The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

THE CHVRCH-HISTORY OF BRITAINE.

SECTION. I.

CENT. XVI.

1. FOr the first six weeks the Queen, and her wife coun∣cell, suffered matters to stand in their former state, without the least change, as yet not altering but consulting what should be altered. Thus our Savi∣our himself coming into the Temple, and finding it profaned with sacriledge, when he had looked round about upon all things,a departed for the evening, content∣ing himself with the survey of what was amisse, and deferring the reformation thereof till the next morning. but on the firstb of January following being Sunday, (the best new-yeers-gift that ever was bestowed on England) by vertue of the Queens Proclamation, the Letanie was read in English, with Epistles, and Gospels, in all Churches of London, as it was formerly in her Graces own Chappel.

2. But some violent Spirits, impatient to attend the leisure (by them counted the lazinesse) of authority, fell before hand to the beating down of superstitious Pictures and images, and their forward zeal met with many to applaud it. For Idolatry is not to be permitted a moment; the first mi∣nuite is the fittest to abolish it. All that have power, have right to destroy it, by that Grand-charter of Religion, whereby every one is bound to ad∣vance Gods glory. And if Sovera••gns forget, no reason but Subjects should remember their duty. But others condemned their indiscretion herein: for though they might reforme their private persons and families, and re∣fraine to communicate in any outward act, contrary to Gods word, yet publique reformation belonged to the Magistrate, and a good deed was by them ill done for want of a calling to do it. However, the Papists have no cause to tax them with over-forwardness in this kinde, the like being done by them, in the beginning of Queen Maries raigne; whilst the laws of King Edward the Sixth stood as yet in full force, when they prevented authority, as hath beenc formerly observed thus, those who are hungry, and have meat afore them, will hardly be kept from eating, though Grace be not said, and leave gi∣ven them by their superiours.

3. Now the tidings of Queen Elizabeths peaceable coming to the crown, was no sooner brought beyond the Seas, but it fitted the English Exiles with unspeakable glandness, being instantly at home in their hearts, and not long after with their bodies. I knew one right well, whose father amongst them, being desperately diseased, was presently and perfectly cured, with the cor∣diall of this good news; and no wonder if this Queen recovered sick men, which revived religion it self. Now the English Church at Geneva, being the greatest opposer of ceremonies, sent their letter by William Ceth, to all other English Congregations in Germany, and especially to those of Frankford con∣gratulating their present deliverance, condoling their former discords, coun∣selling and requesting that all offences heretofore given or taken, might be for∣given and forgotten, and that for the future, they might no more fall out about s••perfluous ceremonies.a But this letter came too late, because the principall persons concerned in that controversie, with whom they sought a charitable reconciliation, were departed from Frankford, (I think towards England) before the messenger arrived, and so the motion missed to take effect. Some suppose had it come in season, it might have prevailed much, that both par∣ties in gratitude to God would in a bonefire of their generall joy, have burnt this unhappy bone of dissention cast betwixt them. Others considering the distance of their principles, and difference of their spirits, conceive such an agreement neither could be wrought, nor would be kept betwixt them. For it is the property of cold to congregate together things of different kinds, and if the winter of want, pinching them all with poverty, could not freeze their affections together; less likely was it that the warmth of wealth, in their native So••le would conjoyne them in amity, but rather widen them further a∣sunder, as indeed it came to passe. For as the rivers of Danubius and Savus in Huagarie, though running in the same channell, yet for many miles keep different streames visible in their party-coloured waters, which do rather touch, then unite; yea the fishes, peculiar to one stream, are not found in another: So these opposite parties, returning home, though concurring in doctrine, un∣der the generall notion of Protestants, were so reserved in severall disciplines to themselves with their private favourites and followers, that they wanted that comfortable communion, which some hop'd, and all wished would be amongst them. Till at last they brake out into dolefull and dangerous oppo∣sition, whereat all Papists clap, and Protestants wring their hands, which our fa∣thers found begun, our selves see hightened, and know not whether our chil∣dren shall behold them pacified and appeased.

4. But now a Parliament began at Westminster, Wherein the Laws of King Henry the eighth against the See of Rome were renewed, and those of King Edward the sixth in favour of the Protestants revived, and the Laws by Queen Mary, made against them, repealed. Uniformity of Prayer, and Administration of Sacraments was enacted with a Restitution of first fruits, Tenths &c. to the Crown: For all which we remit the Reader to the Sta∣tutes at large. It was also enacted, that whatsoever Jurisdictions, Priviledges, an•• Spiritualls, preeminences had been heretofore in Vse by any Ecclesiasticall Au∣thority whatsoever, to visit Ecclesiasticall men, and Correct all manner of Errors, Here••es, Schisms, Abuses, and Enormities should be for ever annexed to the Im∣periall Crown of England; if the Queen and her Successours might by their Let∣ters patents substitute certain men to exercise that Authority, howbeit with pro∣viso, that they should define nothing to be heresie, but those things which were long before defined to be Heresies, out of the Sacred Canonicall Scriptures, or of the four Oecumenicall Councills, or other Councills, by the true and proper sence of the Holy Scriptures, or should thereafter be so defined, by authority of the Parlia∣ment, with assent of the Clergy of England assembled in a Synod That all and every Ecclesiasticall Persons, Magistrates, Receivers of pensions out of the Exche∣quer, such as were to receive degrees in the Vniversities, Wards that were to sue

their Liveries, and to be invested in their Livings; and such as were to be admit∣ted into the number of the Queens servants &c. should be tyed by oath to acknow∣ledge the Queens Majesty, to be the onely and supreme Governour of her King∣doms, (the Title of Supreme head of the Church of England, liked them not) in all matters and causes, as well spiritual as temporal, all forrain Princes, and Protestants, being quite excluded from taking Cognizance of Causes within her Dominions.

5. But the Papists found themselves much agrieved at this Ecclesiasti∣call Power, declared and confirmed to be in the Queen: they complained, that the simplicity of poore people was abused, the Queen declining the Title Head, and assuming the name Governour of the Church, which though less offensive was more expressive. So whil'st their ears were favoured in her waving the word, their souls were deceived with the same sence under ano∣ther Expression. They cavilled how Kinga Henry the eighth was qualified for that Place and Power being a Lay-man; King Edward double debarr'd for the present, being a Lay-childe, Queen Elizabeth totally excluded for the future, being a Lay-woman.b They object also, that the veryc writers of the Centuries, though Protestants, condemne such Headship of the Church in PRINCES: andd Calvin more particularly sharply taxeth Bishop Gardiner, for allowing the same Priviledge to KING Henry the eighth.

6. Yet nothing was granted the Queen, or taken by her, but what in due belonged unto her, according as the most learned and moderate Divines have defended it. Fore first they acknowledged, that Christ alone is the Supreme Soveraign of the Church, performing the Duty of an head unto it, by giving it power of life, feeling, and moving: andf him hath God ap∣pointed to be head of the Church and by him all the body furnished, and knit to∣gether, by joynts and bands encreaseth with the encreasing of God. This Head∣ship cannot stand on any mortall shoulders, it being as incommunicable to a Creature, as a Creature is incapable to receive it. There is also a peculiar Su∣premacy of Priests in Ecclesiasticall matters, to preach the Word minister the Sacraments, celebrate Prayers, and practise the discipline of the Church, which no Prince can invade without usurpation and the sin of Sacriledge: for In∣cense it self did stink in the Nostrils of the God of heaven, andh provoked his Anger, when offered by King Vzziah, who had no calling thereunto. Be∣sides these, there is that power, which Hezekiah exercised in his Dominions, Commanding the Levites and Priests to do their Duty, and the People to serve the Lord. And to this power of the Prince it belongeth to restore Religion de∣cayed, reforme the Church Corrupted, protect the same reformed. This was that supremacy in Causes and over Persons as well Ecclesiasticall as Civil, which was derived from God to the Queen, annexed to the Crown, disused in the dayes of her Sister (whose blinde zeal surrendred it to the Pope) not now first fixed in the Crown, by this act of State, but by the same declared to the Ignorant that knew it not, cleared to the scrupulous that doubted of it, and asserted from the Obstinate that denied it.

7. As for Calvin, he reproveth not (Reader, it is D^r. Rainolds whom thou readest) the title of head, as the Peotestants granted it, but that sense there∣of,i which Popish Prelates gave, namely Stephen Gardiner, who did urge it so, as if they had meant thereby, that the King might do things in Religion, accord∣ing to his own will, and not see them done according to Gods will, namely, that he might forbid the Clergie Marriage, the laytie the Cup in the Lords Supper. And the truth is that Stephen Gardiner was shamelessly hyperbolicall in fixing that in the King, which formerly with as little Right the Pope had assumed. Whether he did it out of mere flattery, as full of adulation as superstition, equally free in sprinkling Court and Church holy-water, and as very a fawning Spaniel under King Henry the eighth, as afterwards he proved a cruel Blood-hound under Queen Mary his Daughter Or because this Bishop being in his heart disaffect∣ed

to the Truth, of set purpose betrayed it in defending it, suting King Hen∣ries vast Body and Minde, with as mighty, yea monstrous a power, in those his odious instances, straining the Kings Authority too high, on set purpose to break and to render it openly obnoxious to just exception: The Centuri∣ato••s also well understood, do allow anda Confess the Magistrates Jurisdicti∣on in Ecclesiasticall matters, though on good reason they be enemies to this Usurpation of unlawfull power therein. But I digresse, and therein Transgresse, seeing the large profecution hereof belongs to Divines.

9. But Sanders taketh a particular exception against the Regular passing of this Act, Elizabeth shewing much Queen-Craft, in procuring the votes of the Nobility, feeding theb Earle of Arundell with fond hopes, that she would marry him, and promising the Duke of Norfolke, a dispensation from his wife, which he could not with such expedition obtain from the Pope; and yet (faith he) when all was done, it was carried in the house of Lords but by c three voices. Here not to mention how in the greatest Councells, matters of most high concernment, have been determined with as few as three clear decisive suffrages, this suggestion of Sanders is a loud untruth; for the Act having easily pass'd the house of Commons, found none of the Temporall Nobility in the house of Lords to oppose it, save only thed Earle of Shrews∣bury, And Anthony Brown Viscount Mountacute, who had formerly been em∣ployed to reconcile the Kingdom of England to his Holiness. As for the Bishops, there were but fourteen, and the Abbot of Westminster, then alive: of whom foure being absent (whether Voluntarily, or out of Sickness, uncer∣tain) the rest could not make any considerable opposition: If any other Ar∣tifice was used in cunning contriving the businesse, the Protestants were not aforchand, but just even with the Papists, who had used the same subtilty in their own Cause in the first Parliament of Queen Mary.

10. But now to remove into the Convocation, which at this time was very small and silent: For as it is observed in Nature, When one Twinn is of an unusual Strength and bigness, the other his partner borne with him is weak and dwingled away. So here this Parliament being very active in matters of Religion, the Convocation (younger Brother thereunto) was little imployed and less Regarded. Only after a Mass of the Holy Ghost had been celebrated, Edmond Bonner Bishop of London (in the vacancie of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, President of the Convocation began with a speech to this effect. That although it had been an ancient and laudable custome to begin such meetings of the Clergie with a Latine Sermon, yet such now was not to be expected; partly, because the Arch-Bishop was Dead, who was to designe the Preacher, and partly, because they had received ae mandate from the privy Councel, that no such Sermons should be made in that Church, till they were further informed by the Queeu and her Councel. In the third Session on friday Nicholas Harpsfield Doctor of Law, and Arch-Deacon of Canterbury was chosen,f Referendary or Prolocutor for the Clergie, a place of some Credit,g but little pains to discharge, seeing the only remark∣able thing which passed in this Convocation, was certain Articles of Religi∣on, which they tendered to the Parliament, which here we both Tran∣scribe and Translate. requesting the Reader not to begrutch his pains to peruse them. Considering they are the last in this kinde, that ever were represented in England, by a Legall Corporation in defence of the Popish Religion. And though errour doth go out with a Stink, yet it is a persume that it does go out: We are so far from denying a grave to bury them, that we will erect the Monument over this ashes of these dead errours.

REVERENDI in Christo Patres ac Domini colendissimi. Quoniam fa∣ma publica referente ad nostram nuper notitiam pervenit, multa Religionis Christianae Dogmata publice & una∣nimi gentium Christianarum consensu hactenus recepta & probata, ac ab Apostolis ad nos usque concorditer per manus deducta, pr••esertim Articulos infra scriptos in dubium vocari. Hinc est quod nos Cantuariensis Provinciae inferior secundarius Clerus in uno, (Deo sic disponente ac Serenissimae Dominae nostrae Reginae, Decani & Capituls Cant. mandato, Brevi Parli∣amenti, ac monitione Ecclesiastica solita declarata id exigente) convenien∣tes, partium nostrarum esse existimavi∣mus, tunt nostrae, tum eorum, quo∣rum cura nobis Committitur, aeternae saluti omnibus quibus poterimus modis prospicere. Quocirca majorum nostro∣rum exemplis Commoti, qui in simi∣lia saepe tempora inciderunt, fidem quam in Articulis infra Scriptis, ve∣ram esse credimus, & ex animo profi∣temur ad dei Laudem, & honorem officiique & aliarum nostrae curae com∣missarum exonerationem praentibus duximus publicè auferendam affirman∣tes, & sicut Deus nos in die Judicij Adjuvet asserentes.

Primò, quod in Sacramento Alta∣ris virtute Christi verbo suo à Sacer∣dote debitè prolato assistentis, praesens est realiter sub speciebus panis & vini naturale Corpus Christi Conceptum de Virgine Mariae, Item naturalis ejus Sanguis.

Item, quod post Consecrationem, non remanet substantia panis & vini, ne{que} alia ulla substantia, nisi substantia Dei & hominis.

Item, quod in missa offertur verum Christi Corpus, & verus ejusdem san∣guis, sacrificium propitiatiorium pro vivis & defunctis.

Item, quod Petro Apostolo & ejus le∣gitimis successoribus in sede Apostcli∣ca, tanquim Christi Vicariis data est suprema potestas pascendi, & regendi ecclesiam Christi militantem et fratres suos confirmandi.

Item quod Authoritas tractandi & dissiniendi de ijs quae spectant ad fidem, Sacrantentum & disciplinam ecclesi∣asticam hactenus semper spectavit & spectare debet tantum ad Pastores Ec∣clesiae, quos spiritus Sanctus in hoc in ecclesiam Dei Pasuit & non ad Laicos.

Quam nostram assertionem, affirma∣tionem & fidem, Nos inferior Clerus praedictus considerationes praedictas Vestris Paternitatibus tenore presen∣tium exhibemus, humiliter supplican∣tes, ut quia nobis non est copia hanc nostram sententiam & intentionem aliter illis quos in hac parte interest notificandi, Vos, qui Patres estis, ista superioribus Ordinibus significare ve∣litis: Qua in re Offictum charitatis ac Pietatis (ut arbitramur) praesta∣bitis, & saluti gregis vestri (ut par est) Prospicietis, & vestras ipsi animas liberabisis.

REVEREND Fathers in Christ, and our honourable Lords. Whereas by the report of publique fame it hath come unto our knowledge that many Do∣ctrines of the Christain Religion hither∣to received and approved by the una∣nimous consent of Christian nations, and with joynt agreement, as by hands deduced from the Apostles unto us, (es∣pecially the Articles under-written) are now called into question. Hence it is, that we the inferior and secondary Clergy of the Province of Canterbury assembled in one body, (God so dispo∣sing it, and the Command of our Lady the Queens most excellent Majesty, together with the mandate of the Dean and chapter of Canterbury, the Parlia∣ment-Writ, and all due and wonted Ecclesiasticall monition declared so re∣quiring it) conceived it to belong unto us to provide for the eternall Salvation both of our selves, and such as are com∣mitted to our charge, by all means pos∣sible for us to obtain. Wherefore stir∣red up by the examples of our Prede∣cessours, who have lived in the like times, that faith which in the Articles under-written we believe to be true, and from our souls profess to the praise and honour of God, and the discharge of our duty, and such souls as are commit∣ed unto us, we thought in these presents publiquely to insert, affirming and avow∣ing as God shall helpe us in the last day of judgement.

First, that in the Sacrament of the Al∣tar by the vertue of Christs assisting, af∣ter the word is duly pronounced by the Priest, the naturall Body of Christ con∣ceived of the Virgin Mary is really pre∣sent, under the species of bread and wine, also his naturall bloud.

Item, that after the Consecration, there remains not the substance of Bread and Wine, nor any other substance, save the substance of God and man.

Item, that the true body of Christ, and his true bloud is offered a propitiatory sacrifice for the Quick and Dead.

Item that the supreme power of fee∣ding and governing the militant Church of Christ, and of confirming their Bre∣thren is given to Peter the Apostle, and to his lawfull Successours in the See Apostolike, as unto the Vicars of Christ.

Item that the Authority to handle and define such things which belong to faith, the Sacraments, and Discipline Ecclesia∣sticall, hath hitherto ever belonged, and only ought to belong unto the Pastors of the Church, whom the holy spirit hath placed in the Church of God, and not unto lay-men.

Which our Assertion, Affirmation and faith, We the lower Clergy aforesaid so represent the aforesaid considerati∣ons unto your Fatherhoods by the Te∣nor of these Presents, humbly request∣ing, that because we have not liberty otherwise to notifie this our Judgement, and intention to those, which in this be∣half are concerned, you who are Fa∣thers would be pleased to signifie the same to the Lords in Parliament, where∣in, as we conceive you shall performe an office of Charity and Piety, and you shall provide (as it is meet) for the safety of the flock committed to your charge, and shall discharge your duty towards your own soul.

This remonstrance exhibited by the lower house of Convocation to the Bishops, was according to their Requests presented by Edmond Bonner, B^p. of London, to the Lord Keeper of the broad Seal of England in the Parliament, and (as the said Bishop, in the eighth Session reported) he generously and gratefully received it. But we finde no further news thereof, save that in the 10. Session, an account was given in, by both Universities in an Instrument under the hand of a Publique Notary, wherein they both did concur to the Truth of the aforesaid Articles, the last only excepted.

10. But we may probably conceive that this Declaration of the Popish Clergy hastened the Disputation appointed on the last of March in the Church of Westminster, wherein these questions were debated.

• 1. Whether Service and Sacraments ought to be celebrated in the vulgar tongue?
• 2. Whether the Church hath not power to alter Ceremonies, so all be done to edification?
• 3. Whether the Mass be a propitiatory sacrifice for the Living and the Dead?

Popish Disputants.	Moderators.	Protestant Disputants.
White. Watson. Baynes. Scot. Bps. of Winchester. Lincolne. Covent and Lichfield. Chester. Dr. Cole Deane of Pauls. Dr. Langdale. Dr. Harpsfield. Dr. Cheadsey. Arch-Deac of Lewes. Canterbury. Middlesex.	Nicholas Heath. Bp. of York. Sr. Nicholas Bacon Lord Keeper of the great Seal.	John Scory late Bp. of Chichester. David Whitehead. Robert Horne. Edmond Gwest. Edwine Sands. John Aelmer. Edmond Grindall. John Jewell.

The passages of this Disputation (whereof more Noise then fruit, and wherein more Passion then Reason, Cavils then Arguments) are largely reported by M^r. Fox. It was ordered that each side should tender their Judgements in writing to avoid verball extravagancies, as also in English for the better information of the Nobility and Gentry of the house of Parlia∣ment, their Auditors, and that the Papists should begin first, and the Pro∣testants, answer them. But in the second dayes disputation, this order was broken by the Popish Bishops, who quitting their Primacy to the Pro∣testants, stood peremptorily upon it, that they themselves would deliver their Judgements last. Alledging in their behalf the fashion of the Schools, that because they had the negative on their side, the others ought first to op∣pose; Citing also the Custome of the Courts at Westminster, where the plain∣tiffe pleadeth before the defendant, conceiving themselves in the nature and notion of the Later, because maintaining those opinions, whose Truth, time out of minde were established. Chester, more open then the Rest, plainly confessed, that if the protestants had the last word, they would come off, cum Applausu Populi, with applause of the People, which themselves, it seems, most desired; Whereby it appears what Wind they wished for, not what was fittest to fanne the truth, but what would blow them most re∣putation. In this Refusal to begin, Winchester and Lincolne behaved them∣selves faucily, and scornfully, the rest stiffly and resolutely; only Fecken∣ham Abbot of Westminster, (who it seems the second day was added to the Popish Disputants) carried it with more meeknesse and moderation. Hereup∣on the Lord Keeper cut off this conference, with this sharp Conclusion. See∣ing my Lords we cannot now hear you, you may perchance shortly hear more of us.

11. Yet need we not behold the frustration of this meeting, as a private Doome, peculiarly to this conference alone, but as the generall Destiny of such publike Colloquies, which like Sicamore-trees prove barren, and which the larger the Leaves of the Expectation, the less the fruits of Successe. The Assembly dissolved, it were hard to say, which were lowder, the Papists in Complaining, or the Protestants in Triumphing. The former found themselves agrieved that they were surprised of a sudden, having but two dayes warning to provide themselves. That Bacon the Moderator (though well skil'd in matters of Equity, ignorant in matters of Divinity) was their Zealous Enemy, to whom the Arch-Bishop was added only for a stale. That to call such fundamentall points of Doctrine into question, would cause an unsetlednesse in Religion of dangerous consequence, both to sin∣gle souls, and to the Church in generall. That it was unlawfull for them, owing obedience to the Sea Apostolike, without leave of his Ho∣linesse first obtained to discusse these truthes long since decided in the Church.

13. The Protestants on the other side slighted the Papists Plea of want of Warning, seeing (besides that both sides were warned at the same time) that Party sent a challenge, and gave the first defiance in their late Declarati∣on; and now it was Senselesse in them to complain that they were set upon unawares. That if the truths were so clear as they pretended, and their learning so great as was reputed, little Study in this Case was required. That Bacon was appointed Moderator, not to decide the matters Contro∣verted, but to regulate the manner of their Disputation, whereunto his known Gravity and Discretion, without deep learning did sufficiently enable him. That it was an old Policy of the Papists to account every thing fundamentall in Religion, which they were loth should be removed, and that the recei∣ving of erroneous principles into the Church, without examination, had been the mother of much ignorance, and security therein. For the prevent∣ing of the farther growth whereof, no fitter means then an unpartiall redu∣cing

of all Doctrines to the triall of the Scriptures. that their declining the Disputation, manifested the badnesse of their Cause, seeing no pay-master will refuse the touch or scales, but such as suspect their Gold to be base or light. That formerly Papists had disputed those points when power was on their side, so that they loved to have Syllogisms in their mouths, when they had swords in their hands.

14. It remaineth now, that we acquaint the reader, how the popish Bps. were disposed of, who now fell under a 4. fold division.

• 1 Dead,
• 2 Fled,
• 3 Deprived,
• 4 Continued.

