testament the Toparchy which she ruled, as also Jamnia, and a ground set with Palm-trees in Phasaelis. When Ti∣berius the Son of Livia, upon the death of Augustus, (after he had reigned seven and fifty years, six months, and two days) was made Emperour of Rome, Philip built a City near the head of Jordan in the Country of Paneade, and called it Caesarea; and an∣other he built in the lower part of Gaulanitis, and named it Tiberias, and another in [ C] Paerea on this side Jordan, which he named Julias. Pilate being sent by Tiberius to be Governour over the Jews, caused in the night some Ensign on which was the Image of Caesar to be brought into Jerusalem; which thing, within three days after, caused a great tumult among the Jews: for they who beheld this action were astonished, and consider'd it as a violation of the Law of their Country, which forbids expresly, any Picture or Image of men or other creatures to be brought into the City. At their lamentation who were in the City,* 1.86 there was gathered together a great multitude out of the villages adjoyning, and they went presently to Pilate then at Caesarea, beseech∣ing him earnestly that the Images might be taken away out of Jerusalem, and that the Laws of their Countrey might remain inviolated. When Pilate denied their suit, [ D] they prostrated themselves before his house, and there remained lying upon their faces, for five days and nights, without moving. On the sixth day Pilate sitting in his Tri∣bunal-seat, call'd all the Jews together before him, as though there he would have given them an answer: but on the sudden a company of armed Soldiers (for so it was provided) compassed the Jews about on all sides: The Jews were hereat ama∣zed, * 1.87 seeing that which they expected not. Then Pilate told them, that except they would receive the Images of Caesar he would kill them all; and to that end made a sign unto the Soldiers to draw their swords. The Jews, as if they had agreed together, fell all down at once, and offered their naked necks to the stroke of the sword, cry∣ing out that they would rather lose their lives, than suffer their Religion to be pro∣phaned. [ E] Then Pilate admiring the constancy of the people in their Religion, presently commanded the said Ensigns to be taken out of the City of Jerusalem.

After this, he caused another tumult among them; for they have a sacred Trea∣sure called Corban,* 1.88 which Pilate resolv'd to make use of to bring water into the Ci∣ty, four hundred furlongs off: for this cause the people murmured; so that when Pilate came to Jerusalem, they flocked about his Tribunal to make their complaint. Pilate foreseeing a tumult, caused Soldiers secretly armed to mingle themselves among the people in private apparrel,* 1.89 and commanded them not to use their swords, but to beat those with clubs whom they saw make such clamours. And when he had thus plot∣ted [ F] the matter, sitting in his Tribunal, he gave a sign unto the Soldiers; and present∣ly the Jews were beaten; and many of them, partly with blows, and partly trod∣den upon by the multitude,* 1.90 died miserably. The multitude amazed at the calamity of those that were slain, held their tongues. For this cause Agrippa Son of Aristobu∣lus, whom Herod the King his Father put to death,* 1.91 went to Rome, and accused him to Caesar. Tiberius not admitting his accusation, he remained still at Rome, and sought the favour of other great men there, and especially he courted Caius the Son of Ger∣manicus, he being yet a private person: and upon a certain day, having invited him to a banquet, he stretched forth his hands, and openly pray'd Almighty God in stead of Tiberius Caesar he might see him Lord of all the world. Tiberius having no∣tice hereof by one of his familiar friends, caused Agrippa to be imprisoned; where [ G] he endured hard and strait imprisonment till the death of Tiberius, which was six months after.* 1.92 After he was dead (having reigned two and twenty years, six months, and three days) Caius Caesar, who succeeded him in the Empire, freed him from pri∣son,

* 1.93 and gave him the Tetrarchy of Philip, who was newly deceased, and the title [ H] of King. When Agrippa came into his Kingdom, Herod the Tetrarch began to envy his estate; and Herodias his wife still urged him forward, in hope that he should be made a King also: for (said she) thou wantest that dignity only through slothfulness, because thou wouldest not go to Caesar:* 1.94 for if Agrippa be made a King, being be∣fore but a private man, how canst thou doubt to be made a King, who art alrea∣dy a Tetrarch? Herod herewith perswaded, went to Caius Caesar, who greatly re∣proached his ambition, insomuch as he fled into Spain: for Agrippa had followed him to Rome to accuse him before Caesar; and Caius gave him Herod's Tetrarchy. And so Herod remained in Spain with his wife till his death.* 1.95* 1.96

[ I]

CHAP. IX.

The Emperour Caius orders Petronius Governour of Syria to constrain the Jews by arms to receive his Statue into the Temple.* 1.97 Petronius forbears to do it. The death of Caius saves him from punishment.

CAius Caesar so abused his Authority,* 1.98 that he would be thought to be a god, and so called.* 1.99 Also he put many Noble men of his Country to death by his cruelty; which he likewise extended even to Judaea: for he sent Petronius with an [ K] army to Jerusalem, commanding him to set his Statues in the Temple; and if the Jews refused to receive them,* 1.100 that those who withstood him should be put to the sword, and the rest led away captive. Almighty God did otherwise dispose this proud commandment. But Petronius accompanied with three Legions, and many assistants out of Syria, came with all speed from Antioch to Judaea: many of the Jews would not believe any war towards, notwithstanding that they heard a general report thereof: and they that believed it, could not bethink themselves of any means to resist. Suddenly all were in a great fear; for the Army was now come to Ptolemais,* 1.101 which City is situate by the Sea-shoar in Galilee, in a fair Field; and on the East-side it is compassed with Mountains, distant from it threescore fur∣longs, [ L] which belong to Galilee; on the South-side it is invested with Mount Carmel, which is distant an hundred and twenty furlongs: on the North-side it is environed with an exceeding high Mountain, which the Inhabitants call the Tyrians Ladder: this Mountain is an hundred paces distant from the City. Two miles from this City, there is a River running by, called Pelus, a very little one, near which is the admirable Sepulchre of Memnon,* 1.102 which is a hundred cubits high and of a concave form. In this place is seen a sort of Sand as transparent as Glass, which many ships carry away for Balast; but though they empty the place of it, yet that place is pre∣sently after covered with the like sand again. For there are winds which as it were on purpose, carry this sand from the higher places round about it thither; and this [ M] sand being put into the furnace is presently changed into Chrystal or Glass. And that which in my opinion is more to be wondred at, is, that the sand being so turned into Glass, if afterward any part thereof be cast upon the brink of this place, it is again turned into ordinary sand. And this is the nature of that place.

Now the Jews with their wives and children gathered themselves together in the field where the City Ptolemais is situate, and humbly besought Petronius not to vio∣late their Country-laws, but to have compassion on them. Petronius seeing the mul∣titude that humbly sued to him, and how earnestly they sought his favour, left Cae∣sar's statues at Ptolemais, and himself went from thence to Galilee, and at Tiberias called all the Jews and Nobility together,* 1.103 he represents to them the power of the [ N] Romans, and how dreadful Caesar's threatnings ought to be to them; adding more∣over, that the Jews supplication was indeed a contumely, seeing all Nations under the dominion of the Romans (the Jews only excepted) had already placed Cae∣sar's Statues in their Temples among those of their gods: and herein they did as it were revolt from the Emperour, and affront him their Governour who represented his person. They answered, it was against the Laws and Customs of their Country: for it was not lawful for them to have the Image of God, much less of a man; and that they were not only forbidden by the Law to have an Image in the Temple, but also to have it in any prophane place. Petronius replied, if you observe your Laws so religiously, I must also observe my Lord's command; for if I do not, but spare you, [ O] I shall be justly punished: and 'tis not to me, but to him you must make your ad∣dresses; for I my self, as well as you, am subject to him. At these words the whole

[ A] multitude cried out together, that before they would see their Religion violated, they would willingly expose themselves to any danger. When the noise of the peo∣ple was ceased, Petronius said; Are ye then prepared and minded to fight against Caesar? The Jews answered, No, we every day offer sacrifices for Caesar and the Romans. But if Caesar must needs place his Image in the Temple, he must first kill us all with our wives and children.* 1.104 Hereat Petronius greatly marvelled, and was moved to compassion when he beheld the constancy of the Jews in their Religion, and so great a multitude prepared to die for it. And for that time they departed, nothing being done. The next day following he assembled only the Nobility of the Jews,* 1.105 and spoke to them both generally and one by one, exhorting them to obey [ B] Caesar's command, and sometime admonishing them, otherwhile threatning them, and putting them in mind of the power of the Romans, and Caesar's indignation, and that he must of necessity do as he was commanded. But they were moved by none of these. Whereupon Petronius, fearing the ground would be left untilled, (for it was now seed-time, and all the people had remained idle in the City for fifty days space) calling them together, he said, that he would go about a thing which might greatly endanger him self.* 1.106 For (said he) I will either (God assisting me) appease Cae∣sar's wrath, or else I will lose mine own life to save such a multitude as you are. And dismissing the people, who made daily prayers to God for him, he led his Army from Ptolemais to Antioch, from whence he presently sent to Caesar in all haste, re∣counting [ C] to him with how great an Army he went into Judea, and that all the whole Nation made supplication to him; whose request and humble suit if he de∣nied, he must utterly destroy the men and their Country; for they remain∣ed resolute in their Countrey-religion, and vehemently resisted any new Law. Caius writ an answer of these Letters to Petronius, threatning him, that it should cost him his life, because he made no more haste to execute his command. The messengers that brought these Letters, were tossed in a tempest upon the Sea three whole months together;* 1.107 but others coming after them to bring news of Caius's death, had a pro∣sperous wind: so Petronius received the Letters of Caius Caesar's death twenty seven days before the other threatning Letters came.

[ D]

CHAP. V.

The Roman Army declares Claudius Emperour. Of the Reign and Death of Agrippa.

CAius Caesar being assassinated,* 1.108 after he had reigned three years and six months, Claudius was made Emperour by the Army which was at Rome. The Senate by the instigation of the Consuls Sentius Saturninus, and Pomponius Secundus, command∣ed three Legions of Soldiers to keep the City, during the Council holden in the [ E] Capitol:* 1.109 and abhorring Caius Caesar's cruelty they determined to fight against Claudius, and to reduce the Empire to the ancient Government; that as before-time, so for ever after,* 1.110 those should rule that the Senate judged worthy. It chanced that at this time Agrippa came to Rome, and the Senate sent to him, requesting him to come and take place in their Council. Claudius also desired him to take part with the Army, in∣tending to use his help where need required.* 1.111 Agrippa perceiving that Claudius was in a manner already Emperour for his power, he took part with him; who present∣ly sent him as Ambassadour to the Senate, to tell them his purpose; how that first of all, the Soldiers, whether he would or no, set him in that dignity; and it had been in him an undiscreet part, to have forsaken such an offer from the Soldiers, who [ F] did it for good will; that if he had refused it his life had been in danger; and it was sufficient danger, that he had been elected Emperour. Moreover, he purposed to rule, not as a Tyrant, but as a good Prince: for he would be contented only with the Title of Emperour, and do nothing without the common consent of them all. And although he was not naturally inclined to modest and courteous behaviour, yet he had a sufficient example to beware, that he abused not his authority, by Caius Caesar's death.* 1.112 Agrippa carried this message to the Senate, who answered, (as though they trust∣ed to their Soldiers and the Justice of their Cause) that they would not thrust them∣selves into voluntary bondage, Claudius receiving this answer, sent Agrippa again to tell them, that nothing could cause him to abandon them by whom he was made Em∣perour: [ G] and that he was forced to make war against them, with whom he was very loath to contest; and therefore willed them to chuse a place out of the City for the battel to be fought in: for it stood with no reason to deface the City with civil wars

and Massacres, for the obstinacy of some few. Agrippa did this message also to the Se∣nate; [ H] and one of the Soldiers that were for the Senate drew his Sword, and said, Fel∣low Soldiers, what should move us to massacre our Friends, and Kindred, and Parents, who follow Claudius? especially, seeing we have an Emperour with whom we can find no fault; unto whom we should rather go forth with Congratulations, than with Arms. When he had said this, he passed thorough the midst of the Court, and all the Soldiers follow∣ed him.

The Senate,* 1.113 being thus left desolate, and abandoned by their Forces, began to be in great fear; and seeing it was no standing out for them, they followed the Soldiers, and went to Claudius. Before the City Walls, there met them some that endeavour-to shew themselves dutiful to Claudius for his Fortunes sake; who, having their Swords [ I] drawn, had killed the formost before Caesar understood any thing of their coming, had not Agrippa hastened to advertise him of the matter. He told him, that if he did not presently appease the Soldiers fury, now raging against the Citizens, all the Nobility would presently be destroyed, and he should be left Emperour of a desolate place. When Claudius heard this,* 1.114 he repressed the Soldier's fury, and very honourably re∣ceived the Senate into his Camp; and went forth presently with them, and offered Sacrifice to God (as the manner is) for the good Estate of the Empire, and to give him thanks for that Sovereignty which he held of him.* 1.115 Also, he presently made Agrippa King of all his Father's Dominions; giving him likewise, all that Augustus had given He∣rod, * 1.116 to wit, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and besides them, another Countrey, called [ K] the Kingdom of Lysania; and published this his Gift by Edict to the people, and com∣manded the Senate to engrave that Donation in Brazen Tables, and to place it in the Capitol. Moreover, he gave the Kingdom of Chalcis to his Brother Herod, who was become also his Son-in-law by the marriage of Bernice, his Daughter. Agrippa now received greater Revenues of his Kingdom than he could desire; which he spent not vainly, but in building such a Wall about Jerusalem, as, had he finished it, the Romans could never have taken it:* 1.117 But before he could end that work, he died in Caesarea; having reigned three years with the Title of King,* 1.118 and other three years before with that of Tetrarch. He left behind him three Daughters, which he had by Cypris; Ber∣nice, Mariamne and Drusilla; and one Son by the same Wife named Agrippa; who, [ L] because he was very young Claudius reduced the Kingdom into a Province, and made Cuspius Fadus Governour thereof. After whom succeeded Tiberius Alexander; who nothing violating the Laws of the Nation,* 1.119 ruled them in Peace. After this, Herod, King of Chalcis, died; leaving behind him two Sons, which he had by his Brother's Daughter Bernice; to wit, Bernicianus and Hircanus; and by his first Wife Mariam∣ne, * 1.120 Aristobulus. His other Brother also, Aristobulus, died a private person, leaving one Daughter, Jotapa. And these were the Posterity of Aristobulus, Son of King Herod by Mariamne,* 1.121 whom he put to death: But his elder Brother Alexander's Posterity reigned in the greater Armenia. [ M]

CHAP. XI.

Of divers Tumults in Judaea and Samaria.

AFter the death of Herod, who reigned in Chalcis, Claudius created Agrippa, the Son of the former Agrippa,* 1.122 King of Chalcis, his Unkle's Kingdom: And Cumanus was made Ruler of the other Province after Tiberius Alexander; under whom many new tumults and calamities befel the Jews. For when they were assembled together at the Feast of Unleavened bread in Jerusalem, the Roman Soldiers standing in the Porch of [ N] the Temple (for always armed men kept that place upon Festival days,* 1.123 lest the people gathered together should make any tumult) one of the Soldiers taking up his coat, turned his bare buttocks against the Jews faces, speaking words as unseemly as was his gesture. At which insolence the whole multitude began to murmur; and they flock∣ed about Cumanus, requesting him to punish the Soldier for his misdemeanour: And some of them, rash young men, and prone to Sedition, began to revile the Soldiers, and threw stones at them.* 1.124 Cumanus, fearing that the whole multitude of the Jews would violently move against him, called to him many armed Soldiers, and sent them to seize the Gates of the Temple.* 1.125 The Jews being in great fear, fled, and left the Temple; and there was such a throng, that as they hasted to flee, above ten thousand people [ O] were prest and trodden to death: So that this Festival day was turned into woful la∣mentations and mournings in every place. This calamity was followed soon after by

[ A] another;* 1.126 for near Bethoron, one Stephanus, Servant to Caesar, carrying some rich hous∣hold-stuff, was robbed of it in the High-way. But Cumanus sending for those in the Villages next adjoyning, in order to discover the Thieves, commanded them to be bound and brought to him, because they had not taken the Thieves: In one of which Villages a certain Soldier finding the Book of the Holy Scripture,* 1.127 cut it in pieces, and burnt it. Hereupon all the Jews of this Countrey gathered themselves together from all places, being no less incensed, than if they had seen their Countrey set on fire; and carried by zeal for their Religion, they forthwith went to Caesarea, to Cumanus, there beseeching him, that the Soldier, who had affronted God and their Law, might not e∣scape unpunished.* 1.128 Cumanus perceiving that the Jews would not be appeased without [ B] some satisfaction, condemned the Soldier to death, and sent him to Execution in their presence; which done, they all departed.