There were nine of the first sort, who were of the Death-gard of Q. Mary, as expiring either a little before her decease. viz.

• John Capon.
• Robert Parfew.
• Maurice Griffin,
• William Glyn.
  • B^p. of
    • Sarisbury.
    • Hereford.
    • Rochester.
    • Bangor.
      • These were Q. Mary her Vshers to her grave.

Or a little after her departure, as

• Riegnald Pole.
• John Hopton.
• John Brookes.
• John Holyman.
• Henry Morgan.
  • B^p. of
    • Canterbury
    • Norwich.
    • Glocester.
    • Bristol.
    • S. Davids.
      • These were Q. Maries trainbearers to the same.

15. Three only made their flight beyond the seas, namely 1. Thomas Goldwell of S^t. Asaph, who ran to Rome, and there procured of the Pope, the renewing of the indulgences, (for a set time) to such as superstitiously repaired to the well of S^t. Winnifride. 2. Cuthert Scot of Chester, who afterwards lived and died at Lovain. 3. Richard Pates of Worcester, whose escape was the rather connived at, because being a moderate Man, he refused to persecute any Protestant for his difference in religion.

16. Be it here remembred, that the See of Worcester had nine Bishops successively.

• whereof
  • The four first, (being all Italians) none of them lived there.
  • The five last, [Latimer, Bel, Heath, Hooper, Pates,] none of them died there as either resigning, removed or deprived, and all five were alive together in the raigne of Q. Mary.

As for Pates, we finde him thus subscribing the councell of Trent, Richardus Patus Episcopus Wigorniensis, under-writing only in his private and perso∣nall capacity, having otherwise no deputation as in any publick im∣ployment.

17. The third sort succeeds, of such who on the refusall of the oath of supremacy, were all deprived, though not restrained alike. Bonner was impriso∣ned in the Marshalsea, a Jaile beeing conceived the safest place to secure him from peoples fury, every hand itching to give a good squeeze to that Spunge of Blood. White, and Watson, Bishops of Winchester and Lincoln, died in du∣rance, their liberty being inconsistent with the Queens safety whom they threatned to excommunicate.

18. As for Bishop Tonstal, and Thyrlby, they were committed to Arch-Bishop Parker. Here they had sweet chambers, soft beds, warme fires, plentifull and wholsome diet, (each Bishop faring like an Arch-Bishop, as fed

at his table) differing nothing from their former living, save that, that was on their own charges, and this on the cost of another. Indeed they had not their wonted attendance of supperfluous Servants, nor needed it, seeing a long train doth not warme but weary the wearer thereof. They lived in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 custody, and all things considered, custody did not so soure their freedome, as freedome did sweeten their custody.

19. The rest (though confin'd for a while) soon found the favour to live Prisoners on their Parole, having no other Jaylour than their own promise. Thus Poole of Peterburgh, Turbervile of Exeter &c. lived in their own, or their friends houses. The like liberty was allowed tho Heath Arch-Bishop of Yorke, who (like another Abiathar sent home by Solomon to his own fields in Anathoth lived cheerfully at Chobham in Surry, where the Queen often courteously visited him.

20. Popish writers would perswade people, that these Bishops were cruelly used in their prisons, should their hyperbolicall expressions be recei∣ved as the just measure of truth. Carceribus varijsque cusodiis commissi, lon∣go miseriarum taedio extincti sunt, saith Sanders, Confessor obiit in vmculis saith Pitzeus of White. A great cry and a little pain. Many of our poor Protestants in the Marian dayes said lesse, and suffered more. They were not sent into a complementall custody, but some of them thrust into the prison, of a prison, where the Sun shined as much to them at mid-night, as-at noon-day. Where∣as Abbot Feckenham of Westminster (who as a Parliamentary Baron, may goe in equipage with the other Bishops) may be an instance▪ how well the Pa∣pists were used after their deprivation. For He grew Popular for his alms to the poor, which speaks the Queens bounty to Him, in enabling him (a prisoner) to be bountifull to others.

21. Onely one Bishop conformed himself to the Queens commands, and was continued in his place, viz. Anthony Kitchin, alias Dunstan of Lan∣daffe. Camden calls him, Sedis s••ae calamitatem. The bane of his Bishoprick, wasting the lands thereof by letting long leases, as if it were given to Binomi∣nous Bishops (such as had two Names to be the empairers of their Churches, as may appear by these 4. contemporaries in the raigne of K. Henry the 8.

• John Capon
• John Voisey
• Robert Parfew
• Anthony Kitchin
  • alias
    • Salcot
    • Harman
    • Warton
    • Dunstan
      • spoiled
        • Sarisbury.
        • Exeter.
        • S^t. Asaph.
        • Landaffe.

I know what is pleaded for them, that Physicians in desperate consumptions, prescribe the shaving of the Head, (which will grow again) to save the life, and that these Bishops, fearing the finall alienation of their lands, passed long leases for the prevention thereof, though whether Policy or Covetousnesse most shared in them herein, we will not determine. Only I finde a mediate suc∣cessour of Kitchins (and therefore concerned to be knowing therein) much excusing him from this common defamation of wronging his See, be∣cause many forged leases are countenanced under the pretence of this passing the same.

22. As for the number of Recusants which forsook the land at this time, the prime of them were, Henry Lord Morley, S^r. Francis Inglefield, Thomas Shelly, and John Gage Esqrs; As for the Nuns of Sion, and other Votaries wasted over, we have formerly treated of them in our History of Abbies. Nor were there moe then eighty Rectours of Churches, fifty Prebendaries, fif∣teen Masters of Colledges, twelve Arch-Deacons, twelve Deans, with six Abbots, and Abbesses deprived at this time of their places thoroughout all England.

23. Now the Queen and Her Councell, accounted it high time to sup∣ply the Church of Canterbury (which hitherto had stood Vacant a yeer, and three weeks) with an Arch-Bishop. D^r. Matthew Parker is appointed for the place; borne in Norwich, bred in Cambridge, Master of, Benefactour to Bennet-Colledge there, Chaplain to Queen Anne Bollen (a relation, which, next his own merits befriended him with Queen Elizabeth, for such high, and suddain advancement) then to King Henry the eighth, Deane of the Col∣ledge of Stoke juxta Clare, a learned, and religious Divine. He confuted that character which one gives of Antiquaries, that generally they are either supersti∣tious, or supercilious, his skill in antiquity being attended with soundnesse of doctrine, and humility of manners. His Book called Antiquitates Britanicae hath indebted all posterity to his pen. Which work our greata Critick cites as written by M^r. Joscelin, one much employed in the making thereof. But we will not set the memories of the Patrone, and Chaplaine, at variance (who loved so well in their lives time) nor needeth any Writ of partition to be sued out betwixt them, about the authorship of this book, though pro∣bably one brought the matter, the other composure thereof.

24. The Queen had formerly sent order to D^r. Wotton, Dean of Can∣terbury (an exquisite Civilian, and therefore one who may be presumed cri∣tical in such performances) and to the Chapter there, to choose Matthew Parker their Arch-Bishop, which within fourteen dayes after was by them ac∣cordingly performed. This done, She directeth Her Letters-Patents in man∣ner, and forme following,

Elizabethab Dei Gratia, &c. Reverendis in Christo Patribus, Antonio Landavensi Episcopo, Will, Barlow quondam Bath. & Well. Ep. nunc Cicestrensi electo, Joh, Scory quondam Cicestrensi Episcopo, nunc electo He••esor. Miloni Coverdalio, quondam Exoniensi Episcopo, Jo∣hanni Surffaganeo Bedford, Johanni Suffraganeo Thetford, Johanni Bale Osserensi Episcopo.

Quatenus vos, aut ad minus quatuor vestrûm, eundem Matthaeum Par∣kerum in Archiepiscopum, & Pastorem Ecclesiae Cathedralis, & Metropo∣liticae Christi Cantuariensis praedictae, sicut praefertur, electum, electionem∣que praedictum confirmare, & eundem Magistrum Matthaeum. Parkerum in Archiepiscopum, & Pastorem Ecclesiae praedictae consecrare, caeteraque omnia, & singula peragere, quae vestro in hac parte editorum, & provisorum, velitis cum effectu &c. Dat, sexto Decembris, Anno secun∣do Elizabethae.

But the old Bishop of Landaffe appeared not at the Consecration, terrified (say the Papists) by Bonners threats, so as to absent himself, which others do not believe. For, he that feared not the Lion out of the grate, would he be frighted with the Lion within the grate? If Bonner, when at liberty, could not deterr him from taking the oath of Supremacy, impro∣bable it is, that when now detain'd prisoner in the Tower, he could disswade him from his obedience to his Soveraigne. More likely it is, that his ab∣sence (as also Bishop Bale's, and the Suffragans of Thetford was occasio∣ned by their indisposition of body, and infirmity of old age.

25. But the other four Bishops appeared, William Barlow, John Scory, Miles Coverdal, and John Hodgskins, by whom Matthew Parker was solemn∣ly consecrated in manner, and forme following. The East part of the Chap∣pel ofc Lambeth was hung with tapestry, the floore spred with red cloth, chairs and cushions are conveniently placed for the purpose; morning pray∣er being solemnly read by Andrew Peerson, the Arch-Bishops Chaplaine, Bishop Scory went up into thed pulpit, and took for his text, Thee Elders which

are among you I exhort, who also am an Elder; and a witnesse of the sufferings of Christ, &c. Sermon ended, and the Sacrament administred, they pro∣ceed to the Consecration: the Arch-Bishop had his Rochet on, with He∣reford, and the Suffragan of Bedford, Chichester wore a silke cope, and Cover∣dal a plain cloth-gown down to his ancles. All things are done con••ormable to the book of Ordination, Letanie sung, the Queens Patent for Parkers con∣secration audibly read by D^r. Vale, he is presented, the oath of Supremacy tendred to him, taken by him, hands reverendly imposed on him, and all with prayers begun, continued, concluded. In a word, though here was no Theatrical pompe to make it a Popish pageant; though no sandals, gloves, ring, staffe, oyle, pall &c. were used upon him, yet there was ce∣remony enough to cloth his consecration with decency, though not to clog it with superstition.

26. This his consecration is avowed most legal, both according to Ca∣non, and Common Law. In the latter it was ordered by King Henrya the eighth, that an Arch-Bishops; should not be consecrated but by an Arch∣bishop, and two Bishops; or by four Bishops, in case an Arch-Bishop was wanting, as here it was performed. Object not that one of these foure was but a Suffragan, seeing such by theb laws of the land (though not a∣ble to vote as Barons in Parliament) had Episcopal power to all purposes, and intents. Neither cavill, that Coverdale henceforward led a private life, being always a Bishop quoad characterem, and for the present quoad j••es & ••itulum (Exeter, his former Bishoprick being actually void by the deprivation of Turbervile though refusing to be so quoad possessionem. As for the canonical part of his consecration, six of the most eminent Doctours of that facul∣ty England then afforded, gave it under their hands, that the same was exactly observed.

27. Yet notwithstanding all circumstances so solemnly performed, some impudent Papists have raised a lie, that Matthew Parker was consecra∣ted Ad caput manni, At the Naggs-head, a tavern in Cheapside. Indeed they shew a place therein, just against the barr, so anciently arched, that an active phansie (which can make any thing of any thing) may create to it self a top, or rester of a pulpit thereof, though the like thereunto may be seen elsewhere in the city. But that this lie of the naggs-head was bred in a knaves brains, doth plainly appear. For, why should a rich man be a thief: seeing all Church∣es in England were equally open unto them to pick, and choose at pleasure, why should they steal a clandestine consecration in a place so justly obnoxious to censure? Were not the Cana••nites, and Perizzites then in the land? Were not many prying Papists then mingled amongst Protestants? which con∣sideration alone would command them to be cautious in their proceedings. Besides, that mock-pulpit shewen at this day at the entrance of that tavern, was inconsistent with the secrecie (which is said to be their designe) who would rather have made choice of an inner, and more remote roome for that purpose. But, when once one Jesuite had got this shamelesse lie of the N••ggs∣head (I can not say by the taile, but) by the ears, instantly Champn••y, ••itz∣Simon Persons, Killison, Constable, and all the whole kennell of them, baule it out in their books to all posterity.

28. All the authority the Papists produce for their Naggs-head-Conse∣cration, is ultimately resolved into the single testimony of one Thomas Neale, Chaplaine to Bishop Bonner, and sometimes Hebrew-Professour in Oxford. But, was this Neale known, or unknown to the Bishops, pretended in this taverne-assembly? If known, as most probable he was (Bonners Chap∣lains bearing their Masters marke, the indeleble character of cruelty stamped upon them, as the Wolfe is too well known to the sheep) it is utterly unlikely they would permit a person, vowing open opposition to their proceedings, to be present thereat. If Neale were unknown, the English Bishops (whom

the Papists, though they call Hereticks, do not count fools) would not admit a stranger to their privacies of such importance, seeing commonly in such cases, mens jealousies interpret every unknown face to be a foe unto them.

29. To the testimony of Neale,a one endeavours to twist the witness of John Stow, to prove this Nags-head-consecration. A silent wittness, who says nothing herein, if either we consult his Chronicle of our Kings or his Survey of London, he neither speaks words, nor makes any signes thereof. But (saith the Jesuite) Stow, though prudently omitting to print it, told the same to some of his private friends. I pray, to whom? where? and when? and what credible witnesses do attest it? Be it referr'd to the inge∣nuity of our very adversaries, whether their bare surmises without any proof, be to be believed before the publique Records, faithfully taken when the thing was done, carefully preserved ever since, intirely extant at this day, and truly transcribed here by us. Besides, Charles Howard, Earle of Nottingham (not more famous for the Coronet of a Count, than the crown of old age) alive in the later end of the Reigne of King James, being requested of a friend, whether he could remember Matthew Parkers conse∣cration, gave an exact account of the same solemnly performed in Lambeth Chappel, being himself an eyewitness thereof, and an invited guest to the great feast kept there that day, therefore the more observant of all particu∣lar passages thereat, because the said Arch-Bishop was related to him as a kins∣man. Let such as desire further satisfaction herein, consult learnedb Mason (whom King James justly termed a wise builder in Gods house) who hath left no stones unturn'd to clear the truth, and stop the mouth of malicious ad∣versaries. Let the Papists therefore not be so busie to cast durt on our Bishops, but first fall on washing the face of their own Pope, even John the twelv'th, whom an excellentc authour reporteth to have ordained a Deacon in a sta∣ble, for which two Cardinals reproved him. And let these three stories be told together, that the Empress Hellen was the daughter of an Hostler; that Arch-Bishop Cranmer himself was an Hostler; and, that our first Bps. in Queen Elizabeths dayes were consecrated in the Naggs-head. I say let these three be told together, because wise, and good men will believe them together, as all comming forth of the forge of falsehood, and malice.

30. Now though we are not to gratifie our Adversaries with any Ad∣vantages against us, yet so confident is our innocence herein, that It may ac∣quaint the world with that small foundation on which this whole report was bottom'd: Every Arch-Bishop, or Bishop presents himself in Bow-Church, accompanied thither with Civilians, where any shall be heard, who can make any legall exceptions, against his Election. A Dinner was provided for them at the Naggs-head in Cheapside, as convenient for the Vicinity thereof, and from this Sparke hath all this Fire been kindled; to admonish posteri∣ty not only to do no evil but also in this Captious Age, to refrain from all appea∣rance thereof.

31. Parker, thus solemnly consecrated, proceeded, with the assistance of the aforesaid Bishops, to the consecration of other grave Divines; and not (as Sanders lewdly lies) that these new elected Bishops, out of good fellowship, mutually consecrated one another; some whereof were put into Bishopricks void.

• By the
  • Natural death, as Sarisbury, Rochester, Glocester, Bristol, Bangor, or,
  • Voluntary desertion, as Worcester, and S^t. Asaph, or,
  • Legal deprivation of the former Bishops, as all other Sees in England.

Suffice it at this time to present a present Catalogue of their names, Sees, with the dates of their consecrations, referring their commendable cha∣racters, to be set down, when we come to their respective deaths.

Province of Canterbury.

1. Edward Grindal 2. Richard Cox. 3. Edwin Sandys 4. Rowland Merick 5. Nicolas Bullingham 6. John Jewell 7. Thomas Young 8. Richard Davies 9. Thomas Bentham 10. Gilbert Barclay 11. Edmond Gwest 12. William Alley 13. Iohn Parkhurst 14. Robert Horne 15. Edmond Scambler 16. Richard Cheiney

conse∣crated,

London, Decem. 21. 1559. Elie, Decem. 21. 1559. Worcester, Decem. 21. 1559. Bangor, Decem. 21. 1559. Lincolne, Janu. 21. 1559. Sarisbury, Janu. 21. 1556. S. Davids, Janu. 21. 1559. S. Asaph, Janu. 21. 1559. Coven. & Lichfield, Mar. 24. 1559. Bath, and Wells, Mar. 24. 1559. Rochester, Mar. 24. 1559. Exeter, July. 14. 1560. Norwich, Sept. 1. 1560. Winchester, Feb. 16. 1560. Peterburgh, Feb. 16. 1560. Glocester, Apr. 19. 1562.

Province of Yorke.

1. Thomas Young, translated from St. Davids to Yorke 2. James Pilkington, 3. John Best 4. George Downham

conse∣crated,

Feb. 20. 1560. Durham, Mar. 2. 1560. Carlile, Mar. 2. 1561. Chester, May, 4. 1561.

The other Bishopricks were thus disposed of, Richard Cheiney held Bristol in Commendam with Glocester; Barlow, and Scory, Bishops in King Edward's dayes, were translated, the one to Chicester, the other to Hereford. As for the Bishoprick of Oxford, as it was void at this time; so it continued for some years after.

32. We must not forget how the Bishoprick of Carlile was first pro∣fered to Bernard Gilpin, that Patriarchal Divine (Rectour of Houghton in the North as may appear by the ensuing letter of Edwina Sandys, Bishop of Worcester, wrote unto him.

MY much and worthily respected Cozen, having regard unto the good of the Church of Christ, rather than to your ease, I have by all the good means I could, been carefull to have this charge imposed upon you, which may be both an honour to your self, and a benefit to the Church of Christ. My true report concerning you hath so prevailed with the Queens Majesty, that she hath nominated you Bishop of Carlile.

I am not ignorant that your inclination rather delighteth in the peacea∣ble tranquillity of a private life. But if you look upon the estate of the Church of England with a respective eye, you cannot with a good consci∣ence, refuse this charge imposed upon you: so much the less because it is in such a place, as wherein no man is found fitter then your self, to deserve well of the Church. In which respect I charge you before God, and as you shall answer to God herein, that, setting all excuses aside, you refuse not to assist your Countrie, and to do service to the Church of God to the uttermost

of your power. In the meanwhile I give you to understand, that the said Bishoprick is to be left untouched, neither shall any thing of it be diminished (as in some others it is a custom) but you shall receive the Bishoprick entire, as D^r. Oglethorp hath left it.

Wherefore exhorting, and charging you to be obedient to Gods call here∣in, and not to neglect the duty of our own calling, I commend both your self, and the whole business to the Divine Providence.

Your Kinsman, and Brother, Edwin Worcester.

But M^r. Gilpin desired to be excused, continuing unmoveable in his resolu∣tion of refusall. Not that he had any disaffection to the office (as some do believe themselves, and would willingly perswade others) but, because (as he privately confess'd to hisa friends) he had so much kindred about Carlile, at whom he must either connive in many things, not without hurt to himself; or else deny them, not without offence to them. To avoid which difficulties, he refused the Bishoprick. It was afterward bestowed (as in our Catalogue) on D^r. Iohn Best, a grave, and learned Divine. But whether on the same terms (without any diminution to the Church) my b authour knew not, leaving us under a shrewd suspicion of the negative.

33. If any demand of me, why Barlow formerly Bishop of Bath, and Wells; and Scory Bishop of Chicester, were not rather restored to their own, than translated to other Bishopricks, As certainly I do not know, so will∣ingly I will not guess at the cause thereof; though I have leasure to listen to the conjectures of others herein. Some impute it to their own desires (pre∣ferring faire paper before what was soiled with their ill successe) rather to begin on a new account, than to renew their reckoning with those Bisho∣pricks, where they had been interrupted with persecution. Others ascribe it to the Queen, herein shewing her absolute power of disposition and trans∣position of all Prelates; at Her pleasure crossing Her hands, and translating Scory from Chichester to Hereford, Barlow from Bath and Wells to Chiche∣ster. A third sort resolve it on a point of the Queens frugality (a vertue needfull in a Princess coming to a Crown in Her condition) to get new first-fruits by their new translations, which otherwise would not accrue by their restitutions. Sure I am, none of these Conjecturers were either of the Bed∣ehamber, or Counc••ll-Board to the Queen, acquainted with Her intentions herein.

34. As for Miles Coverdale, formerly Bishop of Exeter, he never re∣turned to his See, but remained a private Minister to the day of his death. Indeed it was true of him, what is said of others,c He was as a fire-brand pluckt out of the burning, being designed to death by Queen Mary, had not the seasonable, and importunate intercession of Frederick, King of Denmarke, redeemed him. And, although his dissenting in judgement from some ce∣remonies in our Discipline, is generally alledged as the cause of his not re∣turning to his Bishoprick, yet more probable it is, it was caused by his im∣potencie, as may appear by his Epitaph, which here we have thought fit to insert, as I took it from the brass-inscription of his marble-stone, under the Communion-Table in the Chancell of S^t. Bartholomews behinde the Exchange.

Hic tandem requiemque ferens, finemque laborum, Ossa Coverdalis mortua tumbus habet. Exoniae qui Praesul crat dignissimus olim, Insignis vitae vir probitate suae. Octoginta annos grandaevus vixit & unum, Indignum passus saepius exilium. Sic demum variis jactatum casibus, ista Excepit gremio terra benigna suo.

Obiit 1568. Jan. 20.

Now if Coverdale Anno 1568. was fourscore and one year of age, then at this very time when he consecrated Parker, was he seventy two years old, passing with Iessea for an old man; yea he had passed theb age of man, and therefore henceforward, finding himself fitter for devotion, than action, refused the resumption of his Bishoprick.

35. So much for the Bishops. As for the inferiour Clergy under them, the best that could be gotten were placed in pastoral charges. Alas; tole∣rability was eminency in that age. A rush-candle seemed a torch where no brighter light was er'e seen before. Surely preaching now ran very low, if it be true what I read, that M^r. Tavernour, of Water-Eaton in Oxford-shire, High-Sheriffe of the County, came in pure charity, not ostentation, and gave the Scholars a Sermon in S^t. Maries, with his gold chain about his neck, and his sword by his side, beginning with these words,c.

Arriving at the mount of S^t. Maries, in the stony stage where I now stand, I have brougt you some fine biskets, baked in the oven of charity, and carefully conserved for the chickens of the Church, the sparrows of the Spi∣rit, and the sweet swallows of salvation.

If England in our memory hath been sensible of a perfective alteration in her Churches; if since she hath seen more learning in the peoples pews, than was then generally in the Readers deske, yea Preachers Pulpit; let God be more glorified in it, men more edified by it; seeing of late the Universities have afforded moe vine-dressers, than the Country could yeeld them vine∣yards. Yea, let us be jealous over our selves with a godly jealousie, lest our ingratitude make us to relapse into the like ignorance, and barbarisme. For, want of bread was not so much the suffering of those dayes, as fulness thereof hath lately been the sin of ours.

36. Great abuses being offered to the monuments of the dead, the Queen thought fitting seasonably to retrench the increase of such impieties. And, although her Proclamation being printed, the printing of Her name thereunto had been of as much validity in it self, and of far more ease to Her Majesty, yet to manifest Her Princely zeal therein, She severally signed each copie (and those numerous to be dispers'd thoroughout all Her Domini∣ons) with Her own hand. And, seeing Shee begrutched not Her pains to superscribe Her name, I shall not think much of mine to transcribe the whole Proclamation.

Elizabeth.

THe Queens Majesty understanding, that by the means of sundry peo∣ple, partly ignorant, partly malitious, or covetous; there hath been of ••••te yeers spoiled and broken certain ancient Monuments, some of metall, some of stone, which were erected up as well in Churches, as in other publike places within this Realme, only to shew a memory to the po∣sterity of the persons there buried, or that had been benefactours to the building, or dotations of the same Churches, or publique places, and not tonourish any kinde of superstition. By which means, not only the Church∣es, and places remain at this present day spoiled, broken, and ruinated, to the offence of all noble and gentle hearts, and the extinguishing of the honourable and good memory of sundry vertuous, and noble persons de∣ceased; but also the true understanding of divers families in this Realm (who have descended of the blood of the same persons deceased) is thereby so darkened, as the true course of their inheritance may be hereafter in∣terrupted, contrary to justice, besides many other offences that do hereof ensue to the slander of such as either gave, or had charge in times past only to deface monuments of idolatry, and false fained images in Churches, and Abbeys, And therefore, although it be very hard to recover things bro∣ken and spoiled: yet, both to provide that no such barbarous disorder be hereafter used, and to repaire as much of the said monuments as conveni∣ently maybe: Her Majesty chargeth and commandeth all maner of persons hereafter to forbear the breaking, or defacing of any parcell of any monu∣ment, or tombe, or grave, or other inscription, and memory of any per∣son deceased, being in any manner of place; or to break any image of Kings, Princes or Nobles, Estates of this Realme, or of any other that have been in times past erected, and set up, for the only memory of them to their posterity in common Churches, and not for any religious honour: or to break down and deface any image in glass-windows in any Churches, with∣out consent of the Ordinarie: upon pain that whosoever shall be herein found to offend, to be committed to the next Goale, and there to remain without baile, or mainprise, unto the next coming of the Justices, for the delivery of the said Goale; and then to be farther punished by fine, or im∣prisonment (besides the restitution, or reedification of the thing broken) as to the said Justices shall seem meet: using therein the advice of the Ordi∣nary; and, if need shall be, the advice of Her Majesties Councell in Her Starr-Chamber.

And for such as be already spoiled in any Church, or Chappell, now standing: Her Majesty chargeth, and commandeth all Arch-Bishops, Bish∣ops, and other Ordinaries, or Ecclesiastical persons, which have authority to visit the Churches, or Chappels, to enquire by presentments of the Cu∣rates, Church-wardens, and certain of the parishioners, what manner of spo••les have been made sithence the beginning of Her Majesties raigne, of such monuments, and by whom; and if the persons be living, how able they be to repair, and readifie the same; and thereupon to convent the same persons, and to enjoyn them under pain of Excommunication, to re∣pair the same by a convenient day, or otherwise (as the cause shall farther require) to notifie the same to Her Majesties Councell in the Sarr-chamber at Westminster. And, if any such be found, and convicted thereof, not able to repair the same; that then they be enjoyned to do open pennance two or three times in the Church, as to the quality of the crime, and party be∣longeth, under the like pain of excommunication. And if the party that offended be dead: and the Executours of the Will left having sufficient

in their hands unadministred, and the offence notorious; the Ordinarie of the place shall also enjoyn them to repair, or reedifie the same, upon like, or any other convenient pain, to be devised by thesaid Ordinarie. And when the offender cannot be presented, if it be in any Cathedral, or Col∣legiate Church, which hath any revenue belonging to it, that is, not parti∣cularly allotted to the sustentation of any person certain, or otherwise, but that it may remain in the discretion of the governour thereof, to bestow the same upon any other charitable deed, as mending of high-wayes or such like; Her Majesty enjoyneth, and straitly chargeth the governours, and companies of every such Church, to employ such parcels of the said sums of mony (as any wise may be spared) upon the speedy repaire, or reedifica∣tion of any such monuments so defaced, or spoiled, as agreeable to the original, as the same conveniently may be.

And where the covetousness of certain persons is such, that as Patrons of Churches, or owners of the personages impropriated or by some other colour, or pretence, they do perswade with the Parson and Parishioners, to take, or throw down the bells of Churches, and Chappels, and the lead of the same, converting the same to their private gain, and to the spoils of the said places, and make such like alterations, as thereby they seek a slande∣rous desolation of the places of prayer: Her Majesty (to whom in the right of the Crown by the ordinance of Almighty God, and by the laws of this Realme, the defence and protection of the Church of this Realme belong∣eth) doth expressly forbid any manner of person, to take away any bells, or lead, of any Church, or Chappel, under pain of imprisonment during Her Majesties pleasure, and such farther fine for the contempt, as shall be thought meet.

And Her Majesty chargeth all Bishops, and Ordinaries to enquire of all such contempts, done from the beginning of Her Majesties raigne, and to enjoyn the persons offending, to repair the same within a convenient time. And of their doings in this behalf, to certifie Her Majesties privie-Councell or the Councell in the Sarr-Chamber at Westminster, that order may be taken herein.

Given at Windsor the 19^th. of September, the second year of Her Majesties raign.

Her Princely care took this desired effect, that it stopped the main stream of Sacriledge herein, though some by-rivolets thereof ran still in private Churches, in defiance of all orders provided to the contrary.

37. May the Reader take notice, that henceforward God willing, we will set down at the end of every year, the deaths of such eminent Divines, who deceased therein, though we finde no funeralls of any prime Protestant in the two first yeers of the Queens raigne. Her coming to the Crown in∣spirited the weakest, and oldest with vigorousnesse, and vivacity for a time; and Divine Providence preserved them from blasting, who were but newly replanted in their places. Only we conjecture, that John Bale Bishop of Ossorie, died about this time, we finding no future mention of his activity; which, if alive, could not conceal it self. Pity it is, we cannot give the ex∣act date of his death, who was so accurate in noting the deeeases of others. For this John Bale, was he, who (besides many other books) enlarged Le∣land, and continued the Lives of the English Writers. Borne at Covy, near

Dunwich in Suffolke, bred in Cambridge, afterwards a Carmelite in Norwich, and ignorantly zealous in their superstitions. He was first converted to the knowledge of the Gospel, as himselfa confesseth, by the care of that wor∣thy Lord, Thomas Lord Wentworth, of Nettlested in Suffolke. Whereupon (to use his own expression) he was transported from his barren mount Carmel, to the fair and fruitfull vale of the Gospel.

38. Presently comes persecution. For his preaching of the Gospell, he is drag'd from the Pulpit to the Consistory, before Lee Arch-Bishop of Yorke; and for the same cause, was afterwards convented before Stokesley, Bishop of London; but the Lord Cromwell (much affected with the facetious∣ness of such Comedies, as he had presented unto him) rescued him from their paws, by his power. After eight yeers exile in Germany, he was re∣called by King Edward, and made Bishop of Oss••rie in Ireland, where he re∣mained but a short time. For after the Kings death he hardly escaped with his own life (some of his servants being slain) cast by tempest into Cornewall, taken by pirates, dearly redeemed, with much difficulty he recovered London, with more danger got over into Germany. Whence returning, in the first of Queen Elizabeth, about this time he ended his life, leaving a Scholars Inventory, moe books (many of his own making) than mony behinde him.

39. His friends say, that Bale his pen doth zealously confute such as are strangers to him conceive, it doth bitterly enveigh; and his foes say, it doth damnably raile on Papists, and their opinions; though something may be pleaded for his passion. Old age, and ill usage will make any man angry. When young, he had seen their superstition; when old, he felt their oppression. Give losers therefore leave to speak, and speakers to be cholerick in such cases. The best is, Bale railes not more on Patists then Pits (employed on the same subject) on Protestant Writers; and, even set me against the other, whilest the discreet reader of both, paring off the extravagances of passion on each side, may benefit himself in quietness, from their loud, and clamorous invectives.

40. Pius the fourth, being newly setled in the Papal chaire, thought to do something, no less honourable, than profitable to his See, in reducing Queen Elizabeth (a wandring sheep worth a whole flock) to the Church of Rome. In order whereunto, he not only was deaf to the importunity of the Count of Feria, pressing him (for a private grudge) to excommunicate Her, but also addressed Vincent Parpalia, Abbot of S^t. Saviours, with courteous let∣ters unto her. The tenour whereof ensueth.

To our most dear Daughter in Christ, Elizabeth Queen of England.

DEar daughter in Christ, health and Apostolical benediction. How greatly we desire (our Pastoral charge requiring it) to procure the salvation of your soule, and to provide likewise for your honour, and the establishment of your Kingdom withall, God the searcher of all hearts know∣eth and you may understand by what we have given in charge to this our beloved son Vincentius Parpalia, Abbot of S^t. Saviours, a man well known to you, and well approved by us. Wherefore we do again and again exhort, and admonish your Highnesse, most dear daughter, that re∣jecting evil Councellours, which love not you, but themselves, and serve

their own lusts, you would take the fear of God into Counsel with you, and acknowledging the time of your visitation, shew your selves obe••ient to our fatherly perswasions, and wholsome Counsells; and promise to your self from us all things that may make not only to the salvation of your soul, but also whatso∣ever you shall desire from us for the establishing & confirming of your Prince∣ly dignity, according to the authority place, and office committed unto us by God. And if so be, as we desire and hope, you shall return into the bosome of the Church, we shall be ready to receive you with the same love, honour, and rejoycing, that the Father in the Gospel did his Son returning to him: al∣though our joy is like to be the greater in that he was joyfull for the salvation of one Son, but you, drawing along with you all the people of England, shall hear us and the whole company of our brethren (who are shortly God willing, to be assembled in a generall Councell, for the taking away of here∣sies, and so for the salvation of your self, and your whold nation) fill the Vniversal Church with rejoycing, and gladnesse, Yea, you shall make glad heaven it self with such a memorable fact, and atchieve admirable renown to your name, much more glorious than the Crown you wear. But, con∣cerning this matter, the same Vincentius shall deal with you more largely, and shall declare our fatherly affection toward you: and we intreate your Majesty to receive him lovingly, to hear him diligently, and to give the same credit to his speeches, which you would to our self.

Given at Rome at S. Peters &c. the fifth day of May 1560. in our first yeer.

What private proposals Parpalia made to her Majesty, on condition she would be reconciled to Rome is unknown. Some conceive the Pope might promise more then He meant to perform, but would He perform more than He did promise, nothing herein had been effected. A Bargain can never be driven, where a Buyer can on no terms be procured. Her Majesty was reso∣lute and unmoveable in her Religion. And yet some (not more knowing of Councells, but more daring in Conjectures than others) who love to feiga, what they cannot finde, that they may never appear to be at a loss, avouch that the Pope promised to revoke the Sentence, against her mother Anne Bol∣lens marriage, to confirme our English Lithurgie by his authority, to permit the English, the Communion under both kinds, provided she would own the Popes Primacy, and cordially unite her self to the Catholike Church. Yea some thousands of Crowns, (but all in vain) were promised to the effectors thereof, wherein his holinesse, seemingly liberal, was really thrifty, as know∣ing such his Sums, if accepted, would within one year return with an hundred fold increase.

41. Scipio a Gentleman of Venice, formerly familiar with M^r. Jewel (whilst he was a student in Padua) wrot now an expostulating letter unto Him, being lately made Bishop of Sarisbury. Wherein he much admired that England should send no Embassadour, nor message, or letter to excuse their Nations absence from the general appearance of Christianity in the Sacred Councell of Trent. He highly extolled the antiquity and use of General Councels, as the only means to decide controversies in Religion, and compose the distractions in the Church, concluding it a Superlative Sin for any to de∣cline the authority thereof.

42. To this M^r. Jewel returned a large and solemn answer. Now although he wrote it as a private person, yet because the subject thereof was of publick concernment, take the principall Heads thereof.

a First, That a great part of the world professing the name of Christ (as Greeks, Armenians, Abessines &c. with all the Eastern Church) were neither sent to, nor summoned to this Councell.

Secondly, That Englands absence was not so great a wonder, seeing many other kingdoms and free-states, (as Denmarke, Sweden, Scotland, Princes of Germany and Hanse-Towns) were not represented in this Councel, by any of their Embassadors.

Thirdly, That this pretended Councell was not called according to the ancient custome of the Church, by the Imperiall Authority, but by Papall usurpation.

Fourthly, That Trent was a petty place not of sufficient receit for such multitudes, as necessarily should repair to a generall Councell.

Fifthly, That Pope Pius the fourth, by whose command the Councel was re-assembled, purchased his place by the unjust practises of Simony, and bri∣bery, and managed it with murder and Cruelty.

Sixthly, That repairing to Councells was a free-act, and none ought to be condemned of Contumacy, if it stood more with their conveniency to stay at home.

Seventhly, That anciently it was accepted as a reasonable excuse of holy Bishops, absenting, or withdrawing themselves, from any Councell, if they vehemently suspected ought would be acted therein prejudiciall to the Truth, lest their (though not active) included concurrence might be interpre∣ted a countenancing thereof.

Eightly, Our English Bishops were imployed in feeding their flocks, and governing their Churches, and could not be spared from their charge with∣out prejudice to their consciences.

Ninthly, The members of the Councell of Trent, both Bishops and Abbots, were by oath pregaged to the Pope to defend and maintain his autho∣rity against all the world.

Lastly, in what capacity should the English Clergy appear in this Councell? They could not as free-persons to debate matters therein, beeing pre-condem∣ned for Hereticks by Pope Julius. They would not come as Offendors, to hear the Sentence pronounced against themselves, which they had heard of be∣fore. What effect this Letter produced I finde not, sure I am no Papists as yet have made an effectuall refutation of the reasons rendered therein.

43. The Bells of S^t. Peters in Westminster had strangely rung the changes these last thirty yeers. Within which time, first it was a stately and rich Co∣vent of Benedictine Monks. Secondly, it was made a Collegiate Church of Dean and Prebendaries by King Henry the eighth. Thirdly, by the same King, is was made an Episcopall See, and Thomas Thirby (who having roast∣ed the Churches Patrimony, surrendred it to the spoile of Courtiers) the first and last Bishop thereof. Fourthly, Queen Mary re-seated the Abbot and Monks in the possession thereof, who were outed after her Death. Last∣ly, this yeer Queen Elizabeth converted it again into a Collegiate Church, founding therein maintenance for one Dean, twelve Prebendaries, as many old souldiers past service for Almsmen, and fourty Scholars, who in due time are preferred to the Universities, so that it hath proved one of the most renowned Seminaries, of Religion and learning in the whole nation.

44. Pope Pius though unsuccessfull in his addresses last yeer to the Queen, yet was not so disheartened, but that once more he would try what might be effected therein. To which purpose he imployed the Abbot of Martinegi with most loving letters unto her, desiring leave to come over into England. But the Queen knowing it less difficulty and danger to keep

him, then to cast him out of her Dominions, forbad his entrance into the Realme as against the Laws of the Land, So that he was fain to deliver his Errand, and receive his answer, (and that a deniall) at distance in the Low-Countries. As little successe had the Bishop of Viterbo, the Popes Nuncio to the King of France, secretly dealing with S^r. N. Throgmorton the Queens Agent, there to perswade her to send Embassadors to the Councell of Trent; which for the reasons afore mentioned was justly refused.

45. S^r. Edward Carne the Queens Leger at Rome, Doctor of Civill Law, Knighted by the Emperour Charles the fifth, pretended that as the Queen would not suffer the Popes Nuncio to come into England, so the Pope would not permit him to depart Rome: Whereas indeed the cunning old man was not detained, but detained himself; so well pleased was he with the place and his office therein. Where soon after he died, the last Leger of the English Nation to Rome publickly avowed in that imployment.

46. This yeer the Spire of Pauls-Steeple covered with lead strangely fell on fire, attributed by severall Persons to sundry Causes. Some that it was casually blasted with lightning, others that it was mischevously done by Art Magick; And others (and they the truest) done by the negligence of a Plummer carelessly leaving his coals therein. The fire burnt for five full hours, in which time it melted all the lead of the Church, only the stone Arches escaping the fury thereof: but by the Queens bounty and a Col∣lection from the Clergy, it was afterwards repaired, only the blunt Tower had not the top thereof sharpned into a Spire as before.

47. A petty rebellion happened in Merton Colledge in Oxford (small in it self, great in the consequence thereof, if not seasonably suppressed) on this occasion. Some Latine superstitious Hymns formerly sung on Festivalls had by order of the late Warden Dr. Gervas been abolished, and English Psalms appointed in their place: now when M^r. Leach a Fellow in the House on Allholland-day last had the Book in his hand ready to begin the Psalme: in springs one M^r. William Hall a seniour Fellow offering to snatch it from him with an intent to cast it into the fire, addinga moreover that they would no more dance after his pipe. This was done in the intervall of the vacancy of the Wardenship: For though John Man was lawfully chosen to the place, yet Hall and his Popish faction (whereof M^r. Potto, M^r. Binnion, and S^r. Ap∣pleby the Leaders) opposed his admission. And whereas in this House great was the power of a Seniour-Fellow (especially in office) over the young scholars, Hall raised such a persecution against them, that it was poenall for any to be a Protestant.

48. Arch-Bishop Parker hearing hereof, summoneth Hall to appear be∣fore him, who cared so little for the same, that some of his Party plucked off the Seal from the citation, which was affixed to the gates of the Colledge. Whereupon his Grace made a solemn visitation of that Colledge, wherein all were generally examined. Man confirmed Warden, Hall justly expelled, his party publickly admonished, the Young Schollers relieved, Papists curbed, and suppressed, Protestants countenanced, and encouraged in the whole Vniversity.

49. A Parliament was called,b wherein a Bill passed for the assurance of certain lands assumed by the Queen from some Bishopricks during their vaca∣tion. Another for the restitution in blood of the children of Thomas Cranmer late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. Here fain would I be informed by some learn∣ed in the law, what needed the restoring of those Children, whose Father was condemned, and died only for Heresie; which is conceived a Personall crime, and not tainting the bloud. For although this Arch-Bishop was first accused of high-Treason, yet it afterwards was waved, and he tried upon haereticall opi∣nions. Except any will say, that because not solemnly and formally pardo∣ned, in majorem cantelam, such an Act was not amiss, or else done not so

much for the use of the living Children as honour of their dead Father.

50. A third Bill passed for the Translating of the Bible into the Welsh tongue, which sicnce the Reformation may hitherto be said to have been read in Latin in their Congregations, English being Latin to them as in the most Parishes of Wales utterly un-understood. This some years after was performed, princi∣pally by the endeavours ofa William Morgan Doctor of Divinity, afterwards Bishop of Landaff, and thence preferred to S^t Asaph, but worthy for his work of better advancement.

51. In the Convocation now sitting, wherein Alexander Nowel Dean of S^t Pauls was Prolocutor, the nine and thirty Articles were composed. For the main they agree with those set forth in the Reign of King Edward the sixth, though in some particulars allowing more liberty to dissenting judgments. For instance, in this Kings Articles it is said, that it is to be be believed, that Christ went down to Hell [to preach to the Spirits there,] which last clause is left out in these Articles, and men left to a latitude concerning the cause, time, and manner of his Descent.

52. Hence some have unjustly taxed the Composers for too much favour ex∣tended in their large expressions, clean through the contexture of these Arti∣cles, which should have tied mens consciences up closer in more strict and particularizing propositions, which indeed proceeded from their commend∣able moderation, Childrens cloaths ought to be made of the biggest, be∣cause afterwards their bodies will grow up to their garments. Thus the Ar∣cles of this English Protestant Church in the infancy thereof, they thought good to draw up in general terms, foreseeing that posteritie would grow up to fill the same. I mean these holy men did prudently pre-discover, that differences in judgments would unavoidably happen in the Church, and were loath to un∣church any, and drive them off from an Ecclesiastical communion for such petty differences, which made them pen the Articles in comprehensive words to take in all, who differing in the branches, meet in the root of the same Religion.

53. Indeed most of them had formerly been sufferers themselves, and can∣not be said in compiling these Articles (an acceptable service no doubt) to offer to God what cost them nothing,b some having paid Imprisonment, others Exile, all losses in their Estates for this their experimental knowledg in Religion: which made them the more merciful and tender in stating those points, seeing such who themselves have been most patient in bearing, will be most pittiful in bur∣dening the consciences of others.

54. It is observable, these Articles came forth much about the time where∣in the Decrees of the Councel of Trent were published, Truth, and Falshood start∣ing in some sort both together, though the former will surely carry away the victory at long running. Many of which Decrees begin with Lying, and all con∣clude with Cursing, thundering Anathemas against all Dissenters. Whilest these our Articles like the still voice only plainly express the Positive truth.

55. But some nine years after, Viz. Anno 1571. the Parliamentc con∣firmed these Articles so far, that every Clerk should before the Nativity of Christ next following subscribe the same. And hereafter every person pro∣moted to an Ecclesiastical living, should within a time prefixed, publickly in the time of Divine service, read and profess his consent to the same, on pain of Deprivation ipso facto, if omitted.

56. No Lay-person was required to subscribe, no Magistrate, none of the Commons according to the severity in other places. For the persecuted Church of English in Frankford in Queen Mary her dayes, demanded subscription to their discipline of every man, yea even of women; and the Scotch (in the minority of King James) exacted it of Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Courtiers, which here was extended onely to men of Ecclesiastical function. Not that the Queen and State was careless of the spiritual good of others (leaving them to live and believe as they list) but because charitably presuming that where

Parishes were provided of Pastors Orthodox in their judgments, they would by Gods blessing on their preaching, work their people to conformity to the same opinions.

Some question there is about a clause in the twentieth Article, whether originally there, or since interpolated. Take the wholea Article according to the common Edition therof.

Twentieth Article of the Authority of the Church.