At the same time there arose a great difference between the Galileans and Samari∣tans; * 1.129 for at a Village called Geman, scituate in the great Plain of Samaria, a certain Galilean, of the number of the Jews that came to the Feast, was slain: For which fact many Galileans joyned together, to be revenged of the Samaritans: And the Princi∣pal of the Countrey went to Cumanus, requesting him, before any more harm were done, to go into Galilee, and punish the Authors of this Murther. But Cumanus being busied in greater Affairs, sent them away without granting their request. When this murther was known in Jerusalem, all the multitude left the solemnity of the Festival, [ C] and went to Samaria,* 1.130 refusing to be restrained by the Magistrates. Of this their Tu∣mult and Sedition, the Son of Dinaeus, called Eleazar, and one Alexander, were Cap∣tains; who, with violence entring the Borders of the Countrey of Lacrabatana, killed man, woman and child, and burnt the Towns. When Cumanus heard this, he took the Cavalry of Sebaste, and went to help them that were thus oppressed; and he killed and made Prisoners many of them who took part with Eleazar. Now the Magistrates of Jerusalem went out to the rest of the Jews which so wasted Samaria, clothed in sack-cloth, and ashes upon their heads, and beseeched them not to seek revenge upon the Samaritans, lest thereby they moved the Romans to destroy Jerusalem; but to be mer∣ciful to their Countrey, the Temple, their Wives and Children, and not at once ha∣zard [ D] all,* 1.131 and overthrow their whole Countrey and Nation in revenging the death of one Galilean. The Jews hereby were pacified, and departed. At the same time there were many that made it their Trade to rob and steal (as most commonly people by long peace grow insolent) so that they robbed in every part of the Countrey, and the strongest and most audacious oppressed those that were weaker. Hereupon the Sama∣ritans went to Tyre, to pray Numidius Quadratus, Governour of Syria, to revenge them of those that so robbed and spoiled their Countrey. The chief men of the Jews went thither also; and Jonathas, the Son of Ananus, who was High Priest, defended the Jews against the Samaritans Accusation; affirming, the Samaritans to have been cause of that tumult by killing the Galilean; and that Cumanus was cause of the rest of their [ E] calamities, who refused to punish the murtherers. Quadratus for that time sent away both Parties, promising them that when he came into their Countrey, he would dili∣gently enquire of the matter: And coming from thence to Caesarea, he crucified all those whom Cumanus had made Prisoners.* 1.132 And departing from thence to Lydda, he heard the Samaritans complaints, and sent for eighteen men, whom he understood for certain to have been in that broil, and beheaded them, and sent the two High-Priests, Jonathas and Ananias,* 1.133 and his Son Ananus, with some of the most considerable Jews, to Caesar; and also, the chief of the Samaritans. He likewise commanded Cumanus and Celer the Tribune, to go to Rome, and justifie themselves to Claudius, for that which they had done in that Countrey.

[ F] This done, he went from Lydda to Jerusalem; and finding there the multitude ce∣lebrating the Feast of Unleavened Bread, without any tumult or disorder, he returned to Antioch.* 1.134 Caesar at Rome hearing the Allegations of Cumanus, and the Samaritans (Agrippa was also there, earnestly defending the Cause of the Jews; as also Cumanus was assisted by many Potentates) he pronounced sentence against the Samaritans, and commanded three of their chief Nobility to be put to death, and banished Cumanus, and sent Celer the Tribune bound to Jerusalem, that the Jews might draw him about the City, and then cut off his head. This done, he sent Faelix, Brother to Pallas, to go∣vern Judaea, Samaria and Galilee. And he preferred Agrippa from Chalcis, to a greater Kingdom; making him King of that Province, whereof Philip had been Tetrarch; to [ G] wit,* 1.135 Trachonitis, Batanaea and Gaulanitis; adding thereunto the Kingdom of Lysania, and the Tetrarchy whereof Varus had been Governour. Claudius having reigned thir∣teen years, eight months, and thirty days, departed this life, leaving Nero to succeed

him,* 1.136 whom by the perswasions of his Wife Agrippina he adopted to the Empire, though [ H] he had a lawful Son of his own named Britannicus, by his former Wife Messalina; and a Daughter called Octavia, whom he married to Nero: He had also another Daughter by Agrippina, named Antonia. How Nero abused his Wealth and Felicity; and how he slew his Brother,* 1.137 Mother and his Wife, and afterwards raged against all his Kind∣dred; and how in a mad vein he became a Player on a Stage; because it requireth a long Narration, I will speak nothing thereof.

CHAP. XII. [ I]

Of the Tumult in Judaea under Felix.

BUt I think my self to relate particularly the Actions of this Emperour towards the Jews.* 1.138 He made Aristobulus, Herod's Son, King of the lesser Armenia; and added to Agrippa's Kingdom, four Cities, and the Territories belonging unto them: Two of them, Abila and Julias, were in the Countrey of Peraea; the other, Tarichaea and Tibe∣rias, * 1.139 were in Galilee: And he made Felix Governour over the rest of Judaea. This Fe∣lix took Eleazar, Captain of the Thieves, after he had robbed and spoiled the Coun∣trey twenty years,* 1.140 and many more with him, and sent them bound to Caesar; and he crucified a great number of them, who either were Thieves and his Confederates, or [ K] else had assisted him. The Countrey was no sooner cleansed from these, but presently another sort of Thieves arose in Jerusalem, called Sicarii, from their short Swords, who at high Noon in the midst of the City▪ killed many in every place; and especially at the celebrating of Holy Feasts, they mixed themselves with the multitude, having short Swords under their coats, and therewith killed those to whom they bare any grudge;* 1.141 and when men fell down dead, they amongst the rest, cried out of the mur∣ther. By this deceitful means they were a long time unsuspected and unknown. And first of all, they killed Jonathan the High Priest, and after him, every day some were slain; and the City was put in no less fear, than if it had been in a time of War, for each man every moment expected death, and cast a diligent eye upon those that came [ L] near him,* 1.142 and no man trusted his familiar friends; and yet were they murthered, whilst they were looking about them to escape danger. So cunningly did these Thieves cover and conceal their actions. Moreover, there arose another sort of mischievous people,* 1.143 who did not so much harm with their hands as the first, but with their impi∣ous counsel more; and did no less trouble the quiet Estate of the City, than did the Thieves. These people being Vagabonds and Juglers, desiring alteration under pre∣tence of Religion, made the people frantick; for they led them into the Wilderness, affirming, that there God would shew them tokens of his purpose to set them at liberty. Foelix, perceiving that these Assemblies tended to Rebellion, sent an Army of Horse and Foot against these people, and killed many of them. [ M]

But a certain Egyptian,* 1.144 a false Prophet, occasioned a far greater Massacre among the Jews than this: for being a Magician, he came into the Countrey; and calling him∣self a Prophet, he gathered unto him almost thirty thousand Jews, who were by his Magick Arts seduced: and leading them from the Wilderness to Mount Olivet, he de∣termined from thence to go to Jerusalem, and to drive thence the Forces of the Romans, and there to fix the seat of his Dominion over the people. He chose for his Guard a good number of his followers.* 1.145 Foelix foreseeing his intent, met him with his Legions of Romans, and a great number of other Jews; and fighting against him, the Egypti∣an being defeated, fled, and many that were with him were taken and committed to Prison, and the rest of the multitude dispersed themselves into their Countrey. These [ N] being thus repressed,* 1.146 another part (as it happeneth in a sick body) began to rise: For some Magicians and Thieves being gathered together, exhorted the people to shake off the Roman Yoke, and threatned present death to those that continued to suffer so shameful a Servitude; so that they forced them who were contented with their sub∣jection to the Romans,* 1.147 to disobey them. These people being dispersed all over the Countrey robbed and sacked rich men's houses; killed them, and fired the Vil∣lages; so that all Judaea was in extream fear of them, and every day their cruelty en∣creased.

At this time arose another tumult at Caesarea,* 1.148 between the Jews that dwelt there, and the Syrians. The Jews challenged the City to be theirs, because it was founded by [ O] Herod, who was a Jew. But the Syrians denying not that the builder of the City was a Jew; yet affirmed, that it ought to pass for a Greek City; for (said they) the

[ A] Founder would not have placed in it Shrines and Statues, if he had meant that it should have belonged to the Jews. Hereupon there arose a great controversie among the Jews and Syrians, so that the matter came to blows; and every day, those that were the hardiest of both parts, fought together. For the wiser sort of the Jews could not restrain those of their Nation from being seditious;* 1.149 and the Greeks scorned to give place to the Jews. The Jews surpassed them in Riches and strength of body, and the Grecians trusted to the help of the Roman Soldiers; for a great many of the Roman Army being levied in Syria, were ready to assist the Syrians, because of Kindred and Consanguinity.* 1.150 The Officers that commanded them endeavoured to appease the Tu∣mult, and took those that were most seditious, and beat them, and cast them into Pri∣son. [ B] But the punishment of those that were apprehended, terrified not the rest; on the contrary, they were hereby more tumultuous. Foelix finding them at blows as he passed into the great Market-place, commanded the Jews, who had the advantage, to retire; and because they obeyed not, he sent for Soldiers, who slew them, and plun∣dered their Goods. The Sedition being still on foot, he sent some of the Nobility on either Part,* 1.151 to Nero, to plead their Cause before him. Festus succeeded Foelix, who vigorously persecuted them that troubled the Countrey, and destroyed many Thieves.

[ C] CHAP. XIII.

Of Albinus and Florus, Presidents of Judaea.

ALbinus,* 1.152 who succeeded Festus, followed not his steps; for there was no mischief so great,* 1.153 which he was not guilty of: For, he, not only took away by force men's Goods from them under colour of Justice, and at his own pleasure exacted a greater Tribute; but also freed and let loose any one, whom, either the Magistrates of the City took, or his Predecessors had left in Prison, so that their Friends would give a piece of money; and they only, who were not able to give money, were imprison∣ed [ D] as most hainous Offenders.* 1.154 At this time, they in Jerusalem that desired alteration, began to take courage; and those that were rich among them feed Albinus with mo∣ney, to have his Protection: and the common people that loved not to be in quiet, were much pleased with Albinus's Government; and each of the most wicked, had a Troop of Thieves after him: But Albinus himself was over them all, as chief of the Thieves; whom he used as his Guard to rob the meaner sort. They, whose houses were sacked and spoiled, were glad to hold their peace; and they, who yet had es∣scaped, were glad to be very officious towards those who deserved death, for fear they should suffer it. In general, no men could trust one another. Every one trembled under the Rule of so many Tyrants: And all these mischiefs were the Seeds of the Ser∣vitude, [ E] which after befel this miserable City.

Notwithstanding that Albinus was of such behaviour,* 1.155 yet Gessius Florus, who suc∣ceeded him, so behaved himself, that in comparison of him, Albinus might have been thought a good Governour. For Albinus did all things secretly and craftily, but Ges∣sius committed any iniquity, how great soever, so openly, as though he gloried in mis∣chief; * 1.156 and behaved himself, not as a Ruler of the Countrey, but as a hangman sent to execute Malefactors; omitting no manner of Theft, nor any means whereby he might afflict the people.* 1.157 Where he ought to have shewed pity, there he was a Tyrant; and where he ought to have been ashamed, there he shewed himself shameless. No man ever could invent more means to betray the truth, and devise more subtil ways to do [ F] harm, than he; for it sufficed him not, for his own gain to abuse men one by one at his pleasure,* 1.158 but he wasted and spoiled whole Cities at once, and destroyed the people in great multitudes. He was not ashamed, by the publick voice of a Cryer, to proclaim it thorough the whole Countrey, lawful for any one that would, to rob and steal, so that they would bring him a part of their Booty. In brief, his Avarice was such, that the Countrey was almost left desolate; people forsaking their own native home, and fleeing into strange Lands. And all the time that Cestius Gallus was Governour of Sy∣ria, no man durst go to him, to make any complaint against Florus. But when, at the Feast of Unleavened Bread, Gallus came to Jerusalem, there met him a multitude of the Jews above three hundred thousand; all beseeching him to help and succour their [ G] afflicted Countrey, and banish Florus, who was the very Pest of their Nation. Yet Florus was so impudent, that being with Gallus, and hearing these Out-cries against him, he was no whit moved, but laughed at it. Cestius for that time appeased the

people, promising that hereafter he would make Florus more gentle unto them, and [ H] so returned to Antioch. Florus conducted him to Caesarea, and justified himself to him with lyes, devising with himself how to make the Jews rebel, which he thought was the safest means to cloak his villanies: for if they continued in peace and obe∣dience, * 1.159 he feared that some of them would accuse him before Caesar; but if he could make them revolt, then he hoped that their great fault would shadow his in∣justices. Wherefore to bring about his purpose, he every day oppressed them with new calamities, in order to force them to rebel against the Romans. At this time the Gentiles of Caesarea got their Cause against the Jews, before Nero, and brought Letters to testifie the Decree in their favour.* 1.160 Which was the beginning of the War of the Jews, in the twelfth year of Nero his Empire, and the seventeenth of Agrippa's reign, [ I] in the month of May.

CHAP. XIV.

Of Florus his cruelty against the Jews of Caesarea and Jerusalem.

HOw great soever the Evils were which Florus perpetrated tyrannically,* 1.161 our Na∣tion suffer'd them without revolting.* 1.162 But that which hapned at Caesarea was as a spark that kindled the fire of War. The Jews dwelling at Caesarea, had a Synagogue near unto a piece of ground that belonged unto a Gentile dwelling there. The Jews of∣ten [ K] sought to purchase it of him,* 1.163 offering him far more than it was worth: but the man not only contemn'd their request, but also, to their great grief, he resolv'd in that place to build Taverns; and so to leave them a very strait and narrow passage to go to their Synagogue. Some young men among the Jews, led with zeal, resist∣ed the workmen,* 1.164 and would not suffer them to build. Florus hearing this, com∣manded the Jews to let the workmen go forward in their work. The Jews not knowing what to do, one John, a Publican, offered Florus eight talents to hinder the building; whom he promised for that money to fulfil their request: and now having it, he presently departed from Caesarea, and went to Sebaste without perform∣ing any thing, giving as it were occasion of sedition, as though he had received mo∣ney [ L] of the Nobility of the Jews to permit them to fight a certain time. The next day, which was the Jews Sabbath, when they were all assembled to go to the Syna∣gogue, one of Caesarea, a seditious person, took a great earthen vessel, and set it at the entrance into the Synagogue, and upon it offer'd Birds. This fact so moved the Jews, that they would not be pacified, because it was done in contempt of their Religion and thereby the place was profaned. One part of the Jews that was more modest and wise, counselled the Jews to complain to them that were in Authority: but those who by heat of youth were prone to sedition, began contumeliously to revile their adversaries. On the other side, the authors of this action and the more seditious of the people of Caesarea were also prepared to fight with them, having [ M] caused it to be done before the Synagogue,* 1.165 only to pick a quarrel; and so they fought together. Jucundus, General of the Horse, that was left to keep all in quiet, presently came with Soldiers, and commanded the Vessel to be taken away, and so endeavoured to appease the tumult: but not being able to do it through the vio∣lence of them of Caesarea; the Jews took the Books of their Law, and retired them∣selves to a place called Narbata, belonging to them, which was distant from Caesarea threescore furlongs: from whence twelve of the chief of them, together with John the Publican, went to Florus being at Sebaste, to complain of the injury done to them, and to request him to assist them, and modestly put him in mind of the eight Talents they gave him. But he presently commanded them to be bound and im∣prisoned, [ N] * 1.166 because they had presumed to take and carry their Law from Caesarea. Hereat those of Jerusalem were greatly moved; but they shewed it not. Whereup∣on Florus, as upon set purpose to give occasion of rebellion, sent for seventeen Ta∣lents out of the Sacred Treasury, pretending that it was to be employed in Caesar's affairs. At this time the people were much troubled, and ran to the Temple calling upon the name of Caesar, that he would deliver them from Florus his tyranny. Some of them being seditious, began to curse Florus bitterly, and took a Box, and carried it about and begged an alms for Florus;* 1.167 which they did in derision, as who should say, he was as miserable as beggars that have nothing. Florus for all this a∣bated not his avarice, but was more eager to rob the inhabitants of their goods. [ O] So that when he should have gone to Caesarea, to have quieted the sedition and re∣moved the cause of tumults, as also he had received money to that end; taking an

[ A] army of horse and foot, he march'd to Jerusalem, that with the help of the Roman Soldiers he might effect his pleasure, and terrifie the whole City.

The people to pacifie him, went out in courteous sort to meet the Army, shewing themselves ready to give them the best entertainment they could, and to receive Flo∣rus with all honour and reverence.* 1.168 But he sent before him one Capito a Centurion, with fifty horsemen; commanding them to depart, and not to mock him with a pre∣tence of honour, whom they had so heynously affronted. That if they had any courage,* 1.169 they should flout and reproach him to his face; and not only in words, but in deeds shew, that they desired liberty. Herewithal the multitude was terri∣fied; and the horsemen that came with Capito assaulting them with violence, every [ B] one fled before they saluted Florus, or did any honour to his troops: and going eve∣ry one unto his house, they past the watchful night in fear and sorrow. Florus for that night lodged in the King's Palace. The next day he caused a Tribunal openly to be placed, and the high Priest and all the chief of the Jews resorted thither and stood before the Tribunal.* 1.170 Then Florus sitting in the Tribunal-seat, commanded them to bring forth presently all those, that had used any opprobrious words against him, and threatned to be revenged on them except they did it. The Jews made an∣swer, that the people intended nothing but peace and quietness, and requested that they that had offended in words, might obtain pardon. For it was no marvel in so great a multitude, if there were some rash and foolish young men: and that it was [ C] impossible to discern all that offended, seeing every one was now penitent for that which was done, and at least for fear would deny it; and that if he intended to main∣tain the quietness of the Nation, and preserve the City still to the Romans, he then must rather pardon a few seditious for so many good mens sake, than revenge him∣self of a few wicked persons, by the hurt and molestation of so many that thought no harm.* 1.171 Hereat Florus's Choler was increased, and presently he commanded the Soldiers to plunder the Market-place (which was the higher part of the City) where things were sold, and put all they met or found to the sword. The Soldiers who were desirous of gain, having now authority from their Ruler, did not only sack the place they were sent to, but also all the houses, and murthered the Inhabitants. [ D] All streets and gates were filled with them that sought to flee, and the dead bodies of them that fell into the Soldiers hands: no sort of spoyling was omitted. They also apprehended many of the Nobility, and brought them to Florus: and he causing them to be whipt,* 1.172 afterward hanged them. There were slain on that day, of men, women and Children (for they spared not the infants) six hundred and thirty. So horried an action appeared so much the more insupportable to the Jews, in regard it was a new sort of cruelty which the Romans had never exercised. Florus then doing that which none before durst ever presume to do: for he caused Knights before the Tribunal-seat to be whipped, and after hanged; who though they were Jews born, yet had received that dignity from the Romans.

[ E]

CHAP. XV.

Of another oppression of the Citizens of Jerusalem by Florus.

AT this time King Agrippa was gone to Alexandria,* 1.173 to see Alexander, whom Nero had sent to be ruler over Egypt. His Sister Bernice in the mean while remained in Jerusalem; and seeing the cruelty of the Soldiers, she was much grieved and of∣ten [ F] sent the Lieutenant of her horsemen and her own guard to Florus, requesting him to abstain from the slaughter of the Citizens. But he, neither regarding the multi∣tude of them that were slain, nor the dignity of her that entreated, but only his private gain, and what he could gather by oppression and rapine, denied her request: so that the rage of the Soldiers extended it self also against the Queen.* 1.174 For they did not only before her face beat and kill all that came in their way, but they had also killed her, had she not fled into the Palace, where she watcht all night, keep∣ing a guard about her, in fear that the Soldiers would break in upon her. She came to Jerusalem to fulfil her vow to God: for it is the custom, that if any be afflicted with grievous sickness, or be in any other distress, they must abide in prayer thirty days before they offer sacrifice, and abstain from wine, and shave their hair; which [ G] custom Queen Bernice then observing, went also barefoot to Florus his Tribunal-seat, to entreat him: but he not only contemned, but also put her in danger of her life. This was done the sixteenth day of May. The day after, the multitude gathered to∣gether

in the upper part of the City in the Market-place, and with great cries complain [ H] that so many were slain, and especially used contumelious words against Florus: which the Nobility and high Priests (fearing death) apprehending, beseeched them to ab∣stain from such words as had already caused that calamity in the City, and not to pro∣voke Florus to greater indignation.* 1.175 And so the multitude was pacified for their sakes who entreated, and hoped that hereafter Florus would desist from such cruelty. Flo∣rus, when he saw the multitude quieted, was sorry: and that he might again provoke them, he assembled together the Nobility and high Priests, telling them that it would be an argument that the people did not seek alteration any more,* 1.176 if they would go in courteous manner and meet the Soldiers which were coming from Caesa∣rea, * 1.177 whereof there were two Legions. Having thus assembled the Jews together to [ I] go meet the Soldiers; he also sent and commanded the Centurions not to salute the Jews who came to meet them: and if therefore the Jews were offended, and gave any hard speeches, they should fall upon them with their weapons. The high Priests assembling themselves together in the Temple, desired them to go, and solemnly meet and entertain the Soldiers, for fear of a greater inconvenience. Notwithstanding this counsel, those that were seditious refused to do as they were requested: and o∣thers for grief of them that were slain, took part with the seditious.

Then all the Priests and Levites brought forth the holy vessels and ornaments of the Temple,* 1.178 and with Harps, songs, and musical instruments came before the mul∣titude, and on their knees conjur'd them by the care, that they ought to have of [ K] the honour and preservation of the Temple, not to provoke the Romans through contumelious words, lest they should sack the Temple. There might you have seen the chief of the Priests with ashes upon their heads, and their cloaths rent, so that their naked breasts were perceived; calling every Nobleman by his name, and speak∣ing to all the multitude, requesting them not for a small offence, to betray their whole Country to them, who still gaped after the destruction thereof. For what thanks shall ye have from the Romans for your former salutations, if now in hope of amendment of your miseries you go not forth to meet them? contrariwise, if you would go to them in solemn manner, then you take from Florus all occasion of vio∣lence, and save your Country from ruine, and your selves from further calamities. [ L] Adding that it was a great shame that such a multitude should be led away with a few seditious persons; and that it was more fit that so many should force those few sedi∣tious people to obey them, and joyn with them in opinion.

With these perswasions they mollified the obstinacy of the Jews, and also perswa∣ded many of the seditious people, some with threats, and some with reverence of themselves to be pacified. And so they going before, all the people followed, and went out to meet the Roman Soldiers. At their coming near them they saluted them; who answering nothing again, those of the Jews that were seditious, began to rail against Florus,* 1.179 by whose order this was done: whom presently the Soldiers appre∣hending, beat them with clubs; and the rest flying, the Roman horsemen pursued [ M] them, and trode upon them with their horses. Many were slain, by the Romans, and more were killed in the throng,* 1.180 one tumbling upon another. There was a great throng in the gates of the City; for every one hasting and striving to get in, hin∣dred themselves and others. Many died most miserably in the throng, and some were stifled, and some prest to death and trodden upon; so that their neighbours coming to bury them, could not know them. The Soldiers also cruelly assaulted them, killing all that they could come to, and hindred the people from going in by the gate called Bezetha,* 1.181 because they desired first to recover the Temple and the Castle called Antonia.

At the same time Florus coming with a party of Soldiers out of the Palace pursu∣ed [ N] them thither, striving to get the Castle; yet he did not prevail: for the people made resistance, and threw down stones from the houses tops, and killed many of the Romans;* 1.182 who being pester'd with stones and darts cast from aloft, could not resist the people, who on every side came against them, but retired themselves to the rest of the army at the King's Palace. Those that were seditious, fearing that Florus would again assault them,* 1.183 and by the Castle Antonia get entrance into the Temple got upon the Galleries that reached from the Porch of the Temple to Antonia, and beat them down, hereby to defeat the covetousness of Florus, who greedily gaped after the sacred Treasure, and strived to enter by Antonia into the Temple to take it: but seeing the Porches beaten down, he offered no more violence. And calling [ O] together the high Priests and Nobility, he said that he was content to depart out of the City, but he would leave them as great a garrison as they would request. Where∣unto

[ A] they answered, that nothing should be alter'd, if he would leave one company to keep all quiet; provided he left not that, which lately so ill treated the people, because the people would not easily brook them, for that which they had suffered at their hands. Florus, as he was requested, changing the garrison, with the rest of the army went to Caesarea.

CHAP. XVI.

Of Politianus the Tribune: King Agrippa's speech to the Jews, exhorting them to [ B] obey the Romans.

FLorus yet devised another way to stir the Jews to rebellion: for he sent word to Cestius that the Jews were revolted, impudently belying them to have commit∣ted that which indeed they endured at his hands. The Nobles of Jerusalem and Bernice certified Cestius of all that Florus had done.* 1.184 He receiving Letters from both parties, deliberated with his Officers what to do. Some counselled Cestius to go into Judea with an army, and punish the Jews, if they were revolted; and if they were not, then to confirm them in their obedience. Yet it pleased him better to send some about him thither before, to bring him true news of their estate, and what had [ C] hapned.* 1.185 So he sent Politianus the Tribune, who in his way met with Agrippa in Jamnia as he was returning from Alexandria, and told him all, for what, and from whom he was sent. Here also were present the Priests and the chief of the Jews, to welcome Agrippa; and having saluted him as courteously as they could, they pre∣sently bewayled the misery which had befaln their Nation, and the cruelty of Flo∣rus. Which although Agrippa compassionated, yet he made as if he were angry with the Jews whom he greatly pitied; purposing hereby to allay their passions in stead of further irritating them by testifying the same sentiments to revenge. All the better sort, who for the sake of their lands and estates desired quietness, well perceiv∣ed that the Kings reprehension was not of malice, but for their good.

[ D] Also the people of Jerusalem went out to meet the King threescore furlongs off,* 1.186 and received him and Politianus very courteously; yet the women lamented the death of their husbands slain, and with tears moved the whole multiude to sorrow, who besought Agrippa to have compassion on their Nation, and entreated also Politianus to go into the City, and behold what Florus had done. There they shewed him the Market-place desart, and the houses destroyed; and by means of Agrippa they per∣swaded him to go round about the City as far as Siloa, only with one man, and be∣hold with his eyes what Florus had done, and that they were obedient to the Ro∣mans in all things,* 1.187 and only were enemies to Florus who had used them so cruelly. Politianus having gone about the whole City, ascended into the Temple [ E] where he well perceived many arguments of the Jews fidelity towards the Romans: and calling the people there together, he praised their loyalty, and exhorted them still to continue in like obedience, and worshipped God and the holy places, as far as the Law permitted him:* 1.188 and so he returned to Cestius. After his de∣parture, the multitude of the Jews came to Agrippa and the high Priests, re∣questing them to send Ambassadours against Florus to Nero, because otherwise they should give occasion to think it a voluntary rebellion, by not complaining of such murthers: For Florus would make him believe that they had rebelled, except they went to him to shew that Florus gave first occasion; and it was certain that the mul∣titude would not be quieted, if any one hindred that Embassage. Agrippa thought [ F] it would be an hateful matter to send Ambassadours to Rome to accuse Florus; and on the other side he perceived, that it was to no purpose to contradict the Jews, who were ready now to rebel: wherefore calling the people together he made a speech to them, having seated his sister Bernice in an eminent place in the house of the As∣moneans. The porch wherein he called them together, was in such a place that it over∣look'd all the higher part of the City, for there was only a bridge between it and the Temple, which joyned this and that together; and there he spake to the Jews in manner following:* 1.189 If I saw that you were resolved to make war against the Romans, and that the better part of the the people were not inclined to peace, I would not have come unto you, nor have presumed to have counselled you in any thing. For it is in vain to give [ G] counsel of such things as are expedient, where all the Auditors are already determined to follow that which is contrary to the counsel given them. But for that some are ignorant what misery War produces, because by reason of their young years they have not known it,

others are moved with a rash and unadvised desire of liberty, and others are drawn by [ H] avarice and hope of gain in combustions, I thought good to assemble you all together, and declare unto you what means are to be used to restrain such people, that the good may the better know how to resist and overcome the practices of the wicked. But let no man murmur,* 1.190 if he hear that which displeaseth him, and I will tell you nothing but that which seemeth expedient for you. For they that are so bent to rebellion, that they will not be re∣called, may for all my words continue in the same mind still. And I will speak nothing at all, except you will all keep silence. I know many seek to aggravate the injuries that are done by the Rulers of this Country, and highly commend and extol liberty: yet be∣fore I begin to declare unto you the difference between you and those against whom ye pur∣pose to make war, I must first divide and separate two things which you think inseparable. [ I] For if you seek only to get satisfaction upon those that have injur'd you, why do ye so ex∣tol liberty? or if you think it not tolerable to obey any other, these complaints against your Rulers are superfluous: for although they were never so mild, still would subjection be intolerable. Call all things to mind, and consider what a small cause of war is given you. And first of all weigh with your selves the crimes and offences of your Rulers;* 1.191 for you ought to shew your selves humble and dutiful to those that are in authority, and not ex∣asperate and provoke them to wrath by reproachful speeches. For in reviling them for small offences, you incite against you those whom you so revile: and whereas before they only did you a little injury, and with some shame, now being moved by your resist∣ance, they will openly set upon you and destroy you. There is nothing that so restraineth [ K] cruelty as patience; so that oft-times the patience of them who have suffered injury, makes them that did the injury ashamed thereof. Be it so that they, which are sent into the Provinces and appointed by the Romans for your Governours,* 1.192 are grievous to you: yet all the Romans do not oppress you, nor Caesar, against whom you must take arms. For they command no cruel Governours to come to you; nor can they who are in the furthest part of the West, easily know what is done in the East, or indeed be exactly informed thereof. And truly it is a thing most against reason to take arms for so small a cause; especially, when they against whom you take arms know nothing of the matter. But there is reason to hope,* 1.193 that these matters you now complain of will not be always so: For there will not be always the same Governour; and it is credible, that they who succeed this, will [ L] be more gentle and courteous. But if once you begin to make war, it is not easie to end or sustain it without great calamities. And let them who so thirst after liberty, diligently ad∣vise with themselves, that they do not bring upon their necks a greater bondage. Slave∣ry is a cruel thing; and it seemeth a lawful cause to make War to avoid being brought in∣to it; yet he that is already in bondage and revolteth, is rather a rebellious slave, than one who loveth liberty. You should therefore have endeavoured to resist the Romans, when first Pompey entred this Land: but then our ancestors and their Kings far exceeding you in riches, strength of body and courage, were not able to withstand a small part of the Roman forces; and do you who are their successors, and far weaker than they, having suc∣ceeded them in subjection, think that you are able to resist all the whole power of the [ M] Romans?

The Athenians,* 1.194 who sometime to preserve the liberty of Greece, feared not to set their own City on fire, and with a small fleet defeated that proud Xerxes, whom they forced to flee with one ship (though he had such a navy that the seas had scarce room for one ship to sail by another, and all Europe was not able to receive his army) and got that famous victory over Asia,* 1.195 near the little Isle of Salamina, yet now are subject to the Ro∣mans, and that City, the Queen of all Greece, is now ruled by the commands it receives from Italy.* 1.196 The Lacedemonians also, after they had gotten such a victory at the Ther∣mopyles, and under their General Agesilaus sacked Asia, acknowledge now the Romans for their Lords. The Macedonians also, who had before their eyes the valour of Philip, [ N] and Alexander,* 1.197 and promised themselves the Empire of the whole world, now patiently bear this change, and obey them whom fortune hath made their masters. Many other Nations, who for their power and strength have far more cause than you to seek their li∣berty, yet patiently endure to serve the Romans: But you only think it a disgrace to obey them,* 1.198 who are Lords of the whole World. And where are the armies that you trust in or your navy to make you masters of the Romans Seas? Where are your treasures to effect what you intend? Think you that you are to war against the Egyptians or Arabians? and do you not consider the bounds of the Romans Empire? Do you not consider your own inability? Know you not that your neighbour-nations have often by force taken your City? and that the forces of the Romans have passed thorow the whole world unconquered, and [ O] as it were searching for something geater than the world? Their dominion towards the East is extended beyond Euphrates, and towards the North beyond Ister, and towards

[ A] East is extended beyond Euphrates and towards the North beyond Ister, and towards the South beyond the Wilderness of Libya, and towards the West beyond Gades; they have found another World beyond the Ocean, and with an army entred Britain, where never any came before. Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks; are you more in number than the whole world beside? What hope can you have to encourage you against the Romans? But some of you will say, that bondage is a grievous thing. But how much more should the Greeks think so, that were thought to be the noblest Nation under heaven, and had such large dominions; yet now o∣bey the Roman Governours? as also the Macedonians do, who have greater cause than you to seek their liberty?* 1.199 What shall I say of the five hundred Cities of Asia? do they [ B] not all obey one ruler, and the authority of one Consul, without any garrison? What shall I speak of the Enochians, Colchians, the people of Taurus, the inhabitants of Helle∣spont, and Pontus, and about Maeotis, who in times past had no masters, no, not of their own Nation, yet now three thousand Soldiers keep them in awe; and forty long Gallies keep peaceably those seas that were never sailed on before? What think you, the Bythini∣ans, Cappadocians, and those of Pamphilia, Lydia and Cilicia, could say for their liber∣ty, who notwithstanding peaceably pay tribute to the Romans? What of the Thracians, whose country is five days journey in breadth, and seven in length, far more inaccessible and stronger than yours, by reason of the mountains of Snow and Ice? yet do they o∣bey two thousand Romans, who are in garrison? Beside them the Illyrians, whose country [ C] reacheth to Dalmatia and Ister, are kept in obedience only by two Legions, with help of whom they also resist the Dacians. The Dalmatians themselves, who have so often at∣tempted their own liberty, and still as their wealth increased rebelled, are now in peace under one Legion of the Romans.* 1.200 Nay, if any have reason to rebel, 'tis the Gauls, whose country is by nature strong, being on the East-side compassed with the Alpes, on the North with the River of Rhene, on the South with the Pyrenaean mountains, on the West with the Ocean. Notwithstanding, having amongst them three hundred and five Nations, and as it were the very fountain of plenty of all sort of goods and commodities wherewith they inrich the whole World; yet do they pay tribute to the Romans, and ac∣count that their happiness depends upon that of the Romans; and that neither for want of [ D] courage in them or their ancestors, who fourscore years long fought for their liberty. They could not see without astonishment, that the valour of the Romans was attended with such success that they gained more by fortune, than they did by courage in all their wars. Yet now they obey a thousand and two hundred Soldiers, having almost against every Sol∣dier a City.