The Church hath power to decree Rites or Ceremonies, and authority in controversies of faith. And yet it is not lawful for the Church to ordain any thing that is contrary to Gods word; neither may it so expound one place of Scripture, that it be repugnant to another. Wherefore although the Church be a Witness and keeper of holy writ, yet as it ought not to decree any thing against the same, so besides the same ought it not to enforce any thing to be be∣lieved for necessity of salvation.

Take along with this the bitter invective of a modernb Minister, who thus laieth it on with might and main on the backs of Bishops, for some un∣fair practice herein, in an epistle of his, written to the Temporal Lords of His Majesties Privy Councel, reckoning up therein Fourteen Innovations in the Church.

The Prelates, to justifie their proceedings have forged a new Article of Religion, brought from Rome, (which gives them full power to alter the Do∣ctrine and Discipline of our Church at a blow) and have foisted it into the twentieth Article of our Church. And this is in the last edition of the Articles, Anno 1628. in affront of his Majesties Declaration before them. The clause forged is this, The Church (that is the Bishops as they expound it) hath power to decree rites and ceremonies, and authoritie in matters of faith. This clause is a forgery fit to be examined and deeply censured in the Star-chamber. For it is not to bee found in the Latin or English Articles of Ed∣ward 6 or Queen Elizabeth ratified by Parliament. And if to forge a Will or writing be censurable in the Star-chamber, which is but a wrong to a private man, How much more the forgery of an Article of Religion, to wrong the whole Church, and overturn Religion which concerns all our souls?

57. Such as deal in niceties discover some faltering from the truth in the very words of this grand Delator. For the Article saith that The Church hath authority in controversies of faith.He chargeth them with challenging authority in matters of Faith.

Here, some difference betwixt the terms. For matters of faith (which all ought to know and believe for their souls health) are so plainly setled by the Scriptures, that they are subject to no alteration by the Church, which not∣withstanding may justly challenge a casting voice in some controversies of faith, as of less importance to salvation.

58. But to come to the main matter; this clause in question lieth at a du∣bious posture, at in and out, sometimes inserted, sometimes omitted, both in our written and printed copies.

Inserted in The originall of the Articles 1562, as appeareth under the hand of a Publick Notary, whose inspection and attestation is only decisive in this case. So also Anno 1593. and Anno 1605. and Anno 1612. all which were publick and authen∣tick Editions.

Omitted in The English and Latine Articles set forth 1571. when they were first ratified by Act, and whose being, as obligatory to punishment, beares not date nine yeers before, from their composition in Convocation, but hence forward from their confirmation in Parliament.

And now, to match the credit of private Authours in some equality, we will weigh M^r. Rogers Chaplain to Arch-Bishop Whitgift, inserting this clause in his Edition 1595. against D^r. Mocket, Chaplain to Arch-Bishop Abbot, omit∣ting it in his Latine translation of our Articles set forth 1617.

59. Arch-bishop Laud, in a speech which he made in the Star-Chamber, inquiring into the cause why this clause is omitted in the printed Articles 1571. thus expresseth himself,

Certainly this could not be done, but by the malicious cunning of that opposite Faction. And, though I shall spare dead mens names, where I have not certainty; Yet, if you be pleased to look back and consider who they were that governed businesses in 1571. and rid the Church allmost at their pleasure, and how potent the Ancestors of these Libellers began then to grow, you will think it no hard matter to have the Articles printed, and this clause left out.

I must confess my self not so well skilled in Historicall Horsemanship, as to know whom his Grace designed for the Rider of the Church at that time. It could not be Arch-Bishop Parker, who, though discreet and moderate, was sound and sincere in pressing conformity. Much less was it Grindall (as yet but Bishop of London) who then had but little, and never much influ∣ence on Church-Matters. The Earle of Leicester could not in this phrase be intended, who alike minded the insertion or omission of this or any other Article. As for the non-Conformists, they were so far at this time from ri∣ding the Church, that then they first began to put foot in stirrup, though since they have dismounted those whom they found in the saddle. In a word, con∣cerning this clause whether the Bishops were faulty in their addition, or their opposites in their Substraction I leave to more cunning State-Arithmeticians to decide.

60. One Article more we will request the Reader to peruse, as the sub∣ject of some historicall debates which thereon doth depend.

35. Article of Homilies.

The second Booke of Homilies, the severall titles whereof, we have joyned under this Article, doth contain a godly and wholsome Doctrine, and necessary for these times, as doth the former Booke of Homilies which were set forth in the time of Edward the sixth, and therefore we judge them to be read in Churches by the Ministers diligently, and distinctly, that they may be understood of the People.

See we here the Homilies ranked into two formes. The first, such as were made in the Raign of Edward the sixth, being twelve in number. Of which the tenth (of obedience to Magistrates) was drawn up at or about Kets Rebel∣lion, in a dangerous juncture of time. For as it is observed of the Gingles, or S^t. Anthony his fire, that it is mortall if it come once to clip and encom∣passe the whole body. So had the North-East Rebels in Norfolke, met and uni∣ted with the South-East Rebels in Devonshire, in humane apprehension despe∣rate the consequence of that conjuncture.

61. The second forme of Homilies, are those composed in the Raign of Queen Elizabeth, amounting to one and twenty, concluding with one against Rebellion. For though formerly there had been one in King Edwards dayes for obedience, yet this was conceived no superfluous tautologie, but a necessary gemination of a duty in that seditious age, wherein dull schollers needed to have the same lesson often taught unto them.

62. They are penned in a plain stile, accommodated to the capacities of the Hearers (being loth to say of the Readers) the Ministers also being very simple in that age. Yet if they did little good, in this respect they did no harme, that they preached not strange Doctrines to their people, as too many vent new darknesses in our dayes. For they had no power to broach Opini∣ons, who were only employed to deliver that liquor to them which they had received from the hands of others better skilled in Religion then them∣selves.

63. However some behold these Homilies, as not sufficiently legitimated by this Article to be (for their Doctrine) the undoubted issue of the Church of England, alledging them composed by private men of unknown names, who may probably be presumed at the best, but the Chaplains of the Arch-Bishops under whom they were made. Hence is it that some have tearmed them Homely Homilies, others a popular discourse, or a Doctrine usefull for those times wherein they were set forth. I confesse what is necessary in one age may be less needfull in another, but what in one age is godly and wholsome Doctrine (characters of commendation given by the aforesaid Article to the Homilies) cannot in another age be ungodly and unhealthfull; as if our faith did fol∣low fashions, and truth alter with the times, like A••hitophell his Counsell, though good in it self, yet not at some seasons. But some are concerned to decry their credits, as much contrary to their judgement, more to their practise, especially seeing the second Homily in the second book stands with a spunge in one hand to wipe out all pictures, and a hammer in the other to beat down all Images of God and Saints erected in Churches. And therefore such use these Homi∣lies as an upper garment girting them close unto, or casting them from them at pleasure, allowing and alledging them when consenting, denying and dis∣claiming them when opposite to their practise or opinions.

64. The Religion in England being setled according to these Articles which soon after were published, the first Papist that fell foule upon them was William R••stall, Nephew to S^r. Thomas More by Elizabeth his Sister, and a great Lawyer. Yet we beleeve not him that telleth us he was one of the two Chief justices, as knowing the contrary. However he was very know∣ing in our common law: Witnesse his collections of statutes and comments thereon with other works in that faculty. But this veteranus Jurisconsutus, was vix Tyro Theologus, shewing rather zeal to the cause, then ability to defend it in those Books which he set forth against BP. Jewell.

65. No eminent English Protestant died this yeer, but great grief among the Romanists for the loss of D^r. Richard Smith Kings professour of Divinity in Oxford, till outed by Peter Martyr. Whereupon he forsook the land, returned in the Raign of Queen Mary, went back after her death into the Low-Countries, where he was made Dean of S^t. Peters in Doway, and appointed by King Philip the second, first Divinity professor in that new erectd Vniver∣sity.

His party much complain that his strong parts were disadvantaged with so weak sides and low voice, though indeed too loud his railing against the truth, as appears by his Books.

66. The English Bishops conceiving themselves impowered by their Ca∣nons, began to shew their authority in urging the Clergy of their Diocess to sub∣scribe to the Liturgie, Ceremonies and Discipline of the Church, and such as re∣fused the same were branded with the odious name of Puritanes.

67. A name which in this notion first began in this yeer, and the grief had not been great, if it had ended in the same. The Philosopher banisheth the term (which is polysaemon) that is subject to several senses, out of the Predicaments, as affording too much Covert for cavill by the latitude thereof. On the same account could I wish that the word Puritan were banished com∣mon discourse, because so various in the acceptions thereof. We need not speak of the ancient Cathari or Primitive Puritans, sufficiently known by their Hereticall opinions. Puritan here was taken for the Opposers of the Hierarchie and Church-service, as resenting of Superstition. But prophane mouths quick∣ly improved this Nick-name, therewith on every occasion to abuse pious peo∣ple, some of them so far from opposing the Liturgie, that they endeavoured (according to the instructions thereof in the preparative to the Confession) to accompany the Minister with a PURE heart, and laboured (as it is in the Ab∣solution) for a life PURE and holy. We will therefore decline the word to prevent exceptions, which if casually slipping from our pen, the Reader knoweth that only Non-conformists are thereby intended.

68. These in this age were divided into two ranks. Some milde and moderate, contented only to enjoy their own conscience. Others fierce and fiery, to the disturbance of Church and State. Amongst the former, I recount the Principall; Father John Fox. (for so Queeu Elizabeth termed him) summo∣ned (as I take it) by Arch-Bishop Parker to subscribe, that the generall reputa∣tion of his piety, might give the greater countenance to Conformity. The old man produced the new-Testament in Greek, to this (saith he) will I subscribe. But when a subscription to the Canons was required of him, he refused it, saying, I have nothing in the Church save a Preben•• a Salisbu••y▪ and much good may it do you if you will take it away from me. However such respect did the Bishops (most formerly his Fellow-Exiles) bear to his age, parts, and pains, that he continued his place till the day of his death: who, though no friend to the Ce∣remonies, was otherwise so devout in his carriage, that (as his nearest relation surviving hath informed me) he never entred any Church without expressing solemn reverence therein.

69. With M^r. Fox. I joyne his Dear Friend Laurence Humfrey, whom I should never have suspected for inclinations to nonconformity (such his in∣timacy with Doctor Jewell and other Bishops) had I not read in my Author, that De Adiaphoris non juxta cum Ecclesia Anglicana senserit. He was Regius Profes∣sor of Divinity in Oxford, where his Answers and determinations were ob∣served quick, clear, and solid, but his Replies and objections weak and slender, which his Auditors imputed to no lack of learning (wherewith he was well stored) but to his unwillingness to furnish his Popish Adversaries with strong ar∣guments to maintain their Erroneous opinions. But such his quiet carriage, that notwithstanding his nonsubscribing, he kept his Professors place and Dean∣ry of Winchester as long as he lived.

70. Pass we now to the fierce (not to say furious) sticklers against Church-Discipline, and begin with Anthony Gilby born in Lincolne-shire, bred in Christs Colledge in Cambridge. How fierce he was against the Ceremonies take it from his owna pen. They are known liveries of AntiChrist, accursed leaven of the Blasphemous Popish Priesthood, cursedpatches of Popery, and Idolatry, they are worse then lousie, for they are sibbe to the sarke of Hercules that made him tear his own bowels asunder.

71. William Whittingham succeeds, bred in Allsouls Colledge in Oxford, afterwards Exile in Germany (where he made a preface to M^r.a Goodman his Booke approving the Divinity therein) and returning into England was made Deane of Durham.

72. Christopher Goodman is the third, and well it were if it might be tru∣ly said of him (what of Probus the Emperor) that he was Vir sui nominis. Sure it is that living beyond the seas in the dayes of Queen Mary, he wrote a Booke stuffed with much dangerous Doctrine. Wherein he maintained that S^r. Thomas Wyat was no Traitor,b that his cause was Gods, that none but Traitors could accuse him of Treason, and that the Councellours and others who would be accounted No∣bles (and took not his part) were in very deed Traitors to God, his People, and their Country. These three (for David Whitehead I have no minde to menti∣on with them) were certainly the Antesignani of the fierce Nonconformists. Yet finde I none of them solemnly silenced, either because (perchance) dead be∣fore this yeer (wherein the vigorous urging of Subscription) or because finding some favour in respect of their suffering of banishment for the ••rote∣stant Religion. Only I meet with Thomas Samson Dean of Christs Church in Oxford, qui propter Puritanismumc exauthoratus, displaced this yeer out of his Deanry; notwithstanding the said Samson stands very high in Bale his Catalogue of the English Exiles in the Reign of Queen Mary.

73. Queen Elizabeth came to Oxford, honourably attended with the Earle of Leicester, Lord Chancelour of the Vniversity. The Marqu••sse of North∣hampton. The Lord Burleigh. The Spanish Ambassadour &c. Here she was en∣tertained with the most stately welcom which the Muses could make. Ed∣mond Campian then Proctour (Oratorie being his Master-piece) well performed his part, only over flattering Leicester (enough to make a modest mans head ake, with the too sweet flowers of his Rhetorick) save that the Earle was as willing to hear his own praise, as the other to utter it. Her Highness was lodged in Christs-Church, where many Comedies were acted before Her, one whereof (Palemon and Arce) had a Tragicall end, three men being slaind by the fall of a wall, and press of people. Many Acts were kept before her in Philosophie, and one most eminent in Divinity, wherein Bishop Jewell (this yeer in his absence created Honorarie Doctour) was Moderatour. It lasted in summer time till candles were lighted, delight devouring all weariness in the Auditours, when the Queen importuned by the Lords (The Spanish Ambassa∣dour to whom she profferred it, modestly declining the imployment) conclu∣ded all with this her Latine Oration.

Qui male agit, odit lu••em, & ego quidem quia nihil aliud nisi male agere possum, idcirco odilucem, odi, id est, conspectum vestrum. Atque sanè me magna tenet dubitatio, dam singula considero quae hic aguntur, laudemne, an vituperem, taceamne, an eloquar; Sieloquar, patefaciam vobis quam sim literarum rudis: taccre autem nolo, ne defectus videatur esse con∣temptus. Et quia tempus breve est quod habeo ad dicendum, idci••co om∣nia in pauca conferam, & orationem meam in duas partes dividam, in laudem & vituperationem. Laus autem ad vos pertinet. Ex quo enim primum Oxoniam veni, multa vidi, multa audivi, probavi omnia. E∣rant enim & prudenter facta, & eleganter dicta. At ea quibus in prologis vos ipsi excusastis, neque pro pare ut Regina, possum, neque ut Christiana debeo. Caeterum quia in exordio semper adhibuistis cautionem, mihi sane illa disputatio non displicuit. Nunc venio ad alterampartem, nempe vitu∣perationem. Atque haec pars mihi propria est: Sane fateor Parentes meos diligentissimè curasse ut in bonis literis rectè instituerer, & quidem in mul∣tarum linguarum varietate diu versata sui, quarum aliquam mihi cog∣nitionem

assumo: quod etsi verè tamen verecundè dico. Habui quidem multos & Doctos Paedigogos, qui ut me eruditum redderent, diligenter elaborarunt. Sed Paedag••gi mei posuerunt operam in agro sterili & infae∣cundo, ita fructus percip••re vix poterant, aut dignitate mea, aut ill••rum laboribus, aut vestra expectatione dignos. Quamobrem etsi omnes vos me abundè laudastis, ego tamen, quae mihi conscia sum, quam sim nulla laude digna facile agnosco; sed finem imponam orationi meae Barbarismis ple∣nae, si prius optavero, & votum unum addidero. Votum meum hoc erit, ut me vivente sitis Florentissimi, me mortua Beatissimi.

Thus having stayed seven dayes, she took her leave of the Vniversity, M^r. Williams the Maior riding in scarlet before her Majesty to Magdalen Bridge; But the Doctours attending her in their formalities as far as Shot-over.

SECTION. IIII.

To WILLIAM HONYEWOOD Esq

Some Conceive, that to be pressed to death the punishment on Recusants to submit to legall Tryall) is the greatest torment in the World. God keepe all good men from fee∣ling, and chiefly from deserving it. I am the easier in∣duced to believe the Exquisitenesse of the Torture, being sensible in my self by your bounty, what a burden it is for One, who would be ingenuous, to be Loaded with Curtesies which He hath not the least hope to requite, or deserve.

1.IN this year began the Suit betwixt Robert Horne Bishop of Winchester, and Edmund Bonner late Bishop of London on this occasion. All Bishops were impowred by the statute quinto Elizabethae, to tender the Oath of Supremacy to all persons living within their Diocess. Now Bishop Bonner was within the Diocess of Winchester full ill against his will (as being a Prisoner in the Marshall-See, in Southwarke) to whom Horne offered this Oath, and he refused the taking thereof. Hereupon his refusall was returned into the Kings-Bench, and he indicted on the same. Being indicted, he appeared there, confessed the fact, but denied himself culpable, and intending to traverse the Indictment, desired that Councell might be assigned him. S^r. Robert Cateline, then Chief Justice granted his motion, and no meaner then Ploydon that eminent Lawyer Christopher Wray, afterwards Lord Chief Justice, and Lovelace, were deputed his Councell.

2. First they pleaded for their Client, that Bonner was indicted without the title, and addition of Bishop of London, and only stiled Doctour of Law, and one in Holy Orders. But the Judges would not allow the exception as legall to avoid the Indictment.

3. Secondly, they pleaded that the Certificate entred upon Record, was thus brought into the Court. Tali die & anno per A. B. Cancellarium dicti Episcopi Winton. And did not say, per mandatum Episcopi, for the want of which clause, Bonner his Councell took exceptions thereat, sed non alloca∣tur, because the Record of it by the Court is not of necessity.

4. Pass we by their third exception, that he was indicted upon that Certificat in the County of Middlesex by the common Jury of enquest in the Kings-Bench for that County. It being resolved by the Judges that his triall could not be by a Jury of Middlesex, but by a Jury of Surrie of the neighbour∣hood of Southwark; The main matter which was so much debated amongst all the Judges in the Lord Cateline his chamber was this.

Whether Bonner could give in evidence of that issue that he had plead∣ed of not guilty, that Horne Bishop of Winchester was not a Bishop tem∣pore oblationis Sacramenti, at the time wherein he tendred the oath unto Bonner.

And it was resolved by thema all, that if the truth of the matter was so in∣deed, that he might give that in evidence upon that issue, and that the Jury might trie whether he was a Bishop then or no.

5. Whilest this suit as yet depended, the Queen called a Parliament, which put a period to the controversie, and cleared the legality of Horne his Episcopacy in a Satute enacting, That all persons that have been or shall be made, o••d red, or consicrate, Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Priests, Ministers of Gods Holy Word and Sacraments, or Deacons after the forme and order prescribed in the said order and form how Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Priests, Deacons, and Ministers should be consecrated, made, and ordered, be in very deed, and also by authority hereof, declared and enacted to be, and shall be, Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Priests, Ministers, and Deacons, and rightly made, consecrated, and ordered: Any Statute, law, Canon, or other thing to the contrary notwithstanding.

6. However it immediately followeth, Provided alwayes, and nevertheless be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that no person or persons shall at any time hereafter, be impeached or molested in body, lands, livings, or goods, by occasion or mean of any Certificate, by any Arch-Bishop, or Bishop heretofore made, or before the last day of this present Session of Parliament to be made, by vertue of any Act made in the first Session of Parliament, tou••hing, or concerning, the refusal of the oath declared and set forth by Act of Parliament, in the first yeer of the Reign of our said Soveraign Ladie Queen Elizabeth: Any thing in this Act, or any other Act or Statute her tof••re made to the contrary notwithstanding.

7. The seasonable interposing of this Statute made it a Drawn battell betwixt Horne and Bonner. The former part thereof here alledged cleared Horne his Episcopacy from all cavils of law, the later Proviso was purposely inserted in favour of Bonner (who here himself found that which he never shewed to others) that he (as all other Popish Bishops deprived) might be no more molested for refusing the Oath of Supremacy. The Parliament saw they had already lost their livelihood and liberties for their erroneous consciences. and had received their thirty nine stripes, more then which the State thought not fit to inflict, lest their justice should degenerate into cruelty.

8. The enacting of this Statute did not stop the railing mouths of Papists against our Bishops, but only made them alter their note, and change their tune in reviling them. Formerly they condemned them as illegall, whose calling was not sufficiently warranted by the laws of the Land, henceforward Sanders and others railed on them for Parliamentary Bishops, deriving all their Power and Commission from the State. But as well might the Jesuits termeb Shemaiah, Nethaniah Prerogative Levites, because sent by Jeh••saphat to preach the word to the people of the Land. For that good King did not give, but quicken and encourage their Commission to teach, as here the Parlia∣ment did only publish, notifie, and declare the legall authority of the English Bishops, whose Call and Consecration to their place was formerly performed, derived from Apostolicall, or at leastwise Ecclesiastical institution.

9. These were the prime of the first Set of Puritans, which being very aged expired (for the most part) at or about this time, when behold another generation of Active and zealous Nonconformists succeeded them. Of these Coleman, Button, Halingham and Benson, (whose Christian names I cannot re∣cover) were the chief; inveighing against the established Church-Discipline, accounting every thing from Rome which was not from Geneva, endeavour∣ing in all things to conforme the government of the English Church, to the Presbyterian Reformation. Add these three more, though of inferiour note to the aforesaid Quaternion. William White, Thomas Rowland, Robert Hawkins, all beneficed within the Diocess of London, and take a tast of their Spirits out of the Register thereof.

10. For this very yeer these three were cited to appear before Edmuna Grindall BP. of London, one who did not run of himself, yea would hardly answer the spur in pressing conformity, the BP. asked them this question,

Have we not a godly Prince?a speak, is she evill?

To which they made their severall answers in manner following,

William White.

What a question is that the fruits do shew.

Thomas Rowland.

No but the Servants of God are persecuted under her.

Robert Hawkins.

Why, this question the Prophet, answereth in the Psalms. How can they have understanding that work iniquity, spoyling my peopl••, and that extoll vanity.

Wonder not therefore if the Queen proceeded severely against some of them, commanding them to be put into Prison, though still their Party daily in∣creased.

11. Nicholas Wotton died this year Dean at the same time of Canterbury and Yorke, so that these two Metropolitan Churches, so often contesting about their Priviledges, were reconciled in his preferment. He was Doctour of both Laws, and some will say of both Gospels, who being Privie Councellour to King Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth, never overstrained his conscience, such his oylie compliance in all alterations. However he was a most Prudent man, and happily active in those many Em∣bassies wherein he was employed.

12. The Romanists were neither ignorant not to observe, nor idle, not to improve the advantage lately given them by the discords betwixt the Bishops and Nonconformists. And now to strengthen their Party, two most active fugitive Priests, Thomas Harding, and Nicholas Saunders return into Eng∣land, and that Episcopall power which they had lately received from the Pope, they largely exercised on the Papists.