Neither could the Spaniards,* 1.201 though Gold grew in their Countrey, keep themselves from being subject to the Romans. Nor the Portugals and the Warlike Cantabrians, for all the distance of Sea and Land between them and Rome. The Ocean, whose waves beating a∣gainst the shoar, terrifie the Inhabitants adjoyning, could not stay them, but they passed it; and carried an Army beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and passed the tops of the Pyrenaean [ E] Mountains, which reach to the Clouds, and so made all those people subject to them: And for all that they were so Warlike a Nation, and so far from Rome, the Romans have left only one Legion for Garrison amongst them.* 1.202 Which of you hath not heard of the multitude of the Germans; whose Vertue, and mighty bodies, I think you have often seen, for in eve∣ry Country the Romans have them for Captives: Yet they, whose Countrey is so large, hav∣ing hearts far bigger than their bodies, and souls that contemn death, and are more cruel than brute beasts; yet are they now limited by the River Rhine, and kept in subjection by eight Legions of Romans; and those that were taken were made slaves, and the rest chose rather to save themselves by flight than fight. Moreover, you who have such confidence in the Walls of Jerusalem consider the Walls of Britain;* 1.203 which Countrey, though compassed [ F] with the Ocean, and almost as great as our whole World; the Romans sailing to it, have conquered;* 1.204 and four Legions keep that so populous an Island. What shall I say more, when the Parthians, a most Warlike people; who lately reigned over so many Nations, and a∣bound in so much Wealth, are now compelled to send Hostages to Rome; Nay, you may see all the Nobility of the East at Rome; where, with the Pretext of Peace, they shadow their Captivity.* 1.205 Almost all the Nations under the Sun tremble and dread the Roman Puissance; and will you only War against them? Do you not consider what befell the Carthaginians, who boasted themselves of that great Hannibal, and were sprung from the Noble Race of the Phenicians; yet, at last, were destroyed by Scipio? Neither the Syrenaeans, who descend∣ed from the Lacedemonians,* 1.206 nor all the Race of the Marmaridans, extending as far as [ G] the Desarts (which are very scarce of Waters,) nor the Syrtes, nor the Nazomonians, nor the Moors, nor the innumerable multitude of the Numidians, have been able to resist the power of the Romans; who by force of Arms, have conquered that third part of the World

(the Nations whereof can hardly be numbred) which from the Sea Atlantick, and Hercu∣les's [ H] Pillars, unto the Red Sea, containeth all Ethiopia, and innumerable Cities: Who, besides that, they pay so much Fruits and Corn to the Romans, as for eight months in every year, will keep and sustain all the people of Rome, do also pay Tribute; and moreover, as∣sist them any way they can, and never murmur at it, as you do: And there is only one Le∣gion left to keep them in obedience. But what should I need to tell you of Forreign Exam∣ples, to convince you of the Power of the Romans, seeing you may well understand it by what they have done in Egypt, your neighbour Countrey; which reaching to Aethiopia and A∣rabia the Happy, and bordering upon India, and having in it an infinite number of people, besides the Inhabitants of Alexandria (which is easie to be counted,* 1.207 by the Tribute paid of every person by the Poll) yet they disdain not to live under the Dominion of the Romans. [ I] Alexandria is both populous and very rich, in length thirty Furlongs, in breadth ten, and pays more Tribute in a month, than you do in a whole year; and, besides their money, finds all Rome with Corn four months in the year: And is on every side compassed about, either with a vast Wilderness, by which none can pass; or the fierce Sea, which is boundless; or with great and strong Rivers; or muddy and durty Quagmires, and Marish-grounds: Yet all this little avails them to withstand the force of the Romans. For two Legions only placed in the City, keep all the great Countrey of Egypt, and the Nobility of Macedon in awe. Now, since all the inhabited World is subject to the Romans, what Associates will you have from some Countrey not inhabited, to aid you against the Romans? Except peradventure some of you hope for help from beyond Euphrates, and that your Countrey-men of Adiabena [ K] will help you: But they will not entangle themselves in these dangerous Wars, without rea∣sonable cause; and if they would consent to so bad counsel, the Parthians will not suffer them: For they are careful to maintain their League with the Romans; and would think it violated,* 1.208 if any under their Dominions should war against them. It remaineth then, that you must only trust that God will help you; but you see God doth assist the Romans: For it is impossible that such an Empire should have been without the help of God. Besides, consi∣der that although you were to war against far weaker than yrur selves, yet you could not pro∣mise to your selves favourable success; and it may so come to pass, that if you Religiously ob∣serve the custom of Sabbaths, and in them do nothing, it will not be hard to conquer you. For so your Ancestors found by experience with Pompey; who designed all his Enterprizes [ L] for that day, wherein his enemies were idle, and made no resistance. But if in War ye transgress your Countrey laws, I know not then for what you should rebel. For truly, all of you, at this time, are of that mind, that you take Arms to maintain your Countrey Laws. And I pray you,* 1.209 how will you request help at God's hands, if wilfully you break his Laws? All that begin War, either trust in Humane Riches, or Divine Succour: and they that war, having no probability to hope for any of those, wilfully lead themselves into open destructi∣on. But if you cannot resist the passion which transports you, let every man with his own hands butcher his Wife and Children, and consume this goodly Countrey with fire; for so you shall gain this, not to abide the shame of a Conquest. It is good, O Friends, it is good, whilst yet the Ship is in the Haven, to fore-see and provide for future Tempests; and not [ M] then begin to fear,* 1.210 when you are amidst the Waves and Surges of the Sea. They who fall into misery not fore-seen, are worthy to receive compassion; but they that run into wilful calamity, deserve no pity, but reproach. Ʋnless perhaps ye think that the Romans will fight with you, on certain conditions; and that if they overcome you, they will not use you hardly, nor fire and destroy this Sacred City, and all the whole Nation, as they have done others. If ye be overcome, whoso escapeth unkilled, can have no place of refuge; for all Nations either are already subject to the Romans,* 1.211 or fear that they shall be shortly. So that not only you shall be in danger, but also all Cities wherein any Jews remain. For there is no Nation nor people in the whole World, among whom some of your Countrey-men are not, who all shall be most cruelly put to death, if you rebel: And for the wicked counsel of a [ N] few men, all Cities shall flow with the blood of the Jews; and no man shall be punished for killing Jews, because of your offence. But if you think the Romans will not execute all this Outrage after your Rebellion, then consider how impious a thing it is, to rebel against so mild Governours. Take compassion, if not of your Children and Wives, yet, at the least, of this City, which is the Mother-city of all your Nation. Have some regard to these Holy Walls, and the Sanctuary, and your Holy Laws: Assure your selves, that if the Romans again overcome you,* 1.212 they will not spare these things, seeing you were no more grateful unto them, for preserving them before. I protest before God, your Holy Temple, and all the Angels of Heaven, and our whole Countrey, that I have kept back no counsel which I think profitable for you. Now, if you consider those things which are profitable for you, ye shall live with me [ O] in peace: But if you follow your private passions, I will not be partaker of the miseries and dangers you thrust your selves into. King Agrippa thus ended his discourse, which his

[ A] Sister Bernice, standing by him, accompanied with her tears: And these reasons and testimonies of affection touched the hearts of the people; so that their fury being somewhat allayed, they cryed out, that they meant not to take Arms against the Ro∣mans and Caesar; but against Florus, for the injuries he had done them. To this, A∣grippa answered; But your deeds shew that you mean War against the Romans; for you have not paid your Tribute to Caesar, and you have beat down the Gallery which joyns the Temple to the Castle of Antonia: But if you would stop your Rebellion, repair with speed the Gallery, and pay your Tribute; for this Fort belongeth not to Florus, nor the Money. Herewith the people were content; and ascending into the Temple with Agrippa and Bernice, they began to re-edifie the Gallery; and the Officers went about and gather∣ed [ B] the Tribute in every Village, and quickly brought forty Talents (for so much mo∣ney was behind.) And thus Agrippae stifled the beginning of the War. After this, he began to perswade the people to obey Florus,* 1.213 till such time as another were sent to supply his place. Herewith the multitude was so moved, that they contumeliously reviled the King, and threw stones at him, and drave him out of the City. The King seeing that their Sedition would not be quieted, complaining of the injury done to him, he sent some persons of the best rank to Florus, who was at Caesarea; that he might chuse whom he would amongst them, to gather the Tribute thorough the whole Countrey. And so he departed into his own Kingdom.

[ C]

CHAP. XVII.

Of the Rebellion which the Jews begun against the Romans.

AT this time, some of the chief Incendiaries, assembled together, suddenly assaulted a Castle called Massada,* 1.214 which they took by surprise, and killed all the Romans and in their places put a Guard of their own Company. In the Temple also, Eleazar, Son of the High Priest Ananias, a bold and desperate young man, Captain of the Sol∣diers; perswaded them who offered Sacrifices, not to offer any, but those that were [ D] given by Jews. And this was the ground and cause of the War that ensued: For they rejected those Sacrifices that were wont to be offered in the name of the Emperour. And although the High Priests, and People of Account, requested them not to omit that Custom of sacrificing for their Kings and Governours; yet they refused so to do, trusting greatly to their Faction: All those of the City that desired alteration, were of this mind, and especially Eleazar, who at that time was General, as is before said. Wherefore all the chief men, High Priests, and Principal of the Pharisees, assembled themselves; and perceiving into how great danger those Rebels brought the City, they determined to make tryal of the courage of the seditious people: Wherefore, they assembled them together before the Brazen Gate, which was in the inner part of [ E] the Temple, towards the East.

And first of all, they greatly complained of their rash and unadvised Rebellion, and that they sought to stir up so great a War against their Countrey; inveighing against the cause that moved them thereto, as being without reason: Telling them, that their Ancestors, for the most part, adorned the Temple with the Gifts of Gentiles, never refusing the Offerings of Strangers; and not only not refused their Offerings (for that were an impious fact,) but also placed in the Temple the Gifts that they sent, which were yet to be seen. And that it was strange, that now only they thought to provoke the Romans to War, by making new Laws: And besides other danger also, to make the City guilty of a great Crime in matter of Religion, as though it were such, wherein none might offer Sacrifice but [ F] Jews,* 1.215 nor any but they adore God. If we should make such a Law against any pri∣vate person, he had just cause to accuse us of Inhumanity. But now the Romans are despised, and Caesar himself accounted prophane; and it was to be feared, that if the Jews disdained to accept of Caesar's Offerings, Caesar would hinder them from offer∣ing any: And the City of Jerusalem would presently be accounted as an enemy to the Empire,* 1.216 unless they presently accepted Caesar's Sacrifice; and before such time as they heard these news, against whom this outrage was attempted.

Having thus spo∣ken, they brought forth the most learned amongst the Priests, to recount from time to time how their Ancestors had always accepted of the Sacrifices of Strangers.

But none of the Mutineers gave ear to any thing that was said,* 1.217 and the Levites came [ G] not to serve at the Altar, as now preparing for War. When the Nobility saw that they could not appease this Sedition, and that they themselves should first feel the Ro∣mans power, they devised all means to pacifie the Tumult, and sent some Deputies to

Florus; the chief whereof was Simon, the Son of Ananias; others also, were sent to [ H] Agrippa, of which the chief were Saul, Antipas and Costobarus (who were all a kinn to the King) requesting them both to come with an Army to the City, and suppress the Sedition which was raised, before it went further. Florus was glad of these tidings; and desiring nothing more than War,* 1.218 gave no answer to the Deputies. But Agrippa, willing to spare both parts, as well the Good as the Rebels; and to preserve Judaea to the Romans, and the Temple to the Jews; thought it not meet for him to busie him∣self in such affairs, but sent three thousand Horse to aid the people against the Rebels; Which Horse were of Auranitis, Batanaea and Trachonitis; and he made Darius their Captain, and Philip, Son of Joakim, General of all the Army. These coming into the City, the Nobility, with the High Priests, and the rest of the people that desired Peace, [ I] received this succour in good part, and quartered them in the higher part of the City; for the Rebels kept the lower part, and the Temple. The War began instantly with Darts and Slings, and shooting of Arrows; and sometimes they encounter'd one ano∣ther hand to hand. The Seditious were more valiant, but the King's Soldiers were more skilful in War, and chiefly endeavoured to get the Temple, and expel out of it those who thus prophaned it. The Rebels, with Eleazar, endeavoured, besides that which they had already, to get also into their hands the higher part of the City. Wherefore, during the space of seven days, there continued a great Conflict betwixt them, and either part kept what they had. When the Celebration of the Feast cal∣led Xylophoria was come,* 1.219 wherein every one carrieth Wood to the Temple, to keep a [ K] fire continually upon the Altar; the Rebels would not suffer their enemies to do their Devotion.

Now many of the Sicarii or Thieves, who carried short Poyniards under their Coats, went amongst the weaker multitude, and boldly followed their old practice. By which,* 1.220 those of the King's side were forced to leave the higher part of the City; which the Rebels presently entring, set the Palaces of Ananias, Agrippa and Bernice, on fire; and forthwith went to the place where all Charters were kept, purposing there to burn all Bounds and Obligations of Debtors, thereby to defraud the Creditors; and so to joyn all the Debtors to their Faction, and stir up all the poor people against the rich. The Keepers of these publick Writings fleeing, the seditious persons set all on [ L] fire: And so having destroyed those Records, which were in a manner the publick E∣state of the City, they addressed themselves against such as refused their Proceedings. Some of the High Priests and Nobles hid themselves in Vaults; others fleeing with the King's Soldiers into the higher Palace, locked up the doors after them; amongst whom was Ananias the High Priest, and Ezechias his Brother, and they who (as is before spo∣ken) were sent Deputies to Agrippa: And so the Seditious were satisfied that day with the Victory, and firing of the houses aforesaid.

The next day,* 1.221 which was the fifteenth of August, they assaulted the Castle Antonia; having besieged it two days, they took all that guarded it and killed them, and placed in it a Garrison of their own company. This done, they went to the King's Palace, whi∣ther [ M] Agrippa's Soldiers were fled; and dividing their Company into four parts, they began to pull down the Walls; none of them that were within durst come out for fear of the multitude, but went up to the Turrets of the Palace, and killed all those that offered to come up, and many of the Thieves under the Walls, with things that they cast down. This Conflict continued day and night, for the Rebels thought that those within could not hold out long for want of Victuals; and they within thought that the Seditious being wearied, would soon give over. In the mean season, one Mana∣hem, the Son of Judas of Galilee (that most crafty subtil Sophister, who reproached the Jews in Cyrenius's time for paying Tribute, and for being subject to any but to God) taking with him certain Nobles, went to Massada, where King Herod's Armory was; [ N] and breaking into it, he armed the common people, and the other Thieves; and hav∣ing them for his Guard, he returned again to Jerusalem as King: And being thus made Head of the Rebellion, he prepared the Battery against the King's Palace. But they wanted Engines, and could not openly undermine the Walls, by reason of the enemies, who continually cast down Darts upon them. Wherefore they began a Mine a great way off, till it came under one of the Towers, which then they supported with Posts of wood; and they set fire on the Wood supporting it, and went their way; so the Supporters being consumed with fire, the Tower presently fell down. But those with∣in, foreseeing their Adversaries intent, perhaps by the shaking of the Tower; had built a Wall behind it, to keep out the Rebels, between them and it. The Seditious [ O] verily thinking that with the fall of the Tower they should be Victors, when they saw another Wall, were amazed. Yet the besieged sent to Manahem and others, that were

[ A] chief of the Rebels, requesting them to give them licence to depart; which Manahem only granted to the King's Soldiers, and to the Jews; who, presently accepting there∣of, departed, and so left the Romans in great fear; for they were not able to resist so great a multitude, and they thought it a shame to entreat that they might depart; be∣sides, * 1.222 that it was dangerous for them, although it were granted. Wherefore, leaving the lower place which was called Stratopedon, because it might easily be taken, they retired into the King's Towers, whereof one was called Hippicos, the other Pha∣saelus, the third Mariamne. The Rebels that were with Manahem brake presently in to the lower part that the Romans had forsaken, and killed all that they found there; and when they had sacked it, they set it on fire: And this was done the sixth day of [ B] September.* 1.223

CHAP. XVIII.

Of the death of Ananias the High Priest, Manahem and the Roman Soldiers.

THe next day following, Ananias the High Priest was taken in one of the Water∣conduits of the King's Palace,* 1.224 where he had hid himself, and was there killed with his Brother Ezechias, by the Seditious: And the Rebels besieged all the Towers round about, and kept diligent watch, lest any of the Romans should escape. But Manahem, both [ C] upon his good success in destroying the strong Holds, and upon the death of Ananias, the High Priest, became so proud and insolent, that he thought none so capable as himself for Government; and became an intolerable Tyrant. Now Eleazar and some of his Com∣panions assembled together, said, that it would be shameful for them that had revolted from the Romans, only to recover their liberty, to receive for master one of their own Nation, who, although he were not so violent as Manahem, yet was so inferiour to them. And if it were so, that it were expedient to have one Ruler over all the rest, Manahem ought to be the last that should be chosen to command them. Being thus agreed, they set upon him in the Temple, where he was praying with great pomp, apparrelled like a King, and having about him a guard of his friends in ar∣mour, [ D] Now when Eleazar his followers set upon Manahem, the people all took up stones to stone him,* 1.225 hoping that by his death the sedition would be extinguished. The guard of Manahem at first made some resistance; but when they perceived the whole multitude against them, every one shifted for himself as he could; and those that were taken were put to death, and they that esscaped were afterwards sought for: only a few of them fled to Massada, amongst whom was Eleazar, the son of Jairus, Manahem's kinsman, who afterward became a Tyrant there. But Manahem fled into a place called Ophias, where he hid himself: and being taken, he was drawn out from thence,* 1.226 and after many torments put to death, and with him all the chief ministers of his Tyranny, and particularly Absalomon, who was his chief Officer. [ E] And in this matter (as I have said) the people greatly helped, hoping hereby to have some end of that sedition. But the Rebels did not kill Manahem, to the end to extin∣guish sedition, but to the intent to rob and plunder more freely.

The people indeed with many intreaties besought them to let the Romans a∣lone, * 1.227 whom they besieged; but they were so much the more earnest against them: till being no longer able to make resistance, with the consent of Metilius their Captain, and some other of more Authority, they sent to Eleazar, requesting him to give them licence to depart with their lives, and leave their baggage to the Jews. He accepting their offer, sent to them Gorion, the son of Nicodemus, and Ananias the Sadducee, and Judas the Son of Jonathas, to confirm the promise of [ F] their lives. Which done, Metilius led away the Soldiers: and whilst the Romans had their weapons, none of the Rebels durst attempt any of their treachery against them: but so soon as, according to covenant, they had laid down their shields and Swords, and so departed mistrusting nothing, Eleazar's Guard set upon them, and kill'd them; they neither made resistance, nor any entreaty for their lives; only put them in mind of their Promise and Oath.* 1.228 So they were all slain, save only Metilius; who, greatly entreating for his life, and promising that he would become a Jew in Religion, and be circumcised, they spared him. Though this was a small loss to the Romans, because there were but a very few slain of their great, and almost infinite Army; yet it was easie to judge, that it would cause the Ruine and Captivity of the Jews.

[ G] When they saw themselves to have given sufficient cause of a War, and that the Ci∣ty was now so filled with iniquity, that the wrath of God hung over it; though there had been no fear of any harm to them by the Romans, yet the whole City mourned,

and was sorrowful and desolate, lamenting as though they themselves should answer for [ H] the Seditious, for that murther which was committed on the Sabbath, when it is not lawful for the Jews to do even any good work.

CHAP. XIX.

Of the great Massacre of the Jews at Caesarea, and in all Syria.

AT the same hour, on the self-same day, it happened, as it were, by God's Provi∣dence, that the Inhabitants of Caesarea massacred the Jews that dwelt among [ I] them; so that at one time above twenty thousand were slain, and not one Jew left a∣live in all Caesarea: For those that escaped, Florus took, and brought them forth bound to the people.* 1.229 After this Massacre done at Caesarea, the whole Nation of the Jews was enraged: And dividing themselves into Companies, they wasted and destroyed in short time all the borders of Syria, and the Cities thereabout; to wit, Philadelphia and Gebonitis, Gerasa, Pella and Scythopolis: Also, they took by force Gadara, Hippon and Gaulanitis; pulling down some places, and firing others. From thence they marched towards Cedasa, a City of the Tyrians, and Ptolemais, Gaza and Caesarea; and neither Sebaste nor Ascalon could resist them, but they also were consumed with fire. Likewise they destroyed Anthedon, with Gaza: And most places belonging to [ K] these Cities were sacked, to wit, the Fields and Villages; and a mighty slaughter was made of them that were taken in these Towns. The Syrians made as great a Massacre of the Jews as this, among them; for all the Jews inhabiting among them were mur∣thered, not only for an old grudge, but also, to render their own danger less, by di∣minishing the number of their enemies. By this means all Syria was in a most deplora∣ble condition, and every City was exposed to the disorders and violences of two se∣veral Armies, each of which placed their safety in making a great Effusion of Blood: The days were spent in blood-shed, and the nights in fear, worse than death it self. For though they only pretended to destroy the Jews, yet were they drawn to suspect other Nations, that followed the Jews Religion; and because they were, as it were, [ L] Neuters, the Syrians thought it not good to destroy them; but, on the other side, for their agreeing in Religion with the Jews, they were constrained to hold them as ene∣mies. Many of the contrary part, who before seemed modest, were now through A∣varice incited to meddle in this Murther; so that every one took the Goods of them that were slain,* 1.230 and carried them to other places, as Conquerors. He was most re∣nowned that had stolen most, or killed most. There might you see in several Cities, the dead bodies of all Ages unburied; old men, and children, and women, lying in most shameful manner, their secret parts being uncovered. Briefly, all the Countrey was filled with exceeding great calamity; and the fear of yet greater misery to come, was unspeakable. [ M]

These were the Conflicts between the Jews and Strangers.* 1.231 But afterwards, mak∣ing incursions upon the Borders of Scythopolis, the Jews there dwelling, became their enemies. For they conspiring with the Citizens of Sythopolis, and preferring their own Commodity and Security before Kindred and Consanguinity, joyned with the Gen∣tiles against the Jews; and yet, for all that, they were suspected for their forwardness. For the Scythopolitans fearing that they would assault the City by night, and excuse their revolting by their great misery, commanded all the Jews, that if they would shew themselves trusty to the Gentiles, they, with all their Children, should go into a Wood hard by. The Jews forthwith did as they were required, suspecting nothing; and the Scythopolitans were quiet for two days after, and did nothing: But the third [ N] night they sent forth Scouts to see what they were doing;* 1.232 who finding most of them asleep, they surprized them in a moment, and killed them all, who were in number thirteen thousand; and afterwards, took their Goods. Here I think it not amiss to speak of the death of Simon, who was the Son of Saul, whose Race was very Noble: He was a man of great courage, and strength of body, both which he used to the great hurt of his own Nation;* 1.233 for he daily killed many Jews who dwelt near Scythopolis, and often scattered divers Companies, and put whole Armies to flight; but at length he had an end worthy of his deeds, and the murther of his Countrey-men. For when the Scythopolitans had compassed the Wood about, so that none could escape their hands, they killed the Jews in every part thereof. Simon not drawing his Sword, made [ O] no resistance to any of his enemies; for he saw that it was bootless to strive against such a multitude. But pitifully crying out, I receive, O Scythopolitans, a worthy reward for

[ A] that which I have done; who, to shew my fidelity towards you, have killed so many of mine own Countrey-men: And it is a just Plague, that a strange Nation should be false to us, who impiously forsook our own Brethren. I am not worthy to receive death from the hands of my enemies, and therefore I will kill my self with my own; and this death will be a sufficient Punishment for my Offences, and a full Argument of my magnanimity, that none of my ene∣mies may boast of my death, nor insult over me. When he had thus said, he beheld all his Family with compassion and rage mixt together, as his Wife and Children, and aged Parents.* 1.234 And first, taking his Father by the hair of the head, he stood upon him, and thrust him thorough; after him he killed his Mother, who was willing to die; after them his Wife and Children, every one of them as it were offering their bodies to the [ B] Sword, and desirous to prevent the enemies. When he had slain all his Kindred, him∣self remaining alive, he stretched forth his arm, that they might see what he would do; and thrust his Sword into his own body, up to the Hilts. A young man, who, for his magnanimity, and strength of body, was worthy to be pitied; yet he had a just and deserved end for uniting himself to Strangers against his own Countrey.

CHAP. XX.

Cruelties exercised against the Jews in divers other Cities, and particularly by Varus.

[ C]

AFter this so great A Massacre of the Jews at Scythopolis,* 1.235 other Cities also, where they inhabited, rose against them; and two thousand five hundred were slain at Ascalon,* 1.236 and two thousand at Ptolemais; and the Tyrians killed divers, and put more in Prison: Likewise, they of Gadara and Hippon slew the most valiant, and those of least courage they cast into Prison. Also all other Cities, who either feared or hated the Jews, rose up against them. Only they of Antioch, Sidon and Apamea, spared those that dwelt with them, and neither killed nor imprisoned any of them; perhaps they stood in no fear of them if they should have risen, because their City was so po∣pulous; yet I think they spared them only for pity sake, because they saw they were [ D] quiet, and not seditious. The Inhabitants, also, of Gerasa did no harm to the Jews a∣mongst them; but when they desired to depart, they conducted them safely to the end of their Borders. In the Kingdom, also, of Agrippa much cruelty was shewed a∣gainst the Jews; for he being gone to Cestius Gallus at Antioch, left the Rule of his Countrey to one of his Friends named Varus, Kinsman to King Sohemus; to whom there came seventy of the chief Nobility of the Countrey of Batanaea, requesting a Gar∣rison to repress those that should attempt Rebellion amongst them.* 1.237 Varus, instead of receiving them well, sent certain of the King's Soldiers by night, and killed them all as they were coming to him. He committed this Murther without Agrippa his consent, only for Avarice. But being emboldened by this Fact, he ruined the whole Realm; [ E] still continuing such Cruelties and Violences against his Nation, till such time as Agrip∣pa understood thereof; who, for Sohemus's sake, durst not put him to death; but dis∣possessed him of his place. In the mean while the Revolters took the Castle of Cypros, which is situate above Jericho;* 1.238 and after they had killed the Garrison, they destroy∣ed the Fortress. At the same time a multitude of Jews laid Siege before the Castle of Macheron, and perswaded the Soldiers left in Garrison, to yield the Castle; who, fear∣ing that if they denyed, they should be compelled thereto, delivered it to them, upon condition, that they might quietly depart: Which done, the Jews place a strong Garrison in it.

[ F]

CHAP. XXI.

Fifty thousand Jews slain at Alexandria.

THe Citizens of Alexandria had always a quarrel against the Jews that lived with them, since the time that Alexander the Great, for their help against the Egyp∣tians, permitted them to inhabit Alexandria, and to have the same Privileges with the Grecians. This Honour and Privilege was also continued to them by the Successors of Alexander; who also gave them a certain place in the City to dwell in, that they [ G] might live more commodiously, and not be mingled with the Gentiles: And permit∣ted them also to call themselves Macedonians. Afterwards, when Egypt was brought under the rule of the Romans, neither Caesar, nor the following Emperors, diminished

the Jews Privileges which Alexander had given them. But there were daily contests [ H] between them and the Greeks; and although the Judges on both parts still punished those that were in fault, yet the Sedition more and more encreased; and though all Cities else were filled with Troubles, yet here the Tumult was most vehement. For when the Alexandrians had called together the people,* 1.239 to determine of an Embassage to Nero, certain Jews mingled themselves amongst the Greeks, and so went into the Amphitheatre: Who being espyed by their Adversaries, the Greeks cryed out, that the Jews were enemies, and came as Spies; and so they laid violent hands upon them. Some of them fled, only three of them were taken by the Greeks, whom they drew to a place to burn them alive. All the Jews of the City came to succour them; and [ I] first they threw stones at them, and then taking fire-brands, they ran in a rage into the Amphitheatre, and threatned to burn all the people there assembled; which they had done,* 1.240 if Tiberius Alexander, Governour of the City, had not appeased their fury; who did not at first use Force of Arms against them, but sent some of their chief men to perswade them to cease, and not to incite the Roman Army against them. But the seditious Jews refused this advice, and mocked Tiberius: Who seeing that they would not otherwise be appeased, sent two Legions of Romans, and five thousand other Sol∣diers, who by chance came out of Lybia; and gave them charge, not only to kill them, but also to fire their houses, and take their Goods. The Soldiers presently went into the place called Delta (where the Jews were gathered together) and did as they were commanded, though not without a bloody Victory. For the Jews gathering them∣selves [ K] together, placed those amongst them that were best armed, in the Front, who held out for a long time: But when they began to flee, they were massacred like Beasts; some of them were killed in the field, some were burnt in their houses; the Romans first taking what they found, and sparing neither Infants nor Old men, but killing all Ages and Sexes.* 1.241 So that all that place flowed with blood, for there were slain fifty thousand Jews; and all the rest had been extinguished, had not Alexander (moved to compassion by their entreaties) commanded the Soldiers to leave off; who being obedient to him, presently departed: But the people of Alexandria were hard∣ly withdrawn from the Massacre, because of the hatred which they had conceived a∣gainst the Jews; and with much ado, they were withheld from tyrannizing over the [ L] dead bodies. And this befel the Jews of Alexandria.

CHAP. XXII.

Of the Massacre of the Jews by Cestius Gallus.

CEstius Gallus now thought it time to bestir himself,* 1.242 for as much as the Jews were now hated every where; and taking with him the twelfth Legion out of Antioch, two thousand chosen Foot, and four Companies of Horse, out of the other Legions, [ M] and with them the King's Forces that came to help him, to wit, two thousand Horse∣men of Antioch, three thousand Foot all Bow-men, and three thousand Foot, sent by Agrippa, a thousand Horse, and four thousand which Sohemus brought, whereof the third part were Horse, the rest Foot, and for the most part Bow-men; he went to∣wards Ptolemais. Many joyned themselves to them out of every City, who, though they were not so skilful in War as the Romans, yet their hatred was more than theirs. Agrippa himself was there with Cestius,* 1.243 commanding those he brought. There Cestius taking a part of the Army, went to Zabulon (which is the strongest City of Galilee, called also Andron, and parts the Borders of the Jews from Ptolemais) and when he found it desolate of Inhabitants (who were fled into the Mountains) but full of Riches; [ N] giving licence to the Soldiers to sack it, he afterwards set it on fire, although he ad∣mired the beauty thereof (for it was not inferior to Tyre, or Sidon, or Beritum) and after spoiled all the Territories about it. When he had burnt all the Villages there∣about, he returned to Ptolemais. The Syrians, and especially those of Berith, stayed still behind to get Booties:* 1.244 Which when the Jews understood, and that Cestius was departed, they took courage, and came and set upon them, and killed of them two thousand. Cestius departing from Ptolemais, went to Caesarea, and sent part of his Ar∣my before to Joppa;* 1.245 commanding them to keep the Town, if they could get it; and if the Townsmen made any resistance, that then they should stay till he came with the rest of the Army. Some of them attacked it by Sea, some by Land; by which [ O] means they easily took it. The people thereof had neither time to flee, nor to pre∣pare themselves to fight; but they were all killed with their Families. After the sack∣ing

[ A] of the Town, they set it on fire. The slain were 8400. In like manner he sent part of his horsemen to Narbatena in the Toparchy near Samaria, who spoiled the Country, killed a great number of the inhabitants, rob'd and burnt the villages, and carried away much booty with them.

CHAP. XXIII.

Of Cestius his Battel against Jerusalem.

[ B] HE sent also Cesennius Gallus,* 1.246 General of the twelfth Legion, into Galilee, and gave him as many other Troops as he thought sufficient to conquer that nation. The strongest City of Galilee called Sephoris open'd the gates to them, and other Cities fol∣lowed their example. They that were seditious and gave themselves to robbing, retir'd to the Mountain of Azamon which is situate in the midst of Galilee over against Sepho∣ris: These Gallus went to attacque with his Army; and so long as they kept the higher part of the Mountain, they easily repelled the Romans, and killed above 200 of them: but when they saw the Romans had gain'd a higher place than that wherein they kept, they resisted no longer: for not being armed, they could not stand out, and if they should have fled, they could not have escaped the Horsemen; so that [ C] only a few who hid themselves in difficult places escaped,* 1.247 and above 2000 of them were slain. Gallus finding he had no more to do in Galilee, returned with his troops to Caesarea, and Cestius with his whole Army went to Antipatris: were under∣standing that a great company of Jews were gathered together in the Tower called Aphec,* 1.248 he sent some before to attacque them: but the Jews would not abide battel, and the Romans burnt their Tents and the Villages adjoyning. Cestius going from thence to Lydda found the City desolate;* 1.249 for all the people were gone to Jerusalem, because of the Feast of Tabernacles:* 1.250 and when he had killed fifty persons whom he found there, he fired the Town, and went by Bethoron to Gabaon, which is but fifty furlongs distant from Jerusalem. When the Jews saw the War draw near their [ D] capital City, they left their solemnity, and run to their arms: and having got to∣gether a great multitude,* 1.251 they went to fight with the Romans, observing no order, nor regarding the Sabbath, which formerly they held in so great estimation: and the same fury that made them leave their devotion, made them also victorious in the battel; for they assaulted the Romans with such courage, that they brake their body, and killing all that resisted, pressed into the midst thereof: and if a fresh supply both of Horse and Foot had not come in in time, all Cestius's Army had been in danger. There were slain five hundred and fifteen Romans, whereof four hun∣dred were Foot, and the rest Horse; but of the Jews only two and twenty. The most valiant in this combat were Monobazus and Cenelaeus, Kinsmen to Monobazus King [ E] of Adiabena; and next to them Paraides Niger, and Silas a Babylonian, who had fled to the Jews from King Agrippa, whom he had lately served. But at length the Jews being repulsed,* 1.252 returned to Jerusalem; and Simon the Son of Gioras attacqued the Romans, as they were returning towards Bethoron, and slew many of the Rere∣ward, and took many Carts and much Baggage, which he brought into the City. Cestius staied three days in the Field, and the Jews kept the high places, observing which way he would go, with a purpose to set upon the Romans if they stirr'd.