1. Absolving all English in the Court of Conscience who returned to the bosome of their Church.

2. Dispensing with them in cases of irregularity: saving such which proceeded from wilfull murder.

3. Even from irregularity of heresie,b on condition that the Party to be absolved refrained three years from the Ministery of the Altar.

Very earnest they were in advancing the Catholick Cause, and perverted very many to their own Erroneous opinions.

13. Mary Queen of Scots; ill used at home by her own Subjects made an escape into England, and landed at Wirkington in Cumberland, the State∣part of whose sufferings we leave to Civill Historians, confining our selves to the imprinted passages concerning Religion beginning with her letter to the Pope.

Most Holy Father.

AFter the kissing of your most holy feet, I having been advertised that my Rebels and their Fautours that retain them in their Coun∣tries, have wrought so effectually by their practises, that it hath been related unto the King of Spain my Lord and good Brother, that I am become variable in the Catholick Religion, although I have within some dayes past written to your Holinesse devoutly to kiss your feet, and recommending me unto you, I do now again most humbly be∣seech you to hold me for a most devout, and a most obedient Daugh∣ter of the Holy Catholick Roman Church, and not to give faith unto those reports which may easily come, or shall hereafter come to your ears, by means of the false and calumnious speeches which the said Rebels, and other of the same Sect have caused to be spread abroad, that is to say, that I have changed my Religion, thereby to deprive me of your Holinesse grace, and the favour of other Catholick Princes. The same hath touched my heart so much, that I could not fail to write again of new to your Holinesse, to complain and bemoan my self of the wrongs and of the injuries which they do unto me. I be∣seech the same most humbly to be pleased to write in my favour to the devout Christian Princes, and obedient sons of your Holinesse, exhorting them to interpose their credit and authority which they have with the Queen of England, in whose power I am, to obtain of her, that she will let me go out of her country, whither I came, secured by her promises, to demand aid of her against my Rebels, and if never∣thelesse she will retain me, by all means yet that she will permit me to exercise my Religion, which hath been forbidden to me, for which I am grieved and vexed in this Kingdom, insomuch as I will give you to understand, what subtilties my Adversaries have used to colour these calumniations against me. They so wrought that an Eng∣lish Minister was sometimes brought to the place where I am streightly kept, which was wont to say certain prayers in the vulgar tongue, and because I am not at my own liberty, nor permitted to use any other Religion, I have not refused to hear him, thinking I had committed no errour. Wherein neverthelesse most Holy Father, if I have offend∣ed or failed in that or any thing else, I ask misericordia of your Holi∣nesse, beseeching the same to pardon and to absolve me, and to be sure and certain that I have never had any other will then constantly to live the most devout and most obedient Daughter of the Holy Ca∣tholick Roman Church, in which I will live and die according to your Holinesse advises and precepts. I offer to make such amends and pen∣nance that all Catholick Princes, especially your Holinesse, as Mo∣narch of the world, shall have occasion to rest satisfied and contented with me. In the mean time I will devoutly kiss your Holinesse feet, praying God long to conserve the same for the benefit of his Holy Church. Written from Castlea Boulton the last of November 1568.

The most devout and obedient Daughter, to your Holinesse, the Q of Scotland, Widdow of France MARIA.

I meet not with the answer which his Holinesse returned unto her, and for the present leave this Lady in safe custody, foreseeing that this her exchange of letters with Forraign Princes, and the Pope especially will finally cause her destruction.

14. Thomas Young Arch-Bishop of Yorke died at Sheffield, and was buri∣ed in his own Cathedrall. He plucked down the great Hall at Yorke, built by Thomas his predecessour five hundred yeers before, so far did plum••i sacra fames, desire to gain by the leade, prevail with him. Yet one presumeth to avouch, that all that lead in effect proved but dross unto him, beinga in fine defeated of the profit thereof. He was the first Protestant English Bishop that died in the dayes of Q. Elizabeth.

15. Thomas Piercy Earle of Northumberland, and Charles Nevill Earle of Westmerland brake out into open Rebellion against the Queen. Lords of right noble extraction and large revenue (whose titles met with their estates in the Northern Parts) and indeed the height of their honour was more then the depths of their judge ment. These intended to restore the Romish Religion, set free the Queen of Scots, pretending much zeal for the liberty of the people, and honour of the nation, complaining of Queen Elizabeth her neglect of the ancient Nobility, and advancing mean persons to the places of highest trust and command, though indeed could she have made her Noblemen wise, (as she did her Wisemen Noble) these Earls had never undertaken this Rebellion. Numerous their Tenants in the North, and their obligations the higher for the low rent they paid, though now alass poor souls they paid a heavy sine, losing their lives in the cause of their Landlords.

16. Their first valour was to fight against the English Bible, and Service-Booke in Durham, tearing them in pieces. And as yet unable to go to the cost of saying Masse, for want of Vestiments, they began with the cheapest piece of Popery. Holy Water, their Wells plentifully affording water, and Plumtree the Priest quickly conferring cons••eration. Afterwards better provided, they set up Mass in most places where they came,b Richard Norton an ancient and aged Gentleman carrying the Cross before them, and others bearing in their Banners the five wounds of Christ, or a Chalice, according to their different devices. No great matter was atchieved by them, save the taking of Ba••••ards Castle in the Bishoprick, which indeed took it self in effect, the Defenders thereof being destitute of Victuals and Provisions.

17. But hearing how the Garrisons of Carlile and Barwick were manned against them on their backs, and the Earle of Sussex advancing out of the South with an Army to oppose them, their spirits quickly sunk, and being better armed then disciplined, wanting expert Commanders (how easily is a rout, routed) they fled Northwards and mouldered away without standing a battell.

18. An Italian Authour writing the life of Pope Pius Quintus giveth us this brief account of this expedition.

They did not overrun the Kingdom as they ought to have done, and followed after Elizabeth, for which they could not have wanted followers enough; but they stood still, and not being able to maintain themselves long in the field for want of mony, they finally withdrew themselves into Scotland without any thing doing.

So easie it is for this Authors fancy (which scaleth the highest Walls without Ladders, gaineth the straightest passes without blows, crosses the deepest Rivers without Bridge, Ford, or Ferry) to overrun England, though otherwise this handfull of men (never exceeding six hundred horse, and four thousand foot) were unlikely to run through other shiers, who could not stand a blow, in their own Country.

19. Northumberland fled into Scotland, lurked there a time, was be∣trayed to Earle Murrey, sent back into England, and beheaded at Yorke. Westmerland made his escape into Flanders (the wisest work that ever he did) where he long lived very poore, on a small, and ill pa••ed Pension. Many were executed by S^r. George Bowes Knight Marshall, every market Town be∣ing then made a shire Town for his Assises, betwixt New-Castle, and Witherby, (a about sixty miles in length, and forty in breadth) much terrifying those parts with his severity. Insomuch that when next year Leonard Dacres put together the ends of the quenched brands of this Rebellion, with intent to re∣kin••le them, they would not take fire, but by the vigilancy and valour of the L. Hansdon his designe was seasonably defeated.

20. John Story D. of Law, a cruel persecutor in the dayes of Q. Mary (being said for his share to have martyred two or three hundred) fled after∣wards over into Brabant, and because great with Duke de Alva (like cup, like 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he made him searcher at Antwerp for English goods. Where if he could detect either Bible, or Hereticall Books, as they termed them in any ship, it either cost their persons imprisonment, or goods confiscation. But now being trained into the ship of Mr. Parker an Englishman, the Master hoised sail (time and tide, winde and water consenting to that designe) and over was this Tyrant and Traitor brought into England: where refusing to take the Oath of Supremacy, and professing himself subject to the King of Spain, he was executed at Tyburne; Where being cut down halfe dead, after his privie members were cut off, he rushed on the Executioner, and gave him a blow on the eare, to the wonder (saith my Author) of all the standers by, and I (who was not there) wonder more that it was not recounted amongst the Romish miracles.

21. The old store of Papists in England began now very much to di∣minish, and decay; insomuch that the Romanists perceiv'd, they could not spend at this rate out of the main stock, but it would quickly make them Banke∣rupt. Prisons consumed many, Age moe of their Priests, and they had no place in England whence to recruit themselves. The largest cisterne with long drawing will grow dry, if wanting a fountain to feed the daily decay thereof. Hereupon they resolved to erect Colledges beyond the seas, for English youth to have their education therein. A project now begun, and so effectually prosecuted, that within the compasse of fifty years, nine Colledges were by them founded, and furnished with Students, and they with maintenance, as by the following Catalogue may appear, as they stood at the last yeer of King James. Since (no doubt) they have been enlarged in greatnesse, increased in number, enriched in revenues, as such who shall succeed us in continuing this Story, may report to posterity. May they at my request (if having the conveniencies of leisure, and instructions) be pleased to perfect this my Catalogue, and replenish the vacuities thereof with their more exact observations. And let no Papists laugh at our light mistakes, Protestants not pretending to such exact intelligence of their Col∣ledges, as they have of ours. Indeed they have too criticall instructions of all our English societies, by their agents living amongst us, and it is a bad signe, when suspicious persons are over-preying to know the windows, doors, all the passages and contrivances of their neighbours houses, as intending therein some designe for themselves.

Colledge.	Founder.	Benefactors.	Means.
I. Doway Colledge in Flanders, founded 1569. Thence (for fear of the wars) removed to Rhems in France about 1508. where Henry the third King of France, did patro∣nize, and protect them. And some twenty years af∣ter brought back hither again.	Philip, the Se∣cond King of Spaine.	All the Recu∣sants in England.	A pension out of the King of Spains Treasury, which being sometimes but bad∣ly paid, the Scholars are fain to feed on patience. 2. A yearly collection from the Catholicks of England. 3. Sale of Masses, Rich mens mortuaries, which also are the staple main∣tenance of all other Col∣ledges.

Number.	Rectour.	Eminent Schollars.
Uncertain, but numerous. For, here they do not pick and choose, for wit, or wealth, (as in other Colledges) but they receive all that come un∣to them.	1. William Allen (af∣terwards Cardinal) a principal procurer, and advancer of this foundation. He died 1594. 2. Tho. Worthing'on (of an ancient fami∣ly in Lancashire) Re∣ctour 1609. 3. Matthew Kelison, a North-Hampton∣shire man, Rectour 1624. Note, That where∣as the government of all other English Colledges belongs to Jesuits, this only is ruled by Secular Priests.	Dr. Web, whom they brag to be the best Casuist in the world. He lived to sing his Miss of Jubile, having been a Priest full fifty years.

Colledge.	Founder.	Benefactour.	Means.
2. Colledge of Rome, founded 1579.	Gregory the 13. Pope exhibited maintenance, first to six, then to fourteen, at last to three∣score Scholars therein, to the yearly value of foure thousand Crowns.	Owen Lewes Re∣ferendary Apo∣stolical, was a principal pro∣moter thereof.	The Welsh Hospi∣tal in Rome (found∣ed, and endowed many hundred yeers since, by Cadwallader, King of Wales, for Welsh pilgrims) with the rich lands thereof; conferred by Pope Gregorie the 13. on this Col∣ledge. They have at Frescata (which is the Popes Som∣mer house, lying some ten miles East of Rome) three or four farmes, where corne for the Col∣ledge and other provision groweth.

Number.	Rectour.	Eminent Scholars.
One hundred at the least. But Italian aire not well a∣greeing with Eng∣lish bodies, they bury yearly ten, or twelve of their fresh-men. Note; that where∣as Anno 1576, there were but thirty old Priests remaining in this Realm, these two Colledges alone within few years sent above three hundred Priests into Eng∣land.	1. D. Maurice. He was removed out of his place for being too favoura∣ble to his Countri∣trimen, the Welsh. 2. Ferdinando, a Neapolitan Je∣suite succeeded him. 3. Robert Persons, Rectour for twen∣ty three years, from 1587. to 1610. where he died. 4. Thomas Fitz∣herbert, one of great age, and pa∣rentage, Rectour 1623.	Francis Monfort, who Anno 1591. being to depart the Colledge for England, took his farewell of Pope Clement the eighth, with so passio∣nate a latina Oration, that it fetch'd tears from the tender heart of his Holiness. This Monfort, some moneths af∣ter, was executed in Eng∣land.

Colledge.	Founder.	Benefactours.	Means.
3. Colledge of Val∣ladolit in Old Castile founded 1589.	Philip the second, King of Spain.	Dona Luysa de Ca∣ravaial, a rich wi∣dow Ladie in Spain, gave all her estate (being very great) to this Col∣ledge, and came over into England, where she died.	Lands they have not purchased much in Spain (be∣ing loth the Spani∣ard should take no∣tice of their wealth) but great sums of mony they have at use in Bra∣bant. As also with English Factours in Spain (pervert∣ed to their per∣swasion) they have a great stock in trading.

Number.	Rector.	Eminent Scholars.
They are fewer now than formerly, ever since the Spa∣nish Court was re∣moved by Philip the Third, from Valladolit, to Ma∣drid.	Father Walpoole (if not Rectour) was principall actour herein, about the year 1605. When by pretending to have gained Mr. Pickering Wotton, (son, and heir to Lord Wotton) to the Romish Church, he got abovea five hundred pound to his Colledge.

Know that S^r. Francis Inglefield, Privie Councellour to Queen Mary, forsaking his fair Estate in Bark-shire in the first of Queen Elizabeth, fled beyond the Sea. He afterwards was a bountifull benefactor to the Colledge at Va••••••dolit; Yea he is beheld by the English Papists as a Beuefa∣ctor Generall to their Nation, for the priviledges he procured them from Pope Gregory the thirteenth, whereof hereafter. He lieth buried in this Colledge, and his Grave is shewen with great respect, to Travellers of our Country coming thither

Colledge.	Founder.	Benefactours.	Means.
4. Colledge of Si∣vil, founded 1593.	Philip the se∣cond, King of Spain.	Our English Merchants, and Factours there residing, even often against their own wills, to secure them∣selves from the searchers in the Inquisition. So that it is a Ne∣mo scit, what here is gotten for a Ne noce∣ant.	They have a Box in every ship sailing to the West-Indies. Up∣on it is the picture of Snt. Thomas Becket (on the Octaves of whose day this Col∣ledge forsooth was first founded) and into it (through an hole in the lid thereof) Merchants put in their devoti∣on. The key of this (not Christmas, but all-the-year-ong) box is kept by the Rectour of the Colledge, who only knoweth to how much this mo∣ney amounteth.

Number.

Rectour.

Eminent Scholars.

Here expect not of me a discovery (being no Spie by my professi∣on) of the cunning contrivances, whereby these Jesuits pass, and repass the seas, without any detection, yea, suspicion of them. Sometimes under the protection of a Pass (procured from some Lords of the Privie Councell) for a young Gentleman to go over into France (with two, or three, of his Serving-men) to learn the language. Sometimes they shuffle themselves into the company of an Embassadour, or his meniall servants, and so cover their private falsehood, under his publick Faith. Many English Gentlewomen in∣tended for Nunns, are first vailed (before their going beyond seas) under pretence of travelling to the Spaw for their healths. In their return for Eng∣land, these Jesuits have found the farthest way about, for them the nearest way home. For, out of France, or Spain, first they will sail into the Low-Countries, and thence into England; and so, coming immediately out of Protestant parts, escape without any, or with easie examination. And yet these curious Engineers, who flie so high, and carry their conveyances so farr above all common discovery, have sometimes one of their wheels or strings broken, and then down they fall into Newgate, or some other prison, notwithstanding all their verbal, and real equivocations.

Colledge.	Founder.	Benefactours.	Means.
5. Saint Omers in Artois founded about the year 1596.	Philip the se∣cond, who gave them a good annuity, for whose soul they say every day a Mass, and every year an Obitum.	English Catho∣licks, especially the parents, or friends of such youths, as here have their edu∣cation.	Watton-Cloister, being a most plea∣sant place, with good land, and a fair wood, some two leagues off. It anciently belong∣ed to the Bened∣ctines, of whom the Jesuits here bought it, Pope Paulus Quintus, and the King of Spain, confirm∣ing their bargain. It is said to be worth five hun∣dred pounds a year.

Number.	Rectour.	Eminent Scholars.
Welnigh an hun∣dred of Gentle∣mens sons (not as yet professed Jesu∣its, though like them in habit, but) young Scholars. Besides above twenty Jesuits (Priests, and Lay∣brethren) having an inspection over them.	Though this Col∣ledge be of English only, yet their Rectour generally is a Fleming, and that out of a dou∣ble designe, First, that he may solicite their suits in that country, the bet∣ter by the advan∣tage of his language, and acquaintance. Secondly, that they may the more co∣lourably, deny such English pas∣sengers as begg of them, pleading, that their Rectour, being a stranger, will part with no money, and they have none of their own.	Father Fleck. Floid. Wilson.

Colledge.	Founder.	Benefactours.	Means.
6. Colledge of Ma∣drid in New Ca∣stile in Spain founded 1606.	Joseph Creswel, Jesuite, with money of the two Colledges of Valladolit and Sivil, bought an house here, and built a Colledge thereon.		What they gain by soliciting of suits for Merchants, and others, in the Spa∣nish Court. The rest is supplied unto this Colledg, from the Parents there∣of, I mean, the two Colledges of Valla∣dolit, and Sivil.

Number.

Rectour.

Eminent Scholars.

Colledge.	Founder.	Benefactour.	Means.
7. Colledge of Lo∣vain in Brabant, founded about the year 1606.	Philip the Third, King of Spain, gave a Castle (then much de∣cayed, never much defensive for this City) with a pension to the English Jesuits, to build them a Colledge therewith.

Number.	Rectour.	Eminent Scholars.
Uncertain, as much in mo∣tion, and never all resident here together.

Colledge.	Founder.	Benefactours.	Means.
8. Colledge of Liege in Lukeland founded 1616.	The Arch-Bish∣op of Collen (be∣ing at this time also Bishop of Liege) gave them a pension to live on, and leave to build a fair Col∣ledge here.	Many of the English Nobility, and Gen∣try, under pretence of passing to the Spaw for recovery of their healths, here drop much of their gold by the way. It is doubt∣full how soveraign the Spaw-water will prove to these passen∣gers, but certain that their gold is cordial to these Jesuits.

Number.	Rectour.	Eminent Scholars.
		Mr. Brown, bro∣ther to the last Vicount Moun∣tacute in Sussex, became here a Jesuite.

Colledge.	Founder.	Benefactours.	Means.
9. Colledge of Gant in Flanders founded 1624.	Philip the Fourth, who gave them a pension.

Number.

Rectour.

Eminent Scholars.

One may observe a kinde of gradation in these Colledges. S^t. Omers, gene∣rally is for boyes, to be taught in Grammar: Rome, for youths studying the arts; all the rest for men (Novices, or professed Jesuits) save that Doway is for any, of what age or parts soever. Compare these Colledges amongst themselves, Rome will appear the richest in visible; Valladolit, the cun∣ningest in concealed wealth. Doway the largest in men, and straightest in means; Liege, getting the most from passengers on land; Sivil, gaining the best by Travellers at sea; Madrid, wearing the bravest cloaths (where all

the Jesuits are constant Courtiers) and S^t. Omers eating the best meat, as neerest to England, whence many a dainty bit is daily sent unto them.

22. It is incredible what a mass of mony (much in specie, more in ex∣change) was yearly made over out of England, for the maintenance of these Colledges: having here their Provincials, Sub-Provincials, Assistants, Agents, Coadjutours, Familiars &c. who collected vast sums for them, especially from Catholicks possessed of considerable estates out of Abby-lands, his Holinesse dispensing with them, to hold the same with a clear conscience, if bountifull on all such occasions.

23. We will conclude all with the solemn Oath, which each Student (arrived at mans estate) ceremoniously sweareth, when admitted into one of these Colledges;

I. A. B.a one bred in this English Colledge, considering how great benefits God hath bestowed upon me, but then especially, when he brought me out of mine own Country, so much infected with Herche, and made me a mem∣ber of the Catholick Church, as also desiring with a thankfull heart, to improve so great a mercy of God, have resolved to offer my self wholy up to Divine Service, as much as I may to fulfill the end for which this our Col∣ledge was founded. I promise therefore, and swear in the presence of Almighty God, that I am prepared from mine heart, with the assistance of Divine Grace, in due time to receive Holy Orders, and to return into Eng∣land, to convert the souls of my Countrimen, and kindred, when, and as often, as it shall seem good to the Superiour of this Colledge &c.

Be it remembred, that our long Vacation, is their chiefest Term••; for, in the moneths of August, or September, these Colledges receive their annual sup∣plies of green Students, and then dispatch their ripe N••viciats for England; or, if you will, then take in young spawn, and send their old frogs over hither a croaking. All that I will adde is this; If covetousness should prevail so far, as to pluck down Protestant-Colledges in England, whilest superstition preserves, and increaseth Popish Seminaries beyond the seas, sad would the sight be, to behold the truth on our side encumbred with ignorance, to encounter falsehood on theirs, advantaged with learning and languages.

24. Pope Pius the fifth had now long patiently expected the amend∣ment of Queen Elizabeth; and, weary with his waiting in vain, resolved at last (if not wisely, valiantly) that, seeing desperate diseases must have de∣sperate cures, he would thunder his Excommunication against Her, according to the tenour following.

A Sentence Declaratory of our Holy Lord Pope PIUS QUINTUS, against ELIZABETH Queen of England, and the Hereticks adhering unto Her.

Wherein also Her Subjects are declared absolved from the Oath of Allegiance, and every other thing due unto Her whatsoever. And those, which from hence∣forth obey Her, are innoda∣ted with the Anathema.

Pius Bishop, servant to Gods servants, for a future memorial of the matter.

HE that reigneth on high, to whom is given all power in heaven, and in earth, committed One Holy Catholick, and Apostolick Church, out of which there is no salvation, to one alone upon earth, namely to Peter the chief of the Apostles, and to Peters Successour, the Bishop of Rome to be governed in fulness of power. Him alone he made Prince over all people, and all Kingdoms, to pluck up, de∣stroy, scatter, consume, plant, and build: that he may contain the faithfull that are knit together, with the band of charity in the unity of the Spirit, and present them spotlesse, and unblameable to their Saviour. In discharge of which function, We, which are by Gods goodnesse called to the government of the aforesaid Church, do spare no pains, labouring with all earnestness, that Unity, and the Ca∣tholick Religion (which the Author thereof hath, for the triall of his childrens faith, and for our amendment, suffered with so great afflictions) might be preserved uncorrupt. But the number of the ungodly hath gotten such power, that there is now no place left in the whole world, which they have not assayed to corrupt, with their most wicked Doctrines. Amongst others, Elizabeth, the pretended Queen of England, the servant of wickedness, lending thereunto her helping hand, with whom, as in a Sanctuary, the most pernicious of all have found a refuge. This very woman, having seised on the Kingdom, and monstrously usurping the place of Supreme Head of the Church, in all England, and the chief authority, and jurisdiction thereof, hath again brought back the said Kingdom into miserable de∣struction, which was then newly reduced to the Catholick Faith, and good fruits.