[ F] CHAP. XXIV.

Of the Siege of Jerusalem by Cestius, and of the Massacre.

AGrippa perceiving the Romans to be in great danger, because all the Mountains were covered with infinite numbers of Jews, he purposed to try, if with gentle words he could perswade them to desist from war; or if some refused, to receive those that were willing. Wherefore he sent unto them Borcaeus and Phoebus, two of his Captains, whom they well knew, with charge to promise them pardon in the name of Cestius,* 1.253 and of the Romans, for all that they had already done, if they would lay down their Arms and return to their duty. But the Revolters fearing that all [ G] the multitude, in hope of safety would joyn with Agrippa, determined to kill these Deputies; and they slew Phoebus before he spake a word; Borcaeus, being wounded, escaped. But the people were angry hereat, and with stones and clubs drave them

into the Town that were the authors of this fact. Cestius perceiving them divided [ H] among themselves, thought that he had now a fit opportunity to assault them, and so came upon them with his whole Army: and putting them to flight, he pursu∣ed them to Jerusalem. And when he had pitched his Tents in the place called Sco∣pus, * 1.254 seven furlongs from the City, he did nothing against it for three days space; perhaps hoping that they within would relent; and in the mean time he sent a great many Soldiers into the Vilages adjoyning to fetch Corn. The fourth day, which was the thirteenth of October, he came against the City with his Army in battel ar∣ray. The Jews were so surpriz'd and terrified to behold the Roman Discipline, that they forsook the outmost parts of the City, and retir'd into the Temple. Cestius passing Betheza, burnt Scenopolis, and the place called the new Market; and coming [ I] to the higher part of the City, he took up his quarters near the King's Palace: and if at any time he had violently given the assault, he had taken the City, and ended the War. But Tyrannus Priscus General of the Foot, and many other Rulers and Captains of the Horse, being corrupted with money by Florus, hindred that his pur∣pose; whereby the War was prolonged, and a thousand Calamities befel the Jews. In the mean time many of the chiefest among the Jews,* 1.255 and Ananus the Son of Jona∣thas made an offer to Cestius to open the Gates to him: but either through anger or diffidence, he contemned the offer. The Rebels understanding this Treason, with stones constrained Ananus and his complies to throw themselves over the wall for their safety. Which done, they retired thmselves to the Towers, from whence [ K] 〈◊〉〈◊〉 beat back those that scaled the walls. The Romans for five days space assaulted 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••alls on every side, but all invain; and the sixth day, Cestius with many chosen Sol∣•••••• and Bowmen assaulted the Temple on the North-side.* 1.256 The Jews valiantly made re∣••••ance out of the Porches, and often repulsed the Romans, as they approach'd the Walls: yet at last by the multitude of their adversaries darts, they were forced to give back. Then the formost of the Romans holding their shields over their heads, and leaning against the wall, they in the second rank also held their Shields against those in the first, and so in order until the last, thereby making a Tortoise, as the Romans call it, or defence, that all their shot and darts could do them no harm; so that the Soldiers safely undermined the walls, and attempted to fire the Gates of the Temple. [ L]

The seditious were hereat greatly amazed, and many fled out of the City as if it would presently be taken. But the people were as glad of it as the Rebels were dis∣maied, and came to the Gates to open them to Cestius, as one who had well deserv∣ed at their hands. And truly if he had but a little longer continued the siege, he had taken the City. But I think that God being angry with these wicked persons, would not suffer the War to be ended at that time. For Cestius neither regarding the good will of the people, nor the desperation of the Rebels, removed his Army from thence; and having received no loss, very unadvisedly departed from the Ci∣ty: * 1.257 at whose unlooked for flight, the Rebels took heart; and making after him, they killed some Horse and foot of his Rear. Cestius quarter'd that day in the Camp [ M] which he had fortified near Scopion. The next day he went further into the Coun∣try, whereby he more encouraged the Rebels; who following, killed many of his Rere, because the place thorough which the Romans march'd was narrow, the Jews assaulted them on the flank, and the last durst not cast any darts against them who wounded them on their backs, thinking that an infinite multitude had followed them; and they were not able to resist them that assaulted them on each side, being heavy arm'd and not daring to break their order; whilst on the contrary the Jews were active and light: so that the Romans endured much harm at the hands of their Enemies, and did them none. And thus were they beaten all the way long, and ma∣ny of them killed; amongst whom was Priscus Captain of the sixth Legion, and [ N] Longinus the Tribune, and Aemilius Jucundus Campmaster of a Regiment of Horse. And so with much ado, they came to Gabio; where they first pitch'd their Tents, casting away much of their baggage, which might any way hinder them. Cestius staied there two days, doubtful what to do. The third day he perceived his ene∣mies increased, and all places about filled with Jews: whereby he saw that his slow∣ness was to his disadvantage, and the number of his enemies would still increase, if he made any longer abode there. Wherefore that he might flee speedily, he caused the Soldiers to cast away all those things that might be a hindrance to them, and to kill their Mules Asses, and Cattel, saving only those that carried munition; fearing that if he should not destroy them, the Jews might make use of them against [ O] him; and so he led his Army toward Bethoron. The Jews in large passages little molested his Army: but when they were to pass a strait, then they set upon those of

[ A] the Rere, and drove others down precipices, and all the army of the Jews were spread upon the eminent places, where the Romans were to pass, expecting to wel∣come them with their Arrows. While the Roman Foot were in this extremity, the Horse were in greater danger; for they could not keep their ranks for the multitude of darts and arrows;* 1.258 neither could they get up to their enemies, the ascent to the top of the Mountains was so steep: and they were compassed on each side with Rocks and deep Valleys, so that if any went out of the way he fell down and was killed; and thus there was no way either to flee or to resist. In this desperation they fell to lamenta∣tions and outcries, which the Jews answered with shouts of joy, encouraging one ano∣ther to play the men, being glad of their enemies adversity:* 1.259 and all the Army of Ce∣stius [ B] had there perished, had not the night come on and helped them, which by the darkness gave leisure to the Romans to flee into Bethoron. In the mean while, the Jews kept all the places thereabouts besieged, and guarded the passages. Cestius see∣ing it not possible to march openly,* 1.260 thought best to flee, and chose almost 400 of his strongest Soldiers, and set them in very eminent places, commanding them that when they were aloft, they should cry as they did before, that the Jews might think that the whole Army was there, and so he with the rest of his Army marched quietly 30 Furlongs. In the morning, the Jews perceiving the Romans to be fled, assaulted the 400, by whom they were deceived, and presently killing them with Darts, they [ C] pursued Cestius: who having fled away in the night, made more haste the next day; so that the Soldiers for fear, left their Arms and Instruments to beat down Walls, and Slings, and much other munition; which the Jews taking, after used against them. Thus they followed the Romans to Antipatris: and seeing they could not overtake them they returned, bringing with them the warlike Instruments, and rifling those that were slain, and taking whatsoever the Romans had left behind; and so singing Songs of Victory, they returned to Jerusalem, having lost very few of their company, and slain 5380 of the Roman Foot and their Auxiliaries; and 980 Horse. And this was done upon the eighth day of October, and in the twelfth year of the Reign of Nero.

[ D] CHAP. XXV.

Of the Cruelty of those of Damascus against the Jews, and of Joseph's affairs in Galilee.

AFter this ill success of Cestius,* 1.261 many of the chiefest among the Jews daily fled and forsook the City, as a ship presently ready to sink. Costobarus and Saul two Brethren, and Philip the Son of Joachim General of Agrippa's Army, retir'd themselves to Cestius. As for Antipas, who was also besieged by them in the Kings Palace, he would not flee with the rest, and so was killed by the Rebels.* 1.262 But Cestius sent Saul and the rest of his Company into Achaia unto Nero, to inform him of the cause of [ E] his retreat, and to shew how Florus had caused all these wars: for so he hoped that Nero would turn his anger against Florus, and free him from danger. Then the peo∣ple of Damascus understanding the defeat of the Romans, devised how to destroy the Jews which inhabited amongst them: and they thought it was easie to be accom∣plished, for that the Jews were already assembled in the common places of exercise, for fear of some such matter: yet they mistrusted their own Wives, who all, except a few,* 1.263 were Jews in Religion. Wherefore they took great heed to conceal their in∣tent from them; and so assaulting the Jews in a narrow place and unarm'd, they put them all to the sword, to the number of ten thousand. After the Rebels that had pursued Cestius were returned to Jerusalem,* 1.264 they laboured to joyn all to them that [ F] favoured the Romans, either by force or by flattery; and assembling themselves in the Temple, they determined to chuse a great number of Captains to carry on the War. Joseph the Son of Corion, and Ananus the high Priest, were appointed Rulers of the City, and especially to see the Walls thereof repaired. Eleazar the Son of Simon was put into no authority, notwithstanding that he had in his custody great prey and spoil taken from the Romans, and Cestius his money, and a great part of the publick treasure; because they perceived he aspired to a Tyranny, and had his great∣est Confidents about him as his Guards: yet in time Eleazar by money and craft per∣swaded the people to obey him in all things. They also chose other Captains, to be sent into Idumea, who were Jesus the Son of Sapphas, and Eleazar the Son of the new [ G] high Priest: and they commanded Niger who was born beyond Jordan to obey these Captains, who was therefore called Peraites, and was then Governour of Idumea. they neglected not to do the like by other Regions: for Joseph the Son of Simon was

sent to Jericho, and Manasses beyond the River, and John the Essean to Tamna, eve∣ry [ H] one to assume the Government of his Country as a Toparchy. Lydda, Joppe and Amaus were annexed to John the Essean, and John the Son of Ananias was appoint∣ed Governour of Gophnitis and Acrabatena. Joseph the Son of Matthias was made Ruler over both Galilees,* 1.265 unto which was joyned Gamala the strongest City in all that Country.

Each of these Governours discharged his place according to his wisdom and dexte∣rity. When Joseph came to Galilee, which was committed to his protection, his first care was to get the good will of the Inhabitants; knowing that it might much profit him, although in other matters he should offend: considering that he should have [ I] the most considerable persons his friends, if he made them pertakers of his Authority. He chose seventy of the most ancient wise men amongst them,* 1.266 and made them Ru∣lers over all Galilee, and elected seven Judges over the lesser Towns to judge inferi∣our matters: but he reserved all great affairs and Criminal Causes to his own hear∣ing. Moreover, having ordained a form of Justice that those seventy should follow, he took counsel how to provide for his security abroad. And being assured that the Romans would come into Galilee, he compassed those places with strong Walls that were fit for his purpose, to wit, Jotapata, Bersabea, Selamis, Perecho, Japha and Sigoph, Ta∣richea and Tiberias:* 1.267 Moreover he fortified the Hill Itaburin, and the Caves near the Lake of Genesareth, which is in lower Galilee; and in high Galilee Petra, which is also called Acheberon, and Seph, Jamnith, and Mero; in Gaulanitis also, Seleucia, and Soganes, [ K] and Gamala; he only permitted them of Sephoris to build their own Walls, because he perceived them to be rich and prone to War of themselves. Likewise John the Son of Levias, at Joseph's command, built the Walls of Giscala himself alone; but in all other places that were fortified. Joseph put to his helping hand, and directed how they should be done. He listed an hundred thousand men, who were all young per∣sons and fit for the War, and he armed them with old Armour, which he had ga∣thered from all parts of the Country. And considering that that which made the Roman Army invincible, was that they were all obedient to their Officers and well disciplin'd, and that he could not exercise them in martial discipline, by reason of his other occasions, he thought good at least to teach them to be obedient. And [ L] calling to mind that the multitude of Rulers made obedience, he ordained many Captains, and constituted divers sorts of Soldiers, as the Romans used to do; making some Governours of ten, others over a hundred, and others over a thousand; and ap∣pointed likewise Rulers over them. He taught them also how to give the sign of War,* 1.268 and how to sound the trumpet, both to call to combat, and to retire; how to march in length, and cast in a ring, and how to succour those that were most in dan∣ger: and in short, he taught them whatsoever might either encourage them, or make them active:* 1.269 but especially he exercised them in good Discipline, imitating in par∣ticular the order of the Romans, and often telling them that they were to fight with men, who for strength of body and courage surpassed all nations of the World. Al∣so [ M] he told them that hereby he should perceive whether they would be obedient in War, if now they abstained from such things as were usual to Soldiers, to wit, robbing and spoiling their Country-men, crafty and deceitful dealing, and spoiling those with whom they conversed, for their own gain; for those Wars had always best success, where the Soldiers carried good Consciences; and those that were bad should not only have men,* 1.270 but God also for their enemy. After this manner he daily exhorted them: and now he had got together as many men as he desired; for their number was 60000 Foot, and 250 Horse, besides 4500 strangers whom he hired, and to whom he chiefly trusted, and 600 chosen men to guard his own person. And the hirelings only excepted, the rest of the Soldiers were provided for by the Cities: for every [ N] City before mentioned, sent one half of their men for Soldiers, and the other half they kept to provide Victuals for them; that one part being employed in War, the other might do such business as the City required.

[ O]

[ A] CHAP. XXVI.

Of Joseph's danger and escape; and of the malice of John of Giscala.

WHilst Joseph thus ordered the Estate of Galilee,* 1.271 there arose a Traytor born in Giscala, John the Son of Levias, a most subtil and deceitful man, who by vile means was now become the richest person in that Countrey, having before been very poor, and unable to put his Villanies in practice. He could lie at his pleasure, and thought deceit a Virtue, which he used even towards his dearest friends; he was also a [ B] great Counterfeiter of Humanity; and yet for the hope of gain became a cruel Mur∣therer. He always aimed at high matters, with an aspiring mind, and at first nourish∣ed his hope with small Villanies. For first he was a Thief alone, and lived in Woods and solitary places; at last he got to him a company of audacious people like himself, at first small, but afterwards he greatly encreased it. He also had a great care to chuse no weak persons; but such as were strong of body, valiant of mind, and skilful in Martial Affairs: Of these he gathered four hundred, most of them out of Tyre, and the Villages thereabout; and with them he wasted all Galilee, and killed many of those whom the fear of War had driven thither. This man, long time before, had de∣sired to be General of a formed Army, and aspired to greater matters, only the want [ C] of money hindred him: And perceiving that Joseph considered him as a serviceable man, he perswaded him to suffer him to build the Walls of that place where he was born, and which was now desolate; and to accomplish this, he gathered great summs of money of the richer sort. After which, having perswaded Joseph to give order to all the Jews that were dispersed over all Syria, that they should send no Oyl to the neighbouring places, save only that which was made by their own Nation, he caused great quantities of Oyl to be brought to the Confines of Galilee, and buying four Bar∣rels for a piece of Tyrian money (which amounted to four Attick Groats) he sold them again to the Syrian Jews; the half of one Barrel for as much as all four cost him. And for that Galilee abounded with Oyls, and especially at that time, he conveyed it to [ D] such places where there was great want,* 1.272 and none was brought but by himself. By this means he gathered an infinite mass of Money, which presently he turned to the preju∣dice of him who had given him licence to get it. And thinking that if he could depose Joseph, he might come to be Ruler over Galilee, he commanded his followers to rob and spoil more than they did before; and so to trouble the Countrey, that he might either kill the Governour treacherously, if he sought to redress it; or if he neglected it, to accuse him of slothfulness, and so make him odious to the people. Moreover, he had already given out speeches, that Joseph went about to betray Galilee to the Romans; and he devised many things to this effect, to work Joseph's Overthrow. It happened that at that time,* 1.273 some of the Village of Dabarita, who watched in the [ E] field, set upon Ptolomey, who was Steward to King Agrippa, and his Sister Bernice, and plundered all his Carriages, wherein was much costly Apparel, and many Silver Ves∣sels, and six hundred pieces of Gold. And for that they could not carry this secret∣ly, they brought all the whole Booty to Joseph, at Tarichea: who, reproving them for offering violence to the King's Servants, commanded the things to be kept at the house of Aeneas, who was one of the richest men in the Town, and should restore them to the owner when time served; wherein, thinking to do himself great good, he brought himself into much danger. For the Thieves being offended that they receiv∣ed no part thereof, and seeing that Joseph would restore to Agrippa and his Sister Ber∣nice that which they had laboured for, they went round about the Villages in the [ F] night,* 1.274 and spred this false report in every place, that Joseph was a Traytor to his Coun∣trey; and with the same rumour also, they filled the Cities thereabout. So that ear∣ly in the next morning, ten thousand men armed assembled themselves together in the Theatre at Tarichea; the greatest part of them cryed out in their fury, that the Tray∣tor Joseph ought to be stoned, others that he ought to be burned? and John himself, with one Jesus the Son of Sapphias,* 1.275 who at that time was a Magistrate in Tiberias, omit∣ted nothing to animate the people yet more against him. All the Friends of Joseph, and his Guards, being terrified with such a multitude, fled, four only excepted. Jo∣seph in the mean while was asleep; and had he slept a little longer, they had set his house on fire. The Tumult awakened him, and the four that remained with him, [ G] counselled him to flee: But he not dismayed for that he was left alone, nor that so great a multitude came against him, went boldly towards them with his Garment all torn, and Ashes upon his head, holding his hands behind him, and his Sword upon his

neck. At this sight they that bare him good will, especially the people of Tarichea, [ H] were moved to compassion; but the Countrey people, who thought he overlaid them with Taxes and Tributes, cursed him; and bad him bring forth the publick Treasure, and confess his Treason; for seeing him in this plight, they thought he would not deny any thing whereof he was accused; and that he came so only to move them to compassion, in order to obtain pardon for his offence. This his humility stood him in good stead; for hereby those that before were enraged against him, now be∣gan one to fall out with another in his behalf, when he promised to confess the whole matter:* 1.276 And having obtained licence to speak, he said: I was never minded to send back that money to Agrippa, nor to keep it to my private use. For (God forbid) that I should ever hold him for my friend, who is your open Enemy; or that I should so seek my [ I] own profit, as thereby to damnifie you all. But (O ye men of Tarichea) for as much as I perceived that your City especially had great need to be fortified, and that you were not able to build the Walls, and for that I feared the people of Tiberias, and others adjoyning, who still gaped after this Prey and Wealth that was taken from Agrippa; I determined to get those Spoils for you, to re-edifie your Walls. If ye mislike this, I will bring out the Trea∣sure, and give it to be divided amongst you: But if you like thereof, then you are obliged to defend me.