For, having by strong hand inhibited the exercise of the true Re∣ligion, which Mary the lawfull Queen, of famous memory, had by

the help of this See restored, after it had been formerly overthrown by Henry the eighth, a revolter therefrom: and following, and em∣bracing the errours of Hereticks, She hath removed the Royall Councell consisting of the English Nobility, and filled it with obscure men, being Hereticks, suppressed the embracers of the Catholick Faith, placed dishonest Preachers, and Ministers of impieties, abo∣lished the sacrifice of the Mass, Prayers, Fastings, Choice of meats, Unmarried life, and the Catholick Rites, and Ceremonies; com∣manded Books to be read in the whole Realm, containing manifest Heresie, and impious mysteries, and institutions by Her self enter∣tained, and observed according to the prescript of Calvin, to be likewise observed by Her Subjects: presumed to throw Bishops, Parsons of Churches, and other Catholick Priests, out of their Church∣es, and Benefices, and to bestow them, and other Church-livings upon Hereticks, and to determine of Church-causes; prohibited the Prelates, Clergy, and People, to acknowledge the Church of Rome, or obey the Precepts, and Canonicall Sanctions thereof; compelled most of them to condescend to Her wicked Laws, and to abjure the authority, and obedience of the Bishop of Rome, and to acknow∣ledge Her to be sole Ladie in temporall and spirituall matters, and this by oath; imposed penalties, and punishments upon those which o∣beyed not, and exacted them of those, which perserved in the uni∣ty of the faith, and their obedience aforesaid; cast the Catholick Prelates, and Rectors of Churches in prison, where many of them, being spent with long languishing, and sorrow, miserably ended their lives. All which things, seeing they are manifest, and notorious to all Nations, and by the gravest testimony of very many, so substan∣tially proved, that there is no place at all left for excuse, defence, or evasion. We, seeing that impieties, and wicked actions are multi∣plied one upon another; and moreover, that the persecution of the faithfull, and affliction for Religion, groweth every day heavier, and heavier, through the instigation, and means of the said Elizabeth; because We understand Her minde to be so hardened, and indurate, that She hath not only contemned the godly requests, and admoniti∣ons of Catholick Princes, concerning Her healing, and conversion; but (alas) hath not so much as permitted the Nuncioes of this See, to cross the seas into England: are constrained of necessity to betake our selves to the weapons of justice against Her, not being able to mi∣tigate our sorrow; that We are drawn to take punishment upon one, to whose Ancestors the whole state of all Christendome hath been so much bounden. Being therefore supported with His authority, whose pleasure it was to place Us (though unable for so great a burden) in this supreme throne of justice, We do, out of the fulnesse of Our Apostolick Power, declare the aforesaid Elizabeth, being an Here∣tick, and a favourer of Heresies, and Her adherents in the matters aforesaid, to have incurred sentence of Anathema•• and to be cut off from the unity of the body of Christ. And moreover, We do declare Her to be deprived of Her pretended title to the Kingdom aforesaid, and of all Dominion, Dignity, and Priviledge whatsoever; and also the Nobility, Subjects, and People of the said Kingdom, and all o∣ther which have in any sort sworn unto Her, to be for ever absolved from any such oath, and all manner of duty of Dominion, Allegi∣ance and Obedience; As We do also by authority of these presents absolve them, and do deprive the same Elizabeth of Her pretended title to the Kingdom, and all other things above-said. And We do command, and interdict all, and every the Noble-men, Subjects,

People, and others aforesaid, that they presume not to obey Her, or Her monitions, mandates, and laws; and those which shall do the contrary, We do innodate with the like Sentence of Anathem: And, because it were a matter of too much difficulty, to convey these presents to all places, wheresoever it shall be needfull. Our will is, that the copies thereof, under a publick Notaries hand, and sealed with the seal of an Ecclesiastical Prelate, or of his court, shall carry together the same credit, with all people, judicially, and ex∣trajudicially, as these presents should do, if they were exhibited or shewed.

Given at Rome at S^t. Peters, in the year of the incarnation of our Lord, one thousand five hundred sixty nine, the fifth of the Ka∣lends of March, and of Our Popedom, the fifth year. Cae: Glorierius.

H. Cumyn.

25. The principall persons, whose importunity solicited the Pope to thunder out this excommunication, were D^r. Harding, D^r. Stapleton. D^r. Morton, and D^r. Web. And now the news thereof, flying over into England, variously affected the Catholicks, according to their several dispositions.

1. Some admired, and applauded the resolution of His holinesse, ex∣pecting, all persons should instantly start, from the infectious pre∣sence of the Queen; and that that virgin-rose, so blasted, should immediately wither.

2. Others would not believe that there was any such excommunica∣tion at all, but, that it was a mere slander, devised by the common enemy, to make all Catholicks odious.

3. Others accounted such Excommunication, though denounced, of no validity,a because the reasons which moved the Pope thereun∣to, were falsely, and surreptitiously suggested to His Holiness.

4. Others did question the lawfulnesse of all excommunications of Prin∣ces, according to the rule of S^t. Thomas, Princeps, & multitudo non est excommunicanda, where the uncertain profit, which might follow, could not countervail the certain mischief which would ensue.

5. Others did condemne the present excommunication, pro hic, & nunc, as unexpedient, probable to incense, and exasperate the Queen to more severity, and make Her gird Her government closer to their sides, who, thought to shake it off. This was apparent by the wofull experience of the excommunication denounced against King Henry the eighth. Yea, Watson, Bishop of Lincolne (if his b namesake may be credited) was exceedingly grieved at the Popes proceedings herein, foreseeing the inconvenience would thence arise. This same Watson was he, who, in the first of Queen Elizabeth, would in all hast, by his own bare Episcopal power, have excommunicated Her; but now, older and wiser, mollified with ten years durance, he altered his opinion.

6. Others were unsatisfied in the Authenticalness of the instrument, who never did or durst see the original, and were unresolved, whether the copies were sufficiently attested.

7. Others were perplexed in point of conscience, how far they were bound to obey herein, seeing the law of nature obligeth the wife in duty to her husband excommunicated, and the same reason is of the servant to the Master, Subject to the Prince.

8. Lastly, Others were troubled in point of policy, having their persons, and estates in the Queens power; and Bannes the School∣man pleadeth, that Subjects are not bound to desert, or resist their Prince, when such actions necessarily inferr danger of death, and loss of goods.

But, leaving them to have their scruples satisfied by their Confessours, this causelesse curse to Queen Elizabeth was turn'd into a blessing: and, as the Barbarians looked, when S^t. Paul (having the viper upona his hand) should have swoln, and falne down dead, whil'st he shooke it off into the fire without any hurt, or harme: so Papists expected, when the Queen should have miserably expired, stung to the heart with this excommunication, when She, nothing frighted thereat, in silence slighted, and neglected it, without the least dammage to Her power, or person, and no whit the less loy'd of Her subjects, or fear'd of Her enemies. And most false it is which Sandersb reports, that She, by the mediation of some great men, secretly laboured in vain in the Court of Rome, to procure a Revocation of the Popes sentence against Her, as what another relateth: how She was wont to say, that the thing it self grieved Her not so much, as because done by P. Pius, whose Election and life, she hel•• for miraculous.

26. This year two eminent Bishops, once of the same Cathedral, but different Religions, ended their lives. William Barlow, D^r. of Divinity, Canon of S^t. Osith, then Prior of Bisham, successively Bishop of S^t. Asaph, S^t. Davids, and Bath and Wells, in the dayes of King Edward the sixth. Af∣terwards an exile, in the reign of Queen Mary in Germany, where he lived in great want, and poverty, and by Queen Elizabeth he was made Bishop of Chichester, where he was buried. The other Gilbert Bourne Bishop of Bath and Wells, though a zealous Papist, yet of a good nature, well deserving of his Cathedral, and who found also fair usage in his restraint, living in free custody with the Dean of Exeter, and lies buried in the Parish-Church of Silverton.

27. Now was the twelfth year of the Queen fully past with her safety and Honour. In which the Credulous Papists trusting the predictions of South∣sayers, had promised to themselves a Goldenc day as they called it. Instead whereof they are likely to finde many Leaden years hereafter. And hence∣forward the seventeenth of November, the day of the Queens Inauguration was celebrated with far greater Solemnity then ever before. Saint Hugh being for fourty four years left out of our Calenders to make Room for Her Majesty: And John Felton, who fastned the Popes Bull to the Palace of London, being taken and refusing to fly, was hanged on a Gibbet before the Popes Palace.

28. Hugh Price D^r. of the Civill Law, procured the foundation of a Colledge in Oxford on a Ground, where White-hall had been formerly situated, which with Edifices and Gardens thereto belonging, being then in the Crown, Queen Elizabeth gave to so pious a use, and therefore is stiled the Foundress in this Mortmain. However the said Doctor inscribed these following verses over the Gate, when the Building of the Colledge was but begun.

Struxit Hugo Pricius tibi clara Palatia Jesu, Vt Doctor Legum Pectora Docta daret. Hugh Price this Palace did to Jesus Build, That a Laws Doctor Learned men might yield.

But an Oxforda Author telleth us that a Satyrical Pen did under-write with Wit and Wagary enough these following verses.

Nondum struxit Hugo, vix fundamenta Locavit, Det Deus ut possit dicere struxit Hugo.

Hugh hath not Built it yet, may it be said He Built it, who hath scarce the Ground-work Laid.

But no doubt the Scholars therein at their first admission, know how to justifie their reputed Founders words by the Figure of Prolepsis, and can tell you that what is well begun is half finished.

Principalls. Dr. David Lewis, Dr. of Laws. 1. Dr. Lloyd, Dr. of Law, and Dean of the Arches 2. Dr. Griffin Lloyd. Chanc. of Oxon 3. Dr. Fra Bevans 4. Dr. Jo. Williams, Marg. Prof. 5. Griffith Powell, Bac. of Law. 6. Francis Mansell, D. D. Fellow of All-Souls. 7. He resigned his place to Sr. Eubule Thelwel, (one of the Masters of the Chancery) con∣ceiving he might be more servicea∣ble to the Colledge. Sr. Eubule Thelwel. K. 8. Dr. Francis Mansel, rechosen. 9. Michael Roberts, D. D. 10.

Bishops. Morgan Owen, Bi∣shop of Landaffe. Thomas Howel, Bi∣shop of Bristoll, A most ex∣cellent Preacher.

Benefactors. Herbert Westfalling, BP. of Hereford. Hen. Rowland, BP. of Bangor. Griffith Lloyd, Dr. of Law. Griffith Powell. John Williams Dr. of Divinity. Sr Eubule Thelwell, K. who made a Court in a manner. four-square, build∣ed and wainscotted the Hall, perfected the Chappel with a curious and costly Roof &c. Mistres Jane Wood: widdow of Owen Wood Dean of Ar∣magh.

Learned-writers. James Howel an elegant writer.

So that in the year 1634. It had one Principall, sixteen Fellows, sixteen Scho∣lers, most of the ancient British Nation, besides officers and servants of the Foundation, and other Students. All which made up the Number of one hundred and nine.

29. Hitherto Papists generally without regret, repaired to the pub∣like places of Divine Service, and were present at our Prayers, Sermons, and Sacraments. What they thought in their hearts, He knew who know∣eth hearts; but in outward conformity, they kept communion with the

Church of England. In which sense one may say, that the whole land was of one language, and one specch. But now began the tower of Babel to be built, and Popery to encrease, which brought with it the division of tongues, and the common distinction of Papist, and Protestant, the former now separa∣ting themselves from our publick Congregations; They went out from us, be∣cause they were not of us, for, had they been of us, they would have continued with us. Indeed the Pope set his mark of favour on such reputed sheep, as absented themselves from our Churches, henceforward accounting them goats that repaired thither. And now began the word Recusant to be first born and bred in mens mouths. Which (though formerly in being to signify such as refused to obey the edicts of lawfull authority) was now confined in common discourse, to express those of the Church of Rome.

30. Indeed hitherto the English Papists slept in a whole skin, and so might have continued had they not wilfully torn it themselves. For, the late rebellion in the North, and the Pope thundring out his excommunication against the Queen, with many scandalous and pernicious pamphlets daily dispersed, made Her Majesty about this time, first to frown on Papists, then to chide, then to strike them with penalties; and last to draw life-blood from them, by the severity of Her laws. For, now the Parliament sate at West∣minst••r, cutting (as one may say) with a three-edg'd-sword, as making sharp edicts against Papists, non-Conformists, and covetous-Conformists of the Church of England.

31. Against Papists it wasa enacted, that to write, print, preach, express, publish, or affirme, that the Queen was an Heretick, Schismatick &c. should be adjudged treason. Also that it should be so accounted, and punished, to bring, and put in execution, any Bulls, writings, instruments, or other superstitious things from the See of Rome, from the first of July fol∣lowing. A severe Act also was made against Fugitives, who, being the na∣tural borne subjects of this Realm, departed the same without license, and fled into forraign parts. Against non-Conformists it was provided, that eve∣ry Priest or Minister, should before the Nativity of Christ next following, in the presence of his Diocesan, or his deputy, declare his assent, and sub∣scribe to all the Articles of Religion, agreed on in the Convocation, One thousand six hundred sixty and two, upon pain of Deprivation on his refu∣sal thereof. Against covetous-conformists it was provided, that no spiri∣tuall person, Colledge, or Hospitall, shall let lease, other than for the terme of twenty one years, or three lives; the rent accustomed, or more, reserved payable yearly during the said terme.

32. Indeed this law came very seasonably, to retrench the unconscio∣nable covetousness of some Clergy men, who by long, and unreasonable leases (as the Statute tearmed them) dilapidated the lands of their Church∣es. Here it came to pass what the Spouseb complains, that the keepers of the walls tooke her vail away from her. It being true what one said, that those who should have righted her of her wrongs, did wrong her of her rights. Many a Bishoprick so bruised it self when it fell vacant, that it lost some land before a new Bishop was setled therein; where the Elects contracted with their Pro∣moters on unworthy conditions.

33. But no armour can be made of proof against the darts of cove∣tousness, especially when they come from an high and heavy hand of great men in authority. This law was not so cautiously drawn up, but that some Courtiers found a way to evade it, seeing the Crown was not expressed therein, and left capable of such leases (as, God-willingc hereafter shall be largely related) by which single shift they frustrated the effect of this law. Thus a ship may (though not as suddenly, as certainly) be sunk with one, as with a thousand leaks.

34. We return to the Queen of Scots, of whom we have heard nothing this three years of Ecclesiasticall cognizance, nor now meet with any thing of that nature save this letter, which though somewhat long, yet because never as yet printed, and acquainting us with some passages in her restraint, is not unworthy the perusall.

Most Blessed Father,

AFter the kissing of your most holy feet, about the beginning of October, I received your Holiness Letter, written the thirteenth of July, by which I understood not only the Benediction which your Holiness sent me, and which was, and shall be alwayes to me most ac∣ceptable, but also the great demonstration of your good will to com∣fort me. I rested therewith singularly comforted indeed, partly be∣cause it was pleased earnestly, to recommend both me, and the af∣fairs of my estate to the most Potent Princes, and especially to the most renouned Kings of France and Spain. But withall there is yet remaining on the other part to work so with Christian Princes, that making a strict league among themselves, they should spare no vi∣gilance, nor Travels, nor expences, once to abate the most Cruell Tyrant who continually thinketh of no other thing, then to move warr against us all. And might it please God, that all other things might correspond with my will, besides that I were to do the same also, your Blessednesse should see it with effect, which should be, that not only I, but also my subjects, with a will conform to their body, and together with other Christians, would put our selves forward to do our utmost force. But what thing is there to be seen more wor∣thy of compassion, then to see my self fallen into so great infelicity, from that happinesse wherein I found my self lately; What thing is more lamentable then from a Free-woman as I was, to become a Servant. To these miseries is added, that my Country is at this day, wrapped in such and so many calamities, and beaten down with so many inroads of the English, that many and many Towns have been set on fire, and flames, many Castles and most fair Churches ruinated to the very Foundations. But that which is worse, my Inhabitants and Subjects, without scarce doing the least offence unto them, have been more cruelly slain. But What? shall I say nothing of my self? Is it not clear unto all men, how I have been continually in divers and sundry perils. I call God to witnesse, who knows with what great∣ness of miseries I have been alwayes stifled, and that which yet makes this Tempest more cruel unto me is, that those who had promised to make provisions for my good, have afterwards failed me, nor gi∣ven me the least favour in the world, nor do I hope that ever they will do it, except perhaps these made or prepared for or journey most inclined to help me, shall not be moved to under∣take such enterprises in my behalf. But to say the truth of it, al∣though there were succours gathered together, and a most assured Army of-from beyond the Seas, certainly not without great perill, could they cross the Ocean into Scotland in the winter time, which then is wont to be most turbulent and stormy. But the English on the other side, who are not separated from the Scots, with any River in∣terposed between them, are able not only in Summer, but in Winter time also to move warr against the Scots themselves, who when there doth rise up even the least occasion of discord between them, are wont suddenly to put themselves effectually into Arms. Con∣strained

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therefore by these principall respects, without I should expose the interest of my Life and Country, to the hazard of the greatest dangers, I am by no means able to help it, but that even to my greatest disadvantage I must make peace with the English, saving alwayes (as they say) my honour and conscience, because ho∣nour doth regard the civill administration, whereby to be able after∣wards to rule or govern the Commonwealth. Then the conscience, as being the forme and force divine, given to men to direct them to a good end which admitting it to be sometimes straightned and bound with calamities; Yet nevertheless may it neither for torments, nor for promises of rewards be ever expelled or deprived from the Commu∣nion, and obedience of the Catholick Church. But amongst other things, it now happeneth that I must relate to your Holiness one thing most truly bitter unto me, that is, that we are come to those tearms of desiring my only Son, the Heir of the Temporal Kingdoms, to be delivered by a certain time into the hands of the English, by way of Hostage or pledge, reserving to me nevertheless, the liberty to appoint him such Governours and Councellours afterwards, as shall best please me. There is moreover granted leave of accession unto him, not only for me, but likewise to all those that for my satisfaction shall be sent into England to visit him. Let not your Holiness for this cause have any doubt, but that he shall be not only full of good and holy conversation; but also (though he be amongst an unluckie nation) a perfect member of the Catholick and Apostolick Church, and alwayes ready and prone to help the same. But because that by this my let∣ter, I may not extend my self in greater length beyond my duty, I do conclude with this, that I have determined with my self, never∣theless to give your Holiness to understand of my estate, and of all these things which for the present do pass between them and me, and if these also which shall happen in the journey of any importance, and because it is a most difficult thing to put all my occasions in wri∣ting, I have for that cause informed the Bishop of Dublin with all mine occurrences, as him that is, and alwayes hath been, my most faithfull N••ncio, and most lovingly affected towards your Holiness, and the seat Apostolick. May it please your Holiness to give faith unto him, concerning all the things whereof he shall treat with you in my name. Mean time I pray our Lord God, that he by his most holy grace, protect the Catholick Church from all the wicked thoughts of her Adversaries, in which case all we have fixed our eyes upon your Holiness, as upon a most clear light, expecting of the same continu∣ally in name of his Divine Majesty your most Holy Benediction. And all with the same minde do desire unto your Holiness a most long life, to the glory of the most mighty God, and comfort of all the faith∣full,

From Chattisworth in England, the last of October 1570.

The most Devout Daughter of your Holiness Mary the Queen.

Who so consults our State-Historians in this very juncture of time, shall finde the Queen of Scots on tolerable tearms (daily likely to amend) with Queen Elizabeth. Yea, now she was in the Verticall of her favour, wherein hence-forward she began to decline, principally for practising with the Pope and Forraign Princes.

SECTION. III.

To M^rs. ANNE DANVERS of Chelsey.

Madam,

LEt not your Maiden modesty be betrayed to a blush, seeing your self here left alone, sorrounded on all sides with Masculine Dedications. It will keep you in countenance, if reflecting your eye, either on the first page of this Booke, or side Columnes of this page: Where you shall finde the Queen of Virgins in the front thereof, whose Reign in this Booke is described. Indeed a portion thereof, being designed to your late Brother, (now glorious Saint) falls of course to you, with his goods, and Chat∣tells, as his sole Executrix. If any Latine Letters occurr in this Section, I doubt not, but God will seasonably provide you such a Consort, who, (amongst his many other Virtues) will change you to a happy wife, and translate them to your understanding.

1. ABout this time deceased William Alley Bishop of Exeter, a Painfull Preacher, and John Jewell of Salisbury, of whom largely before. He was borne in Devonshire, bred first in Merton, then Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxford, first Pupill to, afterwards Fellow Exile with M^r. Parkhurst in Germany. After Queen Maries death Parkehurst durst not for danger return with Jewell, but went a securer way (as he supposed) by himself. Though Jewell came safe and sound home, whilest Parkehurst was robbed of all in his return, and relieved by the other at his journies end, and soon after both of them were made Bishops. M^r. Parkehurst of Norwich, and Jewell of Salisbury.

2. A Jewell (sometimes taken for a single precious stone) is properly a collective of many, orderly set together to their best advantage. So severall eminences met in this Worthy man. Naturals, Artificials (amongst which I

recount his studied memory, deserving as well as Theodectes the Sophister, the Sirname of Mnemonicus) Moralls, but principally Spiritualls. So devout in the Pew where he prayed, diligent in the Pulpit where he preached, grave on the Beach, where he assisted, milde in the Consistory where he judged, plea∣sant at the Table where he fed, patient in the bed where he died, that well it were if in relation to him, Secund••m usum Sarum were made Precedentiall to all Posterity. He gave at his death to Peter Martyr a golden rose (yet more fragrant for the worth of the Giver, then the value of the gift) To the City of Zurich a Present which they converted into a piece of Plate with Jewells Arms thereon. To severall Scholars, large Legacies. To the Church of Salisburie a fair Library, and another to the Church of England, I mean his learned APOLOGIE. It is hard to say, whether his soul, or his Ejaculations arri∣ved first in Heaven, seeing he prayed dying, and died praying. He was bu∣ried in the Quire by Bishop Wivill, Two Champions of the Church lying toge∣ther, one who with his sword proffered to maintain the Lands; The other, who with his penn defended the Doctrine thereof. In the absence of Doctor Humfreys designed for that service, M^r. Giles Laurence preached his Funeralls, who formerly (being Tutor to the Children of S^r. Arthur Darcy by Algate in London) in Queen Maries dayes preserved Jewells life, and provided accommo∣dation for his flight beyond the Seas.

3. Hitherto, the Bishops had been the more sparing in pressing, and others more daring in denying subscription, because the Canons made in the Convocation 1563, were not for 9. years after confirmed by act of Parlia∣ment. But now the same being ratified, by Parliamentall authority, they began the urging thereof more severely then before, which made many dissenters keep their private meetings ina woods, fields, their friends hou∣ses &c.b I say private meetings, for Conventicles I must not call them, ha∣ving read what one hath written, that name (which agreeth to Anabaptists) is too light and contemptuous, to set forth such assembles, where Gods Word and Sa∣craments are administred, even by the confession of their adversaries.

4. Indeed no disgrace is imported in the notation of the word Conventicle, sounding nothing else but a small Convention. And (some will say) can the Infant the [diminative] be a tearm of reproach, where the mother the [privitive] is creditable in the acception thereof? However Custome (the sole mint-master of currant words) hath took of Conventitles from signifying a small number, to denote the meeting of such (how many soever) in a clan∣destine way, contrary to the commands of the present lawfull Authority.

5. And now Thomas Cartwright (chief of the nonconformists) pre∣sents the Parliament with a Book cal'd an admonition, some members taking distaste at the Title thereof. For seeing Admonition is the lowest of Ecclesi∣asticall censures, and a preparative (if neglected) to Suspension, and Excom∣munication, such suggested, that if the Parliament complied not with this Admonitors desires, his party, (whereof he the speaker) would proceed to higher and lowder Fulminations against the Parliament. Whereas admoni∣tion is a soft word in the Common (but especially in the scripture) acception thereof, and may with humility on just occasion be tendered from Infe∣riours, to any single Persons or Christian Corporation. This Admonition con∣tained their grievances who presented it, with a declaration of the only way to redress them, viz. by admitting that platforme which was there prescri∣bed. This not finding the entertainment it expected, was seconded by another, more importunate to the same effect.

6. It will not be amiss to set down what writings, pro, and con, passed on the occasion of this Booke, between two eminent Authors of opposite parties.

1. The Admonition, first, and second, made by M^r. Cartwright.

2. The Answer to the Admonition by D^r. John Whitgist.

3. The reply to the answer of the Admonition by M. Tho. Cartwright.

4. The defence of the answer by D^r. John Whitgift.

This last kept the field, and (for ought I can finde) received no solemn re∣futation.

7. Sundry reasons are assigned of M^r. Cartwrights silence, all belee∣ving, as they are affected, and most being affected, as led by their in∣terest. Some ascribed it to his weakness, who having spent all his powder and shot in former fights, was forced to be quiet for the future. Others, to his pride (undervalu••ng, what he could not over-come) counting Whitgifts last answer, no answer, but a repetition of what was confuted before. Others imputed it to his Patience, seeing otherwise multiplying of Replies, would make brauls infinite, and whilst women strive for the, last word, men please themselves with the lost reason. Others, to the policy of that party, re∣solving to go a new way to wa••k, and to turne their serious books, into Satyri∣call pamphlets. Some few attributed it to M^r. Cartwrights modest respect to his Adversary, who had gotten the upper ground of him, (Whitgist being soon after made BP. and Arch Bishop) though in my minde this would more heighten, then abate their opposition.

8. The Nonconformists though over-powred for the present in Parlia∣ment, yet found such favour therein, that after the dissolution thereof, they presumed to erect a Presbitery ata Wandsworth in Surrey Eleven El∣ders were chosen therein, and their Offices, and generall rules (by them to be observed) agreed upon and described, as appears by a bill indorsed with the hand of M^r. Field, the Lecturer (as I take it) of that place, but living in London. M^r. Smith of Micham, and M^r. Cr••ne of Roughampton, (neighbouring villages) are mentioned for their approbation of all passages therein. This was the first-born of all Presbyt••ries in England, and secundum usum Wandesworth, as much honoured by some, as secundam usum Sarum by others.

9. It may seem a wonder that the Presbyterian discipline, should ripen sooner in this countrey Village then in London it self, whereas yet they were not arrived at so formall a constitution, though we may observe two sorts of Ministers:

• First M^r.
  • 1 Field.
  • 2 Wilcox.
  • 3 Standen.
  • 4 Jackson.
  • 5 Bonhim.
  • 6 S••intloe.
  • 7 Crane.
  • 8 Edmonds.
• Afterwards M^r.
  • 1 Charke.
  • 2 Travers.
  • 3 Barber.
  • 4 Gardner.
  • 5 Cheston.
  • 6 Crooke.
  • 7 Egerton.
  • 8—.

The former of these were principally against Ministers attire, and the com∣mon prayer booke. The later, indeavoured the modelling of a new di∣scipline, and it was not long, before both streams uniting together. Non∣conformity began to bear a large and great Channell in the City of London.

10. This same year happened a cruell massacre in Paris the French Protestants being bidden thither under the pretence of a nuptiall solemnitie. But never were such black favours given at a wedding, Admirall Coligny, (the pillar of the reformed Church) being slain in his bed on Bartholomew∣eve, whose day then, and for some years after, was there remarkable for wet weather.

Bartholomeus flet, quia Gallicus occubat Atlas. Bartholomew bemoans with rain The Gallicke Atlas thereon slain.

William Cecill Lord Burley invited to be there, wisely kept himself at home, otherwise perchance our English Nestor, had been sent the same way with the French Atlas, and ten thousand Protestants of name and note slain in that City within three dayes.

11. Let not the following passage be censured for superflucus in this our Booke, whose omission would be condemned as a defect by others,a Agnes Bridges a maid about 20. and Rachel Pinder a girle about 12. years old, so cunningly counterfeited themselves possest with the Devill, that they decei∣ved many Ministers in London, from whom more wisdome and less credu∣lity, might justly have been expected. Thus these liars, belied the father of lies by their dissimulation. And now what praying, and preaching, and fasting, was there to dispossesse them, to the no small derision of prophane persons when their forgery was discovered. However such scoffing may be punished, when the others shall have their erroneous judgement pardoned, and well-intended charity rewarded. Soon after those impostresses were dete∣cted, penance at S^t. Pauls-cross on them imposed, by them publickly (and for outward view) penitently performed, the present beholders satisfi∣ed, the formerly deluded rectified, to be more wise, and wary for the future.

12. Now began the Anabaptists wonderfully to increase in the land, and as we are sorry that any Countrymen should be seduced with that opini∣on, so we are glad that English as yet were free from that infection. For on Easter day was disclosed a Congregation of Dutcha Anabaptists without Algate in London, whereof seven and twenty were taken and imprisoned, and foure bearing faggots at Pauls Cross solemnly recanted their dangerous opinions.

13. Next moneth one Dutchmanb and ten women were condemned, of whom, One woman was converted to renounce her errours, eight were banished the Land, two more so obstinate, that command was issued out for their burning in Smithsield. But, to reprieve them from so cruel a death, a grave Divine sent the following letter to Queen Elizabeth, which we request the Reader to peruse, and guess at the Authour thereof.

SErenissima, Beatissima Princeps, Regina illustrissima, Patriae De∣cus, Saeculi Ornamentum. Vt nihil ab animo meo omnique ex∣pectatione abfuit longius, quàm ut majestatis tuae amplissimam excellentiam molesta unquam interpellatione obturbatem: ita vehementer dolet silenti∣um hoc, quo hactenus constanter sum usus, non eadem constantia perpetuo tueri ita ut volebam licuisse. Ita nunc praeter spem ac opinionem meam nescio qua infalicitate evenit, ut quod omnium volebam minime, id contra me maxime faciat hoc tempore. Qui cum ita vixerim hucusque, ut mole∣stus fuerim nemini, invitus nunc cogar contra naturam Principi etiam ipsi esse importunus, non re ulla aut causa mea, sed aliena inductus calamitate. Quae quo acerbior sit & luctuosior hoc acriores mihi addit ad deprecandum slimulos. Nonnullos intelligo in Anglid hîc esse non Anglos, sed adventi∣tios, Belgas quidem opinor, partim viros, partim Foeminas, nuper ob im∣probata dogmata in judicium advocatos. Quorum aliquot foeliciter reducti publica luerunt poenitentia, complures in exilium sunt condemnati, idque redissimè meo judicio factum esse arbitror. I am ex hoc numero unum esse ant alterum audio, de quibus ultimum exustionis supplicium (nisi succur∣rat

tua pietas) brevi sit statuendum, Qua una in re duo contineri perspicio, quornm alterum ad errorum pravitatem, alterum ad supplicii acerbitatem attinet. Ac erroribus quidem ipsis nihil possit absurdius esse, sanus nemo est qui dubitat, mirorque tam faeda opinionum portenta in quosquam potuisse Christianos cadere. Sed ita habet humane infirmitatis conditie, si divina paululum luce destituti nobis relinquimur, quo non ruimus praecipites? At∣que equidem hoc nomine Christo gratias quam maximas habeo, quod An∣glorum hodie neminem huic insaniae affinem video. Quod igitur ad pha∣naticas istas sectas attinet, eas certe in republica nullo modo sovendas esse, sed idonea comprimendas correctione censeo. Verum enim vero ignibus ac flammis, pice ac sulphure aestuantibus viva miserorum corpora torrefacere judi∣cii magis caecitate quàm impetu voluotatis errantium, durum istud ac Roma∣ni magis exempli esse quam Evangelicae consuetudinis videtur, ac planè ejusmodi, ut nisi à Romanis Pontificibus, authore Innocentio tertio primùm pro∣fluxisset, nunquam istum perillitaurum quisquam in mitem Christi ecclesiam importavisset. Non quod maleficiis delecter, aut erroribus cujusquam sa∣veam dicta haec esse velim, vitae hominum, ipse homo quum sim, faveo ideo∣que saveo, non ut erret, sed ut rescipiscat. Ac neque hominum solum, Vtinam & pecudibus ipsis opitulari possem. Ita enim fum (stultè fortassis haec de meipso, at verè dico) macellum ipsum ubi mactantur etiam pecudes, vix praetereo, quin tacito quodam doloris sensu mens refugiat. Atque equidem in co Dei ipsius valde admiror, venerorque toto pectore clementiam, qui in jumentis illis brutis & abjectis, quae sacrificiis olim parabantur, id prospexerat, nè prius ignibus mandarentar, quàm sanguis eorum ad Basim altaris essunderetur. Vnde disceremus in exigendis suppliciis, quamvis justis, non quid omnino rigori liceat, sed ut clementia simul adhibita rigoris temperet asperitatem.

Quamobrem si tantum mihi apud Principis tanti majestatem au∣dere liceret, supplex pro Christo rogarem clementissimam hanc regiae sublimi∣tatis excellentiam pro authoritate hac mea, qua ad vitam multorum con∣secrandam pellere, Te divina voluit clementia, ut vitae si fieri possit (quid enim non possit iis in rebus authoritas tua?) miserorum parcatur, saltem ut horrori obsistatur, atque in aliud quodcunque commutetur supplicii genus. Sunt ejectiones, inclusiones retrusae, sunt vincula, sunt perpetua exilia, sunt stigmata, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 aut etiam patibula, id unum valde deprecor, ne piras ac flammas Smithfieldianas jam diu faustissimis tuis auspiciis huc us{que} sopitas sinas nunc recandescere. Quod si nè id quidem obtineri possit, id saltem omnibus supplicandi modis efflagito 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pectoris tui implorans, ut mensem tamen unum aut alterum nobis concedas, quo inte∣rim experiamur, an à periculosis erroribus dederit Dominus ut resanescant, ne cum corporum jactura, animae pariter cum corporibus de aeterno pericliten∣tur exitio.

This letter was written by M^r. John Fox (from whose own hand I transcri∣bed it) very loath that Smithfield formerly consecrated with Martyrs ashes, should now be prophaned with Hereticks, and desirous that the Papists might enjoy their own Monopolie of cruelty in burning condemned Persons. But though Queen Elizabeth constantly called him Her Father Fox, yet herein was she no dutifull Daughter, giving him a flat Indeed damnable were their impieties, and she necessitated to this severity, who having for∣merly punished some Traitours, if now sparing these Blasphemers, the world would condemn her, as being more earnest in asserting her own safety, then Gods honour. Hereupon the Writ de Haeretico comburendo (which for seventeen years had hung only up in terrorem) was now taken down and put in exe∣cution, and the two Anabaptists burned in Smithfield, died in greata horrour with crying and roaring.

14. I am loath this letter should stand alone, and therefore will second it with another (though nothing of this nature) which I may call a private-publick one, private for the Subject, publick for the use thereof. First to acquaint us with the character of Magdalen Colledge, and generally of all Oxford, (not to say England) in those dayes, secondly to shew that though M^r. Fox came not up in all particulars to cleave the pin of Conformity (as refusing to subscribe) yet he utterly distasted the factious People of that age. Lastly, that the Papists who miscalled him Iohn Lack-latine may ap∣pear as so many Lack-Truths by his fluent and familiar language.

15. Only a word to the Read r, informing him with the cause of this letter. Samuel his eldest Son, Batchelour of Arts, and Fellow of Magdalen Colledge in Oxford, travelled beyond the Seas, without leave either from Father or Colledge. At his return he was causelessly accused for a Papist, and expelled the Colledge by a Faction of people, whose names I had rather the Reader should take from M^r. Fox his pen then mine own. And now as once Tully pro domo sua strained all the nerves of his Rhetorick, so see here how Pathetically this old man pro filio suo writes to a reverend Bishop of the Church.

QUando, quomodo, quibus verbis, qua dicendi sigura pares agam gra∣tias singulari vixque credibili humanitati tuae (Vir reverende, idemque Doclissime Praesul) qua me miserum tot, tantisque aerumnis obsi∣tum, imo obrutum, literis tam amanter scriptis, & erigere jacentem, & ereclum, resocillare volueris. In quo pulchrè tu quidem hoc exemplo re∣preseatas, quid sit verè Episcopum agere in Domo Domini. Quid enim Antistetem verè Chrisianum, veriùs vel arguit, vel commendat insigniùs, quà n charitas toties in Christianis literis exhibita. Aut ubinam haec ipsa charitas vim suam poterit illustriùs explicare, quam in sacro hoc consolandi officio, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Vsque adeo tot simul ad∣versae res omnem mihi & constantiam & patientiam penè expectorabunt. Cui enim, quamlibet adamantinum pectus, non consterneret inaúdita haec hominum ingratissimorum inhumanitas, in ea presertim Academia, eó∣que Collegio, unde nihil unquam minùs expectabam quàm tale aliquid ab iis mihi eventurum. Quos si non meae seneclutis & paupertatis ratio com∣movere, at ipsorum tamen vel humanitas, vel literarum, quas profitentur, consuetudo polire ad humaniorem modestiam debuisset. Quod autem de me∣is, vel erga illos, vel erga alios meritis, honoranda tua pietas humanissimè praedicat in eo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 satis contemplor; In me nihil ag∣nosco eorum quae tribuis. Illud confiteor, semper cavisse me sedulò, ut si minùs prodesse multis licuerit, ne sciens tamen obessem cuiquam, tum mini∣mè verò omnium Magdalensibus, quo magis id mihi admirationi habetur, quis tam turbulentus Genius factiosa ista Puritanorum capita afflaverit, ut sic violatis gratiarum legibus, spretis meis adse literis & precibus, con∣tempta ipsius Praesidis intercessione, nulla praemissa admonitione, nec causa reddita, tantam hanc in me, filiumque tyrannidem exercuerint. Atqui verò ut hoc ijs concedam, non tam purum esse & immunem ab omni naevo filium meum, atque sunt isti terpuri Puritani. At in his tamen naevis illius, nullum adhuc comperi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 tam magnum, quàm majores fortè 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in moribus ipsorum conspicere liceat. Et ubi interim fraterna illa inter fratres admonitio, quam tantopere exigit Evangelica cautio, ubi disciplina illa Apostolica 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉? Certè plusquam atrox facinus intercedat oportet, quod tam atroci ejectionis vindicatione luendum sit; sed latet in hac herba alius fortasse anguis, quam quia isti

proferre non audent, ego in lucem producam. Flagrat Collegium hoc horri∣bili factione, cujus altera pars propensioribus studiis incumbit in suum Prae∣sidentem. Altera istorum est quos dico 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, qui modis omnibus dant operam ut partes sui Praesidis labefactent, ipsumque vel in suam redi∣gant potestatem, vel sede prorsus evertant. Quia vero filius meus cum al∣tero ejus Collega, Praefecto suo ita, ut par erat, inclinatior videbatur, propte∣rea societate exhaeredatur. Accedit huic & alia causa, quam tam filio quam mihi ipsi imputo.

Quod si enim is essem, qui perbacchari cum eis contra Episcopos, & Archi-Episcopos, aut scribam me praebere illorum ordini, hoc est, insanire cum illis voluissem, nunquam istos in me aculeos exacuissent. Nunc quia totus ab ijs alienus partes illas sectari maluerim, quae modestiae sunt, & pub∣licae tranquillitatis, hinc odium in me conceptum jam diu, in hanc demum efferbuit acerbitatem. Quod cùm ita sit, non jam quid mea causa velitis facere, id postulo, quin potius quid vestra ipsorum causa cogitandum sit, Vos qui Proceres estis ecclesiae etiam atque etiam deliberatae Quod ad me autem attinet, quamvis erepta filio societas haud leni affieit animum aegritudine, tamen quia res privata agitur, hoc fero moderatiùs. Magis me commovet publicae Ecclesiae ratio. Videor enim suboriri quoddam hontinum genus, qui si invalescant, viresque in hoc Regno colligant, piget hîc referre, quid futurae perturbationis praesagit mihi animus; Olim sub Monachorum fucata hypocrisi quanta sit nata lues Religioni Christianae, minimè ignorat prudentia tua, Nunc in istis nescio quod novum Monachorum genus re∣viviscere videtur, tantò illis perniciosius, quantò calidiore fallendi arti∣ficio sub praetextu perfectionis personati isti Histriones gravius occultant venenum, qui dum omnia exigunt ad strictissimae suae disciplinae, & con∣scientiae gnomones, haud videntur prius desituri, donec omnia in Judaicam redigant servitutem. Sed de ijs alius sortassis pleniore manu 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Interim celeberimae tuae dignitati Vir honorande, cum publico ecclesiae no∣mine, & animum istum, & sedem quam tenes meritò gratulor, tum mea privatim causa ob singulare tuum in me studium gratias habeo permaxi∣mas; Precorque Dominum omnium gratiarum fontem cumulatissimum, ut ecclesiam suam periculosissimis ijs temporibus propugnet ac tueatur, ut Pa∣stores se dignos foveat, provehatque, tum intra istos, Te inprimis sacris ipsius bonis, donisque indies magis magisque locupletet, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Amplissime, juxta ac ornatissime Praesul,

Tuus in Christo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Joannes Foxus.

If this good man appeareth too passionate herein, score it neither on his old age, nor on his affection to his Son, but on the unjust affront offered unto him, who at last was restored Fellow by the Queen her Mandate, and he pri∣vately cast out by a Faction, to his great disgrace, was publickly brought in again by authority, to his greater reputation.

16. We may plainly perceive by this letter, how powerfull the Party of Non-conformists was grown at this time, and to what violences and extra∣vagancies some went in their practices, insomuch that D^r. Humphred then President of Mandlins, and M^r. Fox himself (both which scrupled subscripti∣on in some particulars) were deserted by them as Luke-warme and remiss in the Cause. Yea even of those who were Duriores Puritani, all were

not equally rigid, but Coleman, Burton, Hallingham, and Benson out-did all of their own opinions. Thus those loaves which are ejusdem farinae (of the same meale, yea of one Batch, out of the same Oven) are not all hard and crustie alike.

17. The death of Matthew Parker, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, added much to their increase. He was a Parker indeed, carefull to keep the fences, and shut the gates of Discipline against all such Night-Stealers as would invade the same. No wonder then if the tongues and pens of many were whetted against Him, whose complaints are beheld by discreet men, like the excla∣mations of Truantly-Schollers against their Masters severity, correcting them for their faults. This Arch-Bishop was an excellent Antiquarie (without any Anticknesse) a great Benefactour to Bennet Colledge in Cambridge, on which he bestowed many Manuscripts, so that that Librarie (for a private one) was the Sun of English Antiquity in those dayes, though now no more then the Moon, since that of S^r. Robert Cottons is risen up.

18. But a large Authour, though not daring to deny due praises to his memory, causelessly taxed him for being too Ponteficall in his Buildings and Feastings. Particularly he charged him, that whereas the Pope thundred out an Excommunication against Queen Elizabeth,a yet saith he) I read of no refu∣tation made of it by this Arch-Prelate, as if this were such a sin of omission in him, and he bound by his place to answer every Romish railing Rabshhekah. But let him know that in his learned Book of Antiquitates Britanicae, he hath laid down those Historicall grounds, which may be improved to the baiting of the whole Herd of Popish Bulls, or if you will to make all those Bubbles sinke to nothing. A worke, out of which his Accuser hath taken so much, that he cannot pretend to the commendation of Industrie (the poorest praise of a Writer) being no better then a lazie Translatour. And as the Spleen is subservient to the Lever, to take from it only the most putrid and feculent blood, so hath he solely transcribed thence (and from BP. Godwins Cata∣logue) the faults and failings of all the English Prelacie, passing over in silence their due and just commendation. Ed. Grindall succeeded him in his place, a Prelate most PRIMITIVE in all his conversation.

19. We must not forget Margaret the Wife of Arch-Bishop Parker, a pa∣tern for all Presates Wives. In the reign of King Henry the eighth, though se∣ven years contracted (by mutuall consent forbearing marriage, then unlaw∣full for Clergie-men) such her fidelity, that she was deaf to richer proffers.b When married under Edward the sixth, so modest, that BP. Ridley asked, whether Ms. Parker had a sister, intimating that such a Consort would make him recede from his resolution of a single life. In Queen Maries dayes, not only great her patience to partake of, but industry to relieve her Husbands wants. In Queen Elizabeths time, so admirable her humility, as no whit elated with prosperity.

20. S^r. Francis Englefield, of whom formerly in the Colledge of Valla∣dolt, to leave a Monument to posterity, of his industry and good will to the Catholick-Cause; He with William Allen obtained of Pope Gregory the thirti∣eth, thirteen Indulgencies for the English Nation and the will-wishers of their Conversion. Whereof this the first,

That whosoever should carry about him such consecrated Beads, fast on Wednesday, forbear one meal on Saturday, pray for the Holy Father the Pope, the peace of the Church, and chiefly for the re∣conciling of England, Scotland, and Ireland, to the Church of Rome, should have an hundred years pardon. But if this fast be observed with bread and water, a thousand years pardon.