This Speech of his well pleased the people of Tarichea, who gave him great Praises, and displeased them of Tiberias, so that they breathed out threatnings against him. Thus they both left Joseph, and contested one against another. Joseph now having ma∣ny [ K] partakers (for the people of Tarichea were almost forty thousand) spake more bold∣ly to the multitude, and rebuked their temerity; telling them, that it was necessary to strengthen Tarichea with that present money, and that he would also provide to strengthen other Cities; and that they should not want money, if they would agree and conspire together against those from whom they might get it, and not offer vio∣lence to him, who could procure it for them. The multitude being thus deceived, though they were angry, yet departed: Yet two thousand of those that were anima∣ted against him, offered to set upon him: but he being already retired into his house, they there besieged him.* 1.277 Wherefore Joseph used another device likewise to repress these: and getting to the top of the house, he beckned unto them with his hand, to [ L] keep silence; and then said, that he was ignorant what they requested at his hands; for he could not hear one for another, because their voices were confounded with their number; but if they would send some into the house to talk friendly with him, he would do whatsoever they requested. The Nobles and Magistrates hearing this, presently entred into the house; whom, when he had led into the innermost part of the house, and shut the doors, he caused to be beaten so long, till that their ribs ap∣peared. The doors in the mean time being fast, the people stayed before the house, thinking that the cause of their long tarrying was to debate reasons to and fro: But presently Joseph opening the doors, put them forth amongst the people all bloody as they were; whereat they were so daunted, that leaving their Weapons behind them, [ M] they ran away.* 1.278 Hereat John took occasion to encrease his hatred and jealousie against Joseph; and having ill success in this policy, he still attempted other plots to bring Jo∣seph in danger. First he counterfeited himself sick, and requested Joseph to permit him to go to Tiberias, and use the hot Baths, in order to recover his health. Joseph, not having yet perceived his Treason, writ Letters in his behalf to the Governour of the Town, to provide John with good accommodation, and to let him want nothing that he needed.* 1.279 Two days after his arrival there, he went about the business which he designed; and enticed some with money, others with flatteries, to revolt from Joseph. Silas, whom Joseph had made Governour of the City, understanding this, presently by Letters gave notice thereof to Joseph; who receiving the same in the night, went to [ N] Tiberias very early in the morning. All the people, except those that John had cor∣rupted, went out to meet him: but John, notwithstanding he judged that he came a∣gainst him, still counterfeited himself sick in bed, and sent a man of his acquaintance to excuse his absence for not coming to meet Joseph.* 1.280 Then Joseph assembled the Tibe∣rians together in a place to speak to them, concerning that which was written to him: And John sent armed men thither with Commandment to kill Joseph. The people per∣ceiving them to draw their Swords, cryed out; and Joseph at their cry looking about him, and perceiving their Swords even almost at his throat, he leaped down a little Hill upon the Shore, which was six cubits high, upon which he stood to speak to the people:* 1.281 And going into a boat with two of his Guard which he found there, he went [ O] into the midst of the Lake; and presently his Guard taking their Weapons, assaulted the Traytors. Joseph fearing that a great conflict would ensue, and so the whole City,

[ A] for a few men's fault be destroyed, sent to his Soldiers, charging them only to take care for their own safety, and no more; and to kill none, nor reprove any, for that wicked fact: and they forthwith obeying his Command, ceased from fight.

But those that inhabited about the City, and heard of the Treason, and by whom it was attempted,* 1.282 armed themselves and came against John; but he, before their com∣ing, fled to Giscala, where he was born. In the mean while, all Galilee came and joyned with Joseph;* 1.283 and there were many thousands of Armed men gathered toge∣ther, affirming that they came against John, and to fire that City which had received him. Joseph thanked them for their good will, saying, that he had rather conquer his enemies by moderation, than by fire and Sword; and therefore requested them to [ B] be content. He also published an Edict, wherein he declared, that all those that had rebelled with John, and did not forsake him within five days next following, should lose all their Estates, and their houses should be sacked and set on fire. Hereupon, three thousand presently forsook John, and came and laid down their weapons at Jo∣seph's feet,* 1.284 prostrating themselves before him; so that there remained with John but two thousand fugitive Syrians. By whom being assisted, he again went secretly to work, having had so ill success by open dealing; and so he privily sent messengers to Jerusalem, to accuse Joseph that he had gathered a great Army, and that except he were quickly prevented, he would come and usurp Dominion over the Mother-city. But the people understanding before of John's hatred, did not regard it; yet divers [ C] rich men and Magistrates who envied Joseph, secretly sent money to John, to hire For∣reign Soldiers, that he might make War against Joseph; whom they determined a∣mongst themselves to displace: And thinking that their order was not sufficient to ef∣fect it, they sent moreover two thousand five hundred men, and four of their Princi∣pal Nobility with them, to wit, Joazar the Lawyer, and Ananias the Saducee, and Simon and Judas, the Sons of Jonathas; all very eloquent men, and learned in our Laws, to withdraw the people's minds from Joseph; giving them charge, that if he of his own accord came to them, then they should permit him to speak for himself; but if he refused so to do, then they should hold him as an enemy. Joseph's Friends at Je∣rusalem gave him intelligence that an Army was coming against him, but for what cause [ D] they knew not, because it was kept secret. And hereupon, before he could prevent it, four Cities revolted from him,* 1.285 to wit, Sephoris, Gamala, Giscala and Tiberias, which ne∣vertheless he soon after easily recovered, without Force of Arms: And having taken the four Captains and Counsellors of his enemies, he sent them to Jerusalem; against whom the people being incensed, would have killed them, and those that sent them, had they not fled in good time.

CHAP. XXVII.

[ E] The Cities of Tiberias and Sephoris are recovered by Joseph.

NOw John,* 1.286 for fear of Joseph, kept himself within the Walls of Giscala; and a few days after Tiberias revolting again from Joseph, the Inhabitants called in Agrippa, who came not at the day appointed, only a few Roman Horse shewed themselves. Joseph understanding this at Tarichea; and having sent his Soldiers to fetch Corn, he thought not good to go alone against the Rebels; nor yet did he think it best to delay the time any longer, fearing that whilst he delayed, King Agrippa would come and possess the Town; besides that, the next day being the Sabbath, he could do no∣thing. [ F] At length he resolved to overcome the Rebels by policy; and so he command∣ed the Gates of Tarichea to be kept shut, that his intent might not be revealed to them, of Tiberias. Then taking all the Boats that were in the Lake, in number two hun∣dred and thirty, and in every one of them four Sailers, he speedily sailed to Tiberias: And when he came near the City, yet so far off, that the Inhabitants thereof could not easily descry him, he commanded all the Boats to stop, and the rowers to beat the wa∣ter still as if they were rowing;* 1.287 and taking only seven of his Guard with him, unarm∣ed, he went near enough the City, that they might see him. When the Rebels per∣ceived him, and thought that the Boats were full of Armed men, they threw down their Weapons, and held up their hands to him, beseeching him to spare the City. Joseph, with many threatning and bitter Speeches, reproached them first, that having under∣taken [ G] War against the Romans, they with Civil Dissentions consumed their own Forces: Secondly, that they had sought his life, from whom they ought to expect their safety; and that they were not ashamed to shut the Gates against him, who had

built the Walls; yet if any would come and talk with him, and give him assurance of [ H] their fidelity, he would not refuse them. So ten of the chiefest among them came to him, whom he carried away in a Fisher-boat far from the City, and he demanded fifty Senatours, as though he required their promise also. And devising new Causes, he still under pretence of agreement sent first for one,* 1.288 and then for another, as he thought good, till he had loaded all the Boats: which done, he commnded all the Boatmen with all speed possible to go to Tarichea, and put them in Prison; so he carri∣ed away all the Council, which were in number six hundred, and 2000 more, all whom he brought to Tarichea. But they which remained in the City, cried with one voice that one Clitus was cause of the revolt, and therefore besought Joseph to punish him for all.* 1.289 Joseph told them that he would put none of them to death, but commanded [ I] one of his Guard, called Levias, to come and cut off Clitus his hands: but he fearing to trust himself amongst so many enemies, refused to do execution. Clitus perceiv∣ing that Joseph was angry, and ready to come out of his Boat to do it himself, besought him to grant him one of his hands; which Joseph did upon condition that he should cut off the other himself. So Clitus drawing out his Sword with his right hand, cut off his left. After this manner Joseph brought Tiberias again under his subjection. And within a few days after, he took Giscala and Sephoris, which had revolted, having given the spoils thereof to his Soldiers; yet afterward he restored most that was taken away to the people; and the like he did to the inhabitants of Tiberias: by which means he got the good will of them all. [ K]

CHAP. XXVIII.

How the people of Jerusalem prepared themselves for War, and of the Robberies of Simon Son of Gioras.

AFter that these broils,* 1.290 which hitherto hapned only in Galilee, were ceased, they prepared themselves against the Romans. And the chief men of Jerusalem, and [ L] Ananus the high Priest, with all speed renewed and repaired the Walls, and made all sorts of Instruments for war, Arrows and other weapons; so that all the City was busied herein, and trained their men in warlike discipline. All places were filled with agitation and tumult; but the graver sort were very pensive, and many as it were foreseeing the calamity that after ensued, could not refrain from tears: they that desired peace, received no comfort in any thing: all things were done at their beck who were cause of all this War. And the Estate of the City, even then before the Romans came, was like a City to be destroyed, But Ananus neglected that which was necessary for War, and laboured to reconcile the seditious faction of those that were called Zelous:* 1.291 but how he was overcome, and what his end was, we [ M] will declare hereafter. In the mean time one Simon the Son of Gioras in the To∣parchy of Acrabatena, having gathered together a multitude of seditious people, robbed and spoled every where; and he not only broke into rich mens houses, but also beat them grievously, openly exercising his Tyranny. But when Ananus and the rest sent an army against him, he fled to his fellow-thieves of Massada, and there staid till Ananus and the rest of his Enemies were slain: and then he wasted Idumea with the rest; so that the Governours of that place were fain to put a Garrison in every Village: so great was the number of them that were slain by these Thieves. And thus stood the affairs of the Jews.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The year of the World, 3964. after Christ's Nativity, ••2.
• * 1.2

  Ant. lib. 17. cap. 11.
• * 1.3

  The Lamen∣tations and Banquets Ar∣chelaus made.
• * 1.4

  Archelaus promiseth ••his Subjects all favour.
• * 1.5

  A Sedition a∣bout the pul∣ling down of the Eagle, and the Agents thereof.
• * 1.6

  Ant. lib. 17. cap. 12.
• * 1.7

  Archelaus's bounty to∣wards the Se∣ditious.
• * 1.8

  The Feast of Easter solemn∣ly kept, and much Sacri∣fice offered.
• * 1.9

  Three thou∣sand of the Jews slain at the Feast of ••as••er.
• * 1.10

  Sabinus com∣eth into Judaea to seize the Fortresses and keep the Trea∣sure.
• * 1.11

  Ant. lib. 17. cap 13.
• * 1.12

  Antipas e∣lected King by Herod's for∣mer Testa∣ment, striveth with Arche∣laus for the Kingdom.
• * 1.13

  Antipas ac∣cuseth Arche∣laus by Let∣ters to Caesar.
• * 1.14

  Caesar calleth a Council of Roman Nobi∣lity.
• * 1.15

  Antipaters's vehement Ac∣cusation a∣gainst Arche∣laus.
• * 1.16

  Antipater 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to ve∣hemency in accusing Ar∣chelaus▪
• * 1.17

  The Will changed dur∣ing Herod's Sickness.
• * 1.18

  Antipater a∣gainst Arche∣laus.
• * 1.19

  Nicolaus de∣fendeth Ar∣chelaus.
• * 1.20

  Archelaus humbleth him∣self at Caesar's feet.
• * 1.21

  Caesar's Boun∣ty and Huma∣nity towards him.
• * 1.22

  Ant. lib. 17. cap. 14.
• * 1.23

  Sedition in Je∣rusalem.
• * 1.24

  Sabinus seiz∣eth the King's Treasure, and laboureth to get possession of his Fortres∣ses.
• * 1.25

  Three Camps of the Jews.
• * 1.26

  Sabinus get∣teth into the highest Tower of the strong∣est Castle.
• * 1.27

  A Skirmish between the Jews and Ro∣mans.
• * 1.28

  The Romans fire the Porches.
• * 1.29

  Ant lib. 17. cap. 15.
• * 1.30

  Simon, one of the King's Servants tak∣eth the King∣dom upon him.
• * 1.31

  Athrongaeus a Shepherd, usurpeth the Kingdom.
• * 1.32

  The End and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the War.
• * 1.33

  Ant. lib. 17. cap. 16.
• * 1.34

  Varus assisteth the Romans a∣gainst the Jews.
• * 1.35

  Varus taketh divers Cities and Castles of Judaea.
• * 1.36

  Emmaus burnt.
• * 1.37

  Varus cometh to Jerusalem with his Ar∣my, and with his only▪ Pre∣sence dismay∣eth the Jews.
• * 1.38

  The year of the World, 3966. after Christ's Nativity, 4.
• * 1.39

  Varus crucifi∣ed two thou∣sand of the Se∣ditious.
• * 1.40

  Varus's mercy and bounty to the Idumeans.
• * 1.41

  The year of the world, 3966. after Christ's Nativity, 4.
• * 1.42

  Ant. lib. 17. cap. 17.
• * 1.43

  Ethnarcha, Ruler, or Go∣vernour.
• * 1.44

  The Jews call Archelaus in question.
• * 1.45

  A bitter Ac∣cusation of the Jews against Herod and his Sons.
• * 1.46

  Herod's Ty∣ranny and cruelty.
• * 1.47

  The Jews be∣seech the Ro∣mans to have compassion on the remainder of the Jews.
• * 1.48

  Nicolaus de∣fends Arche∣laus before Caesar, and the rest.
• * 1.49

  Caesar maketh Archelaus Ethnarch of Jewry.
• * 1.50

  The distribu∣tion of the Kingdom to Herod's Chil∣dren.
• * 1.51

  Those Cities that were un∣der Archela∣us's subjecti∣on.
• * 1.52

  Salome Prin∣cess of Jam∣nia, Azotus and Phasaelis
• * 1.53

  Ant. lib. 17. cap. 18.
• * 1.54

  A certain young man feigning him∣self to be that Alexander, whom Herod slew, deceiv∣eth many.
• * 1.55

  Caesar desir∣eth to see the young man.
• * 1.56

  Caesar maketh the counterfeit Alexander a Galley-slave, and executeth his Counsellor
• * 1.57

  Ant. lib. 17. cap. 19.
• * 1.58

  Archelaus ba∣nished for his Tyranny, and his goods con∣fiscated.
• * 1.59

  Archelaus's Dream of the Oxen and ears of Corn.
• * 1.60

  Archelaus re∣fusing Mari∣amne, marri∣eth Glaphyra.
• * 1.61

  Glaphyra saw Alexander in her sleep.
• * 1.62

  Ant. lib. 18. cap. 12.
• * 1.63

  The year of the World, 3973. after Christ's Nativity, 11.
• * 1.64

  Three Sects among the Jews, of which the Es∣seans were the best.
• * 1.65

  The Esseans Doctrine of Marriage.
• * 1.66

  Among the Esseans goods are common.
• * 1.67

  The Esseans Hospitality
• * 1.68

  The Esseans App••••el.
• * 1.69

  Their Religi∣on and labour.
• * 1.70

  The Esseans in compassion and helping others have free choice in other things they are ruled by their Go∣vernour.
• * 1.71

  The Esseans swear not.
• * 1.72

  The Esseans Vows and Co∣venants.
• * 1.73

  The Esseans circumspect in Justice.
• * 1.74

  The Esseans reverence the Sabbaths.
• * 1.75

  The Esseans live a long time.
• * 1.76

  The Esseans constancy in the War with the Romans.
• * 1.77

  The year of the World, 3979. after Christ's Nativity. 17.
• * 1.78

  The Esseans esteem the soul immor∣tal, but they believe not the Resurrection of the dead.
• * 1.79

  The Grecians opinion of the soul of man.
• * 1.80

  The Esseans prophesie.
• * 1.81

  There is a Colledge of the Esseans, that differeth from the for∣mer in the point of Mar∣riage.
• * 1.82

  The second Sect of the Pharisees.
• * 1.83

  The third of the Sadducees
• * 1.84

  Ant. l. 18. c. 7.
• * 1.85

  The year of the World, 3997. after Christ's Nativity, 35.
• * 1.86

  The people would not con∣descend to Pi∣late to alter their Coun∣try-laws.
• * 1.87

  Pilate admir∣ing the con∣stancy of the Jews in their Religion, sent the Statues from Jerusa∣lem.
• * 1.88

  The year of the World, 3998. after Christ's Nativity, 39.
• * 1.89

  Pilate beateth the seditious with clubs.
• * 1.90

  The year of the World, 4001. after Christ's Nativity, 36.
• * 1.91

  Agrippa A∣ristobulus's Son hateth Ti∣berius, and in∣sinuateth him∣self into Caius Caligula's friendship.
• * 1.92

  Tiberius reign∣ed 22 years six months, and 3 days.
• * 1.93

  The year of the World, 4001. after Christ's Nativity, 39.
• * 1.94

  Caius Caesar giveth the Te¦trarchy to A¦grippa, 〈◊〉〈◊〉's Son, and maketh him a King.
• * 1.95

  Ant. l. 18. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.96

  Herod and his wife remain in Spain.
• * 1.97

  The year of the World, 4002. after Christ's Nativity, 40.
• * 1.98

  Ant. lib. 18. c▪ 15.
• * 1.99

  Caius Caesar calleth and re∣puteth himself a God.
• * 1.100

  The fear the Jews had of Petronius's Army.
• * 1.101

  The descripti∣on of Ptole∣mais.
• * 1.102

  Sand like Glass near Memnon's Sepulchre.
• * 1.103

  Petronius cer∣tifieth the Jews of the Romans power and Caesar's threats.
• * 1.104

  The constancy of the Jews.
• * 1.105

  Petronius once more assembl∣eth the Jews, and threatens them.
• * 1.106

  Petronius sen∣deth to Caesar and signifieth the Jews sup∣plication.
• * 1.107

  Petronius re∣ceives letters of Caesar's death.
• * 1.108

  The year of the World, 4005. after Christ's Nativity, 43.
• * 1.109

  Ant. lib. 19. cap. 3.
• * 1.110

  Caius reigned three years and six months.
• * 1.111

  Agrippa is chosen both betwixt the Senate and Claudius for an arbiter.
• * 1.112

  The Senates answer to Agrippa.
• * 1.113

  The Senate follow the Soldiers to Claudius.
• * 1.114

  Claudius ho∣nourably en∣tertains the Senate.
• * 1.115

  Agrippa's Kingdom.
• * 1.116

  The year of the World, 4008. after Christ's Nativity, 46.
• * 1.117

  Ant. lib. 19. cap. 5.
• * 1.118

  Agrippa af∣ter he had reigned three years in Caesa∣rea dies.
• * 1.119

  Herod after he had reigned in Chalcis, di∣eth.
• * 1.120

  Ant. lib. 19. cap. 7, 8.
• * 1.121

  Alexander and Aristobu∣lus,'s Genea∣logy.
• * 1.122

  The year of the World, 4011. after Christ's Nativity, 49.
• * 1.123

  A filthy fact and speech of a Soldier a∣gainst the Jews on a Festival day.
• * 1.124

  Cumanus fear∣eth the peo∣ple's 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.125

  Some ten thousand men thronged to death.
• * 1.126

  The year of the World, 4014. after Christ's Nativity, 52.
• * 1.127

  A Soldier cuts the Book of the Holy Scri∣pture in pieces and burneth it
• * 1.128

  The Soldier executed, that burned the Bible.
• * 1.129

  A Galilean slain in Sama∣ria.
• * 1.130

  Eleazar and Alexander, two Princes of the Jews, exercise much cruelty.
• * 1.131

  Conspiracy in Robbery.
• * 1.132

  Quadratus Governour of Syria, heareth the Samari∣tans and Jews.
• * 1.133

  Quadratus giveth Sen∣tence betwixt the Jews and Samaritans.
• * 1.134

  Claudius's Sentence a∣gainst some Samaritans, Cumanus and Celer.
• * 1.135

  Claudius dies, and Nero suc∣ceeds him.
• * 1.136

  The year of the world, 4014. after Christ's Nativity▪ 52.
• * 1.137

  Nero killeth his Brother, his Mother and Wife.
• * 1.138

  The year of the World, 4018. after Christ's Nativity, 56.
• * 1.139

  Ant lib. 20. cap. 11.
• * 1.140

  Foelix surpris∣eth Eleazar the Captain of the Thieves, and many o∣thers, and sends them bound to Rome.
• * 1.141

  Another sort of Thieves, who at noon days went a∣bout the City to murther men.
• * 1.142

  Jonathan the High Priest with many o∣thers slain.
• * 1.143

  Ant. lib. 20. cap. 12.
• * 1.144

  An Egyptian Prophet ga∣thereth well nigh thirty thousand men.
• * 1.145

  Foelix over∣throweth the Egyptian.
• * 1.146

  The Thieves and Magicians work much mischief to many men.
• * 1.147

  The year of the World, 4020. after Christ's Nativity, 58.
• * 1.148

  Ant lib. 10. cap. 13.
• * 1.149

  A Fight be∣tween the Jews and Sy∣rians about Caesarea.
• * 1.150

  Sedition and Slaughter a∣mong the Jews.
• * 1.151

  The year of the World, 4024. after Christ's Nativity, 62.
• * 1.152

  Ant. lib. 20. cap 15.
• * 1.153

  Albinus Pre∣sident of Ju¦daea, full of all wickedness.
• * 1.154

  The Seditious bribe Albi∣nus to wink at their Robbe∣ries.
• * 1.155

  The year of the World, 4028. after Christ's Nativity, 66.
• * 1.156

  Ant. lib 20. cap. 16.
• * 1.157

  Gessius Florus succeeded Albinus, and proved worse than Albinus.
• * 1.158

  The Cove∣tousness of Florus spoil∣eth whole Ci∣ties.
• * 1.159

  Cestius Gallus appeaseth the people, & pro∣miseth a miti∣gation of Flo∣rus's severity.
• * 1.160

  The beginning of the war of the Jews, the 12. year of Nero's Reign.
• * 1.161

  Ant. lib. 20. cap. 15.
• * 1.162

  The causes of the War of the Jews.
• * 1.163

  The year of the World, 4030. after Christ's Nativity, 68.
• * 1.164

  Florus's perju∣ry and deceit toward the Jews.
• * 1.165

  The conflict of the Jews with the Cae∣sareans.
• * 1.166

  Florus impri∣soneth twelve of the chiefest Jews in Caesa∣rea.
• * 1.167

  Another cause of war raised by Florus.
• * 1.168

  Another occa∣sion of the War.
• * 1.169

  Florus scorn∣eth the gratu∣lation of the Jews.
• * 1.170

  Florus in his tribunal re∣quireth them to be yielded unto him, who had spoken ill of him.
• * 1.171

  〈…〉〈…〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Soldiers.
• * 1.172

  Florus's Sol∣diers kill 630 Jews in one day.
• * 1.173

  Bernice requi∣reth Florus to pacifie his dis∣pleasure a∣gainst the Jews.
• * 1.174

  The fury of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Soldiers a∣gainst Bernice.
• * 1.175

  The people exclaim a∣gainst Florus.
• * 1.176

  Florus renew∣eth the dis∣contents of the people.
• * 1.177

  Florus's sub∣tilty and trea∣son.
• * 1.178

  The exhorta∣tion of the Priests and Princes to the people.
• * 1.179

  The event sheweth Flo∣rus's intent and counsel.
• * 1.180

  The slaughter of the Jews.
• * 1.181

  The seditious for fear lest Florus should seize their spoils, flee to the Temple
• * 1.182

  Florus taketh the spoils, and entreth the Temple.
• * 1.183

  Florus seeing the Jews in expugn••ble in the Temple, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his violence, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a band behind him, goeth to Cae∣sarea.
• * 1.184

  Cestius 〈◊〉〈◊〉, President of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 consult∣eth with the Princes what were ••est to be done.
• * 1.185

  Politianus is sent to Jerusa∣lem and meets with Agrippa
• * 1.186

  The multitude of the people go out to meet Agrippa and Politianus.
• * 1.187

  Politianus as∣sembleth the people, and inciteth them to peace, and after returns to Cestius.
• * 1.188

  The Jews require the King, that 〈…〉〈…〉 be some Am∣bassadours sent to Rome to complain of Florus to Nero.
• * 1.189

  Agrippa's 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the Jews.
• * 1.190

  Agrippa stri∣veth to make the common sort flexible and attentive.
• * 1.191

  It behoveth to honour the Magistrate, and not to provoke him by injury.
• * 1.192

  Agrippa ex∣cuseth Caesar and the Ro∣mans.
• * 1.193

  Depulsion of the Jews li∣berty, which they so vehe∣mently seek
• * 1.194

  The example of the Atheni∣ans, and others who obey the Roman Em∣pire.
• * 1.195

  The Lacede∣monians.
• * 1.196

  The Macedo∣nians.
• * 1.197

  The compari∣son of the Ro∣mans force with the Jews weakness.
• * 1.198

  The Romans have brought the whole world under their govern∣ment and have sought ano∣ther world be∣yond the Oce∣an sea.
• * 1.199

  500 Cities of Asia obey the Romans.
• * 1.200

  The defence of France.
• * 1.201

  The Spaniards subject to the Romans.
• * 1.202

  The Germans multitude, vertue and huge stature.
• * 1.203

  The Britains subject to the Romans.
• * 1.204

  The Par∣thians.
• * 1.205

  The Carthagi∣nians made subject by Sci∣pio's hands.
• * 1.206

  The Romans, govern the Moors.
• * 1.207

  Alexandria acknowledg∣eth the power of the Romans
• * 1.208

  God's favour towards the Romans.
• * 1.209

  The last Ar∣gument that proveth the Jews destitute of God's and man's help, and un∣apt to make War.
• * 1.210

  Whilst the Ship is yet in the Port, it is good to pre∣vent the future Tempest.
• * 1.211

  Agrippa's Prophecy of the Jews fu∣ture misery.
• * 1.212

  Agrippa pro∣testeth that he had omitted no counsel that he thought expe∣dient for the Jews.
• * 1.213

  Agrippa the King is by the people driven out of the City with stones.
• * 1.214

  The Jews re∣fuse Caesar's Sacrifices for the prosperity of the Romans
• * 1.215

  Against those who refuse Forreign Sa∣crifices.
• * 1.216

  None of the Seditious gave ear to those that were in Authority.
• * 1.217

  Ambassadors sent to Florus and Agrippa, against the Se∣ditious.
• * 1.218

  War in Jeru∣salem between the Seditious and those that favoured Peace.
• * 1.219

  Xylophoria a Feast.
• * 1.220

  The King's Soldiers are overcome.
• * 1.221

  The Jews take Antonia, and burn it.
• * 1.222

  Manahem the chief of the Rebels gives the King's Facti∣on and Friends licence to de∣part.
• * 1.223

  The Romans forsaking the Stratopedon, flee into the King's ••orts.
• * 1.224

  The death of Ananias the high Priest, of Ezechias his Brother.
• * 1.225

  Eleazar his followers as∣sault Mana∣hem in the Temple.
• * 1.226

  Manahem with the Princes slain.
• * 1.227

  The Romans unable any longer to re∣sist, yield themselves.
• * 1.228

  The Romans, against all Covenant and Law, are all slain, save Me∣tilius.
• * 1.229

  The Jews spoil the Vil∣lages, and burn the Ci∣ties of Syria.
• * 1.230

  All Syria full of miserable calamities.
• * 1.231

  Jews against Jews.
• * 1.232

  The Scytho∣politans kill thirteen thou∣sand Jews.
• * 1.233

  Simon daily killeth many of his Coun∣trey-men in Scythopolis.
• * 1.234

  Simon kills his Parents, his Wife and Children, and at last himself.
• * 1.235

  Another Slaughter of the Jews.
• * 1.236

  The Cities in Arms against the Jews.
• * 1.237

  Varus kills se∣venty Jews in their journey.
• * 1.238

  The Romans yield up their Castle in Ma∣cheron to the Jews.
• * 1.239

  Sedition in Alexandria between the Greeks and Jews.
• * 1.240

  Tiberius A∣lexander ex¦horteth the se∣ditious Jews to keep peace.
• * 1.241

  A cruel victo∣ry, wherein fifty thousand Jews were slain.
• * 1.242

  Huge compa∣nies of the Romans.
• * 1.243

  Zabulon, a strong City of Galilee spoil∣ed and burnt.
• * 1.244

  The Jews kill two thousand Syrians.
• * 1.245

  The Romans take Joppa, and burn it, and kill eight thousand four hundred Jews.
• * 1.246

  Sephoris and other Cities of Galilee do friendly en∣tertain the Romans.
• * 1.247

  Two thousand seditious slain in Galilee by the Romans.
• * 1.248

  Antipatris spoiled and burned.
• * 1.249

  Lydda burnt.
• * 1.250

  C••stius plant∣eth his Army fifty furlongs from Jerusa∣lem.
• * 1.251

  The assault and victory of the Jews a∣gainst the Romans.
• * 1.252

  The courage of the Jews against the Romans.
• * 1.253

  The Rebels kill one of the Kings Ambas∣sadors▪ ano∣ther of them escaped being wounded
• * 1.254

  Cestius draw∣eth forth his whole Army against the Jews.
• * 1.255

  Divers Jews call for Cestius as if they 〈…〉〈…〉 to open 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.256

  〈…〉〈…〉 burn the Tem∣ple-gates
• * 1.257

  Cestius's sud∣den departure maketh the Thieves more confident.
• * 1.258

  The Jews pur∣sue their Ene∣mies, and bring them into a despe∣rate Estate
• * 1.259

  The mourning and lamenta∣tion of the Romans, and the Jews ex∣hortation.
• * 1.260

  Cestius's stra∣tagem.
• * 1.261

  The year of the World, 4031. after Christ's Nativity, 69.
• * 1.262

  Divers of the noblest Jews forsake the City, as if they had been in a ship ready to sink.
• * 1.263

  The Dama∣scenes kill 10000 Jews in one hour.
• * 1.264

  Joseph the Son of Corion, and Ananus the high Priest, appointed to Govern the City.
• * 1.265

  Joseph the Hi∣storiographer Governour of both Galilees.
• * 1.266

  Joseph maketh 70 Elders Ru∣lers in Galilee, and appoint∣eth seven in every City to determine the causes of less weight.
• * 1.267

  Joseph fortifi∣eth the conve¦nient Cities with Walls.
• * 1.268

  Joseph instru∣cteth the Ga∣lileans in War.
• * 1.269

  Joseph teach∣eth the Gali∣leans how they should obey in the Wars.
• * 1.270

  Every one of the Cities of Galilee send the half of their multi∣tude to war∣fare, the rest they keep to provide them Victuals.
• * 1.271

  John a notable dissembler, and a thirsty murtherer un∣der hope of gain.
• * 1.272

  John employ∣eth the money he got, against him by whose means he gained it.
• * 1.273

  Agrippa's President rob∣bed.
• * 1.274

  Ten thousand Armed men come out a∣gainst Joseph.
• * 1.275

  All Joseph's Friends and Guard, save four, flee from him.
• * 1.276

  Joseph's Ora∣tion in the Se∣ditious.
• * 1.277

  Another stra∣tagem of Jo∣seph against the Jews.
• * 1.278

  John's Envy and Treason against Joseph.
• * 1.279

  John perswad∣eth the Tibe∣rians to revolt from Joseph.
• * 1.280

  John sendeth certain Arm∣ed men to kill Joseph.
• * 1.281

  Joseph flees in a little Boat by the Lake.
• * 1.282

  John fleeth in to his Coun∣trey Giscala.
• * 1.283

  The Galileans flock to Joseph against John.
• * 1.284

  John's Trea∣son against Jo∣seph.
• * 1.285

  Four Cities of Galilee submit themselves to Joseph's Ene∣mies.
• * 1.286

  Tiberias is re∣covered by Joseph, and saved by a Stratagem.
• * 1.287

  Joseph with seven Soldiers cometh to Ti∣berias, and ter∣rifieth his E∣nemies.
• * 1.288

  Joseph by a subtil policy touleth out the chiefest of Tiberias, and carrieth them away in Boats to Tarichea.
• * 1.289

  Clitus the Au∣thor of the se∣dition, draw∣ing his Sword with his right hand, cut of his left.
• * 1.290

  The troubled Estate of Je∣rusalem.
• * 1.291

  Simon the Son of Gioras com∣mitteth great rapines, and murthers in Acrabatena and Idumea.