It may seem in some sort an argument for the Antiquity of those Indulgences, that the resent of the vivacity of the ancient Patriarks before the Flood in par∣doning so many years above the possibility of our age. Now what becommeth of the Surplus-age of these Pardons after the Parties life, let others dispute. Namely, whether Indulgentia moritur cum persona, or whether they be be∣queathable by will, and in case the person dies Intestate, fall like goods and Chattells to his next heir. Sure I am S^r. Francis is beheld by Catholicks as a Benefactour Generall to our Nation, and these Grants were solemnly passed sub annulo Piscatoris, and Glorierius attesting the same. This S^r. Francis was afterwards buried in the English Colledge at Valadolid in Spain having bountiful∣ly contributed to the erecting thereof.

21. James Pilkinton BP. of Durham ended his life, formerly Master of S^t. Johns Colledge in Cambridge. He was (as appeareth by many of his let∣ters) a great Conniver at Nonconformity, and eminent for commencing a Suite against Queen Elizabeth, for the lands and goods of the Earls of Nor∣thumberland and Westmerland after their attaindor, as forfeited to him Prince Palatine within his Diocess. But the Queen prevailed, because on her charg∣es she had defended Bishop and Bishoprick against that Rebellion, when both his Infant-Daughters (conveyed away in Beggars cloaths) were sought for to be killed by the Papists. These afterwards with foure thousand pounds apiece, were married (the one to S^r. James Harrington, the other to M^r. Dunce of Bark-shire) which portions the Courtiers of that age did behold with envi∣ous eyes, for which the Bishoprick sped no whit the better.

22. The same year concluded the life of Edward Deering an eminent Divi••e, born of a very ancient and worthy family in Kent, bred Fellow of Christs Colledge in Cambridge, a pious man and painfull Preacher, but disaf∣fected to Bishops and Ceremonies. Once preaching before Queen Elizabeth, he told her, that when in persecution under her sister Queen Mary, her Motto was Tanquam Ovis as a sheep, but now it might be, Tanquam indomita juvenca as an untamed Heifer. But surely the Queen still retained much of her anci∣ent Motto as a sheep, in that she patiently endured so publick (and conceive∣ed causeless) reproof, in inflicting no punishment upon him, save command∣ing him to forbear further preaching at the Court.

23. Rowland Jenkes, a Popish Book-seller was indicted at the Summer Assiscs in Oxford, for dispersing of scandalous Pamphlets defamatory to the Queen and State. Here, on a suddain happened a strange mortality, where∣of died,

• S^r. Robert Bell, Lord
• Chief Baron, a great
• Lawyer.
• S^r. Robert De Oile.
• S^r. Will. Babington.
• M^r. De Oile. High Sheriffe.
• M^r. Wenman.
• M^r. Danvers.
• M^r. Fettiplace.
• M^r. Hare-Court.
• Justices.
• M^r. Kerle.
• M^r. Greenwood.
• M^r. Foster.
• M^r. Nash.
• Gentlemen of good ac∣count.
• Sergeant Bernham an excel∣lent Pleader.

Almost all the Jurie-men, and of other persons there present threea hun∣dred died in the Town, and two hundred more sickning there died in other places within a Moneth. Amongst whom notb either Woman or Child.

24. Sanders calleth this, ingens miraculum, and ascribeth it as a just punishment on the cruelty of the Judge for sentencing the Stationer, to lose his Ears. Adding moreover, that the Protestants (whose Philosophers and Physitians could not finde the naturall cause thereof) gave it out, that the Pa∣pists by Magick arts had procured this infection. The best is, his words are no slanders.

25. But heare how a profound Scholler, no less happy in finding, then dili∣gent in searching the mysteries of nature, and utterly unconcerned in this quarrel, delivereth his judgement in the like case.

a The most pernicious infection next to the Plague, is the smell of the Jaile; When Prisoners have been long, and clese, nastily kept, Whereof we have had experience twice or thrice in our time; When both the Judges that sate upon the jaile, and numbers of those that attended the business, or were present, sickned upon it, and died. Therefore it were good wisdome that in such cases, the Jaile were aired, before they be brought forth. Other∣wise most dangerous are the smells of mans-flesh, or sweat putrified; For they are not those stincks, which the Nostrills streight abhor, and ex∣pell, which are most pernicious; But such aires as have some similitude with mans body; And so insinuate themselves and betray the Spirits.

Of these Mortalities mentioned by this Author, the first probably was this at Oxford (happening within the verge of youthfull memory) the other two at Hereford in the Reigns of King James, and King Charls. The like chanced some foure years since at Croydon, in Surrey, where a great depopulation happened, at the Assises of Persons of quality, and the two Judges, Baron Yites, and Baron Rigby getting their banes there, died few dayes after. Yet here no Papists were arraigned to amount it to a Popish miracle, so that Saun∣ders his observation is no whit conclusive, naturall causes being afforded of such casualties.

26. We may remember how in the year, One thousand five hundred seuenty and one, a severe Law was made against such who brought any su∣perstitions Trinkets (Badges of the Romish vassalage) into England. This Law lay Dormant for these last six years, and was never put into execution, that Papists might not pretend themselves surprised into punishment through the ignorance of the Law, so long a time being allowed unto them, that they might take serious cognizance of the said statute in this behalf: And therefore let such Catholicks who complaine of cruelty herein, produce a Precedent of the like lenity amongst them used to Offendors. But now one Cuthbert Maine a Priest, was drawn, hanged and quartered at Lanston in Cornewall, for his ob∣stinate maintaining of the Papall power, and one Trugion a Gentleman of that County, was condemned to loss of all his goods and perpetuall imprisonment for affording harbour unto him.

27. Hitherto the English Bishops had been vivacious almost to wonder. For necessarily presumed of good years, before entering on their office, in the first of Queen Elizabeth it was much that but five died for the first twenty years of her reign. Whereas now seven deceased within the compasse of two years. Thus when a generation of contemporary persons begins to crack, it quickly falls, and the leases of their clay cottage, commencing it seems, much from the same date, at the same terme did expire. We will severally reckon them up, the rather, because all the Remarks of Church-History for those two years, is folded up in their characters.

28. Nicholas Bullingham began the breach, translated from Lincolne to Worcester, whereat myb Author doth much admire, conceiving [belike] such advancement a degradation, and can only render this reason, that for his own ease he changed a larger, for a lesser Diocess. But what if Worce∣ster were also the better Bishoprick, and so the warmer seat for his old age?

29. William Bradbridge bred in Magdalen Colledge in Oxford, Bishop of Exeter, was snatcht away with a sudden death. And in the same year Edmond Guest, BP. of Salisbury, bred in Kings Colledge in Cambridge, who

wrote many books (reckoned up by J. Bale) bought and bestowed more on the library of Salisbury, the case whereof, was built by BP. Jewell.

30. Richard Cheyney, Bishop of Bristol, holding Glocester therewith in dispensation, bred in Cambridge, of whom M^r. Camden giveth this cha∣racter, that he was Luthero addictissimus, Most addicted to Luther. Bishop Godwin saith, Luthero addictior fortasse quàm par erat, Perchance more ad∣dicted to Luther then was meet. Adding moreover, that in the first convocation in the reign of Queen Mary, he so earnestly opposed Popery, that he wonde reth how he escaped with life. But I wonder more, how since his death, the scandalous rumour is raised, that he died a Papist, suspended by Arch-Bishop Grindall from his Episcopall function, and this one (his successour in that See) will perswade others to believe.

31. However the words of Mrs. Goldsborrough (widdow to BP. Golds∣borrough of Glocester) a grave Matron, prevail'd with me to the contrary. Who at a publick entertainment, in the presence of many, and amongst them of my judicious friend, gave a just check to this false report, and avowed that to her knowledge he died a true and sincere Protestant.

32. Robert Horne succeeded. Borne in the Bishoprick of Durham, bred in S^t. Iohns in Cambridge, one, valido & faecundo ingenio, saith my Author. Of a spritefull and fruit full wit. One who would go thorough whatsoever he undertook, be it against Papists or Nonconformists, and his adversaries playing with his name, (as denoting his nature hard, and inflexible) nothing moved him to abate of his resolution.

33. Thomas Bentham followed him, Bishop of Coventry, and Leichfield, bred in Magdalen Colledge in Oxford, of whose christian valour in that Colledge, against superstition in Queen Maries reign, we have spoken before.

34. Richard Cox, Bishop of Ely, concludes this Bill of Mortality, Tutor to King Edw. the 6. of whom largely before in the troubles at Frankford. I am sorry so much is charged on his memory, and so little can be said in his vindication, and would willingly impute it, not to his want of innocence, but ours, of intel∣ligence. It moves me much his accusation of covetousness, dilapidating (or rather delignating his Bishoprick, cutting down the woods thereof) for which he fell into the Queens displeasure: But am more offended at his taking (if true) the many ancient manuscripts from Oxford, under the pre∣tence of a visitation. He was an excellent poet, though the verses written on his own tombe, are none of the best, and scarce worth our translating.

Vita caduca vale, salveto vita perennis, Corpus terra tegit, spiritus alta petit. In terra Christi Gallus Christum resonabam, Da Christe in Coelis, te sine fine sonem.

Frail life farewell, welcome life without end, Earth hides my corps, my soule doth heaven ascend, CHRISTS COCK on earth, I chanted Christ his name, Grant without end, in Heaven I sound the same.

It seems some took exceptions at the Epitaph, as parcell-Popish, because (though supposing his possession) praying for the perpetuation of his happinesse, and on that account, twenty years after his death, it was partly demolished.

35. This year also S^r. Thomas Gresham ended his life, whose Royall-Exchange in London, with all the Magnificence thereof, could not properly

intitle him to a mention in this our Church-History; had he not also, by his will bequeathed maintenance, for the erecting of a Colledge in Bishops-gate-street, allowing an annuall Salary of fifty pound to severall Professors in Divinity, Civill Law, Physick, Astronomie, Geometry, Musick, and Rhetorick. It is therefore no mistake in Mercator when counting three Universities, in England, Cambridge, Oxford, and London, seeing the last may be so esteem∣ed, both in relation to the Inns-of-Court, and this Colledge.

36. The Family of love, began now to grow so numerous, factious, and dangerous, that the Privy Councell thought fit to endeavour their sup∣pression. Being now to deduce the Originall of this Sect, we desire that the Clock of Time on the margin of our Book may stand still, intending not to discompose the method of years therein: though we go backward for a∣while in our History, to fetch in the beginning of these Familists. Most ob∣scure was their Originall, according to the Apostlesa words, There are cer∣tain men crept in unawa••es, Crept in, shewing the slownesse of their pace, and the lownesse of their posture. The later proceeding partly from their Guiltiness, not daring to go upright, to justifie, avouch, and maintain their doctrine, partly out of Policy, to worke themselves in, theb more invisibly. But these Creepers at first, turn'd Plyers afterwarde (flying Serpents no contradi∣ction) so that the State accounted it necessary to cut down their arrogancy and increase, whose beginning with the means thereof we come now to relate.

37. One Henry Nicholas born in Amsterdam, first vented this doctrine (about the year 1550.) in his own country. He was one who wanted learn∣ing in himself, and hated it in others, and yet was conceived, (which at first procured pitty unto him) though of wilde and confused notions, with absurd and improper expressions, yet of honest and harmless intentions. Men thought him unable, both to manage his Apprehensions whole (as to make sense of them) and too weak by distinctions to parcel and divide them (wanting Logick for that purpose) and yet they charitably conceived, his minde might be better then his mouth, and that he did mean better, then he could interpret his own meaning. For meeting with manyc places in Scripture, which speak the union and communion of Christians with Christ, Christ with God (how quickly are mysteries made blasphemies, when unskil∣full hands meddle with them?) he made of them a most carnall-spirituall exposition.

38. Yea in process of time, he grew so bad, that charity it self would blush to have a favourable thought of his Opinions. Not content to confine his Errours to his own Country, over he comes into England, and in the later end of the reign of King Edward the sixth, joyned himself to the Dutch Congregation in London, where he seduced a number of Artificers and silly women, amongst whom two daughters of one Warwick, (to whom he de∣dicated an epistle) were his principall Perverts. M^r. Martin Micronius, and M^r. Nicholaus Charineus, then the ministers of the Dutch Congregation, zealously confuted his errours, but it seems their Antidotes pierced not so deep as his poisons. Many of our English Nation were by him deceived, and may the Reader but peruse this his mock-Apostolick Stile, (his charm to de∣lude silly people therewith) and let him tell me whether the Ape did not well deserve a whip, for his over-imitation therein.

H. Nicholas through the grace and mercy of God,d through the Holy Spirit of the love of Jesus Christ. Raised up by the highest God from the death, according to the providence of God, and his promises. Anointed with the Holy Ghost, in the old age of the holy understanding of Jesus Christ. Godded with

God in the Spirit of his love. Illuminated in the Spirit with the heavenly truth, the true light of perfect being. Made heir with Christ in the Hea∣venly goods, of the riches of God. Elected to be a minister of the gracious word, which is now in the last times raised up by God, according to his promises in the most holy service of God, under the obedience of his love.

The followers of this Nicholas assumed to themselves the Title of the family of Love. Familya of faith, we finde in Scripture, but this new-name was one first invented by, and falsely applied unto this Faction, who might more fitly, from Nicholas their father and founder, be stiled Nicolaitans, as their name-sakes (hated byb God for thir filthinesse) were called so, fromc Nicolas the proselyte of Antioch. These Familists (besides many monstrosities they maintained about their Communion with God) attenuated all Scriptures into Allegories, and under pretence to turn it into Spirit, made them aery empty, nothing. They counterfeited Revelations, and those not explicatory or applica∣tory of Scripture, (such may and must be allowed to Gods Servants in all ages) but additionall thereunto, and of equal necessity and infallibility to be believed therewith. In a word, as in the small pox, (pardon my plain and home∣ly, but true and proper comparison) when at first they kindly come forth, every one of them may severally and distinctly be discerned, but when once they run and matter, they break one into another, and can no longer be di∣videdly discovered; so though at first there was a reall difference, betwixt Familists, Enthusiasts, Antinomians (not to adde highflown Ana∣baptists) in their opinions, yet (process of time plucking up the Pales be∣twixt them) afterwards they did so interfere amongst themselves, that it is almost impossible to banke, and bound their severall absurdities.

39. The practises of these Familists were worse than their opinions. They grieved the Comforter, charging all their sins on Gods Spirit, for not effectually assisting them against the same: accounting themselves as inno∣cent as thed maid forced in the field, crying out, and having none to help her. Yea, S^t. Paulse supposition, Shall we continue in sin that grace may abound? was their position. What he started from, they embraced; what he branded with a God forbid, they welcomed with a well done good and faithfull servant: sinning on designe, that their wickednesse might be a foile to Gods mercy, to set it off the brighter.

40. The Privie Councell therefore took them into consideration, and tendred unto them this following abjuration.

Whosoever teacheth that the dead which are fallen asleep in the Lord, rise up in this day of his judgement, and appear unto us in godly glory, which shall henceforth live in us everlastingly with Christ, and reign upon the earth, is a detestable heretick. Whosoever teacheth, that to be born of the Virgin Mary, out of the seed of David after the flesh, is to be expound∣ed of the pure doctrine out of the seed of love, is a detestable Heretick, Who∣soever teacheth, that Jesus Christ is come again unto us according to his promise, to the end, that they all which love God, and his righteousness, and Christ, and perfect being, might presently enter into the true rest, which God hath prepared from the beginning for his elect, and inherit the everlasting life, is a detestable heretick.

No fewer than ten of the Privy Councell tendered this abjuration to each Familist, but with what success I finde not. If any of these Familists were

of their opinion in Higher Germany, who were calleda Liberi Fratres, Free Brethren, who maintain'd themselves delivered by Christ from all covenants, vows, and debts, (if from prison too on deniall of payment, it were excel∣lent) all was to little purpose, seeing a bird may as soon be impounded, as these spirits confin'd by any oaths, or carnall obligation. Pass we from them to others more dangerous, because more learned, even the Jesuits (hoping at last to light on the temperate zone, when we have done with these dull, frozen, ignorant Sectaries, and fiery, torrid, overactive Papists) whereof two principall ones, Persons, and Campian, living at Rom••, importun'd his Holiness for license to come over into England.

41. Having obtained this gracious faculty, over they come into England, and distill superstition, and disloyalty into the Queens Subjects. This Persons was a Summerset-shire man, formerly of Baliol Colledge in Oxford, till for hisb dishonesty he was expelled with disgrace. But, what Oxford cast away for dross, Rome received for gold, entertaining, and rewarding him as a man of a daring, and undertaking spirit, and of a nature turbulent, and seditious. Campian, born in London, and bred in S^t. Johns Colledge, of the same University (whereof he was Proctor Anno 1568.) was one of a sweet nature, constantly carrying about him the charms of a plausible beha∣viour: of a fluent tongue, and good parts, which he knew how to shew to the best advantage. These two effectually advanced the Roman cause, ap∣pearing in moe severall shapes than Proteus himself, in the disguised habits of Souldiers, Courtiers, Ministers of the word, Apparitours, as they were advised by their profit, and safety: and, as if his Holiness had infused an ubiquitariness into them, they acted in city, court, and country. Persons was the axe to hew knottie controversies, where deep learning was needfull; Campian was the plainer to come after him, and smooth matters with his eloquence; yea, the former frighted fearfull people into Popery with his fierceness, the later flattered them in it with his courteous behavi∣our. But, none can give a better account of Campians proceedings, then this his own letter which followeth.

To the right Reverend Father Everard Mercurian, Provost General of the Society of Jesus.

AFter that, trusting on Gods goodness, I live now the fifth moneth in these parts, I thought it my duty, Reverend Father, to acquaint you by letters, what the state of our matters is, and what it is likely to be. For I know ful well, that you desire to know, what I do, what I hope, how I profit, and that both out of constant care for the common good, and also out of the great love you bear unto my self. The former I wrote from S^t. Omers, now receive in few words, what things have since happened unto us.

I impute it as proceeding from Divine Providence, that, whereas I had waited foure full dayes for ac pros∣perous winde; at last on the fifth (which was the feast of John Baptist, any my tutelary Saint, to whom I had of∣ten commended both my cause, and journey) at even we

put forth to sea. The next day very early we arrived at Dover, I and my little man, where we escaped very a narrowly, that both of us were not taken. Being commanded, we appear before the Major of the town, he conjectures severall things, guessing us to be, what in∣deed we were, namely, enemies to the hereticall party, lovers of the old religion, that we had dissembled our names, gone away for Religion, being return'd with de∣sire to propagate it. One thing he press'd that I was Allen, which I denied, (and if need had been) I would have de∣posed the contrary on my oath.

At last he determines, and this he often repeats, that we ought to be sent with a guard to the Privie Coun∣cell. Nor do I know who altered his minde, except it were God, to whom in the mean time I made my silent supplication, using the intercession of S^t. John, by whose favour I came thither. Presently out came theb old man (well fare his heart for it) it is our pleasure (said he) that you shall be dismissed. Farewell. Away we flew. These and the like things, which here I finde, when I recount them with my self, I am confirm'd in this opinion, that when the matter shall make more for c Gods glory, then I shall be taken, and not before. I arrive at London. A good Angel led me, without my knowledge to the same house, which had formerly re∣ceived Father Robert. Many Gentlemen run to me, sa∣lute me, cloath me,d adorn me, arm me, send me out of the city. Every day almost I ride about some coast of the Country. The harvest is altogether very great. Sitting on my horse I meditate a short Sermon, which coming into the house, I perfectly polish. Afterward if any come to me, I discourse with them, or hear their confessions. In the morning, Service being done, I make a Sermon, they bring thirstie ears, and most frequently receive the Sacraments.

In the administring of them we are assisted by the Priests, whom we finde every where. Thus it comes to pass, that both the people are pleased, and the worke is made less wearisom unto us. Our Countriemen which are Priests, being themselves eminent for learning, and holiness, have raised such a reverend esteem of our Or∣der, that I conceive, that Veneration which the Catho∣licks give us, is not to be mentioned but with somee fear. Wherefore the more care is to be taken, that such as shall be sent as a supply unto us (whom now we very much want) may be sof qualified, that they may well under∣take all these things. Above all things, Let them be well exercised in preaching. We can not longg escape the hands of Hereticks, so many are the eyes, the tongues, and treacheries of our enemies.

I am in a most antick habit, which I oftenh change, as also myi name. Just now I read a letter, in whose front it was written, Campian is taken. This old song now so rings in mine ears, wheresoever I come, that ve∣ry fear hath driven all fear from me. my life is alwaies in my hand. Let them that shall be sent hither for our

supply, bring this along with them, well thought on be∣fore hand.

But the comforts which are mingled in this matter, are such, as not only do recompence the fear of pain, but any pains whatsoever, with an infinite pleasure; name∣ly, a pure conscience, unconquered strength, incredible zeal. Eminent work we have effected, innumerable number of converts, high, low, of the middle rank, of all ages, and sexes. Hence it is grown into a proverb amongst the Hereticks themselves, that if any of them be better natur'd then others, they presently call thema Ca∣tholicks, who will pay the debts which they owe. Inso∣much, that if any Catholicks should chance to use a man hardly, he is expostulated with in this respect, that in no case such things ought to be done by men of their pro∣fession.

In brief, heresie is ill reported of all, nor is there any sort of men more vile, and rotten then are theirb Mi∣nisters. We are deservedly full of indignation, that in so bad a cause, men so unlearned, so wicked, so disso∣lute, so vile, do domineere over most flourishing wits.

Most threatening edicts are carried about against us. By wariness, and the prayers of good people and (which is the main) by Gods goodness, we have in safety gone over a great part of the Island. I see manyc forgetting themselves to be carefull for us. Something happened in those dayes by Gods will, which I did not so much as hope for

I had articulatly set down in writing our points, and certain most equal demands, confessing my self to be a Priest of the Society, coming with an intent to amplifie the Catholick faith, teach the Gospel, administer Sacra∣ments. I requested audience of the Queen, and the Peers of the Realm, andd challenged my adversaries to the combate. I resolved to keep one copy to my self, that it might be carried to the Judges with me; another I had committed to my friend with this intent, that if they took me, and my copy, the other should presently be spread abroad.

My friend did not conceal it, he published it; it is worne in every mans hand. Our adversaries are stark mad. Out of their Pulpits their Preachers answer, that they indeed desire it, but the Queen is not willing, that matters now being setled, there should be any farther disputation. They rend us with their railings, call us Seditious, Hypocrites, yea and Hereticks also, which is most laughed at. The people in this point are altogether ours. This Errour hath made marvelously for our ad∣vantage. If we be commanded on the Publick Faith, e da••im is non curiam. But they intend nothing less.

All our Prisons are filled with Catholicks, new ones are preparing. Now at last they openly maintain, that it is better to deliver a few Traitors over to death, then to betray the souls of so many men. Now they say no∣thing of their own Martyrs, for we conquer in Cause,

Number, Dignity, and the Opinion of all men.

We produce, for a few Apostates, or Coblers burnt, Bishops,a [Regulos] petty Princes, Knights, and most eminent of the Gentry, (mirrors of learning, honesty, and wisdome) the choisest youth, illustrious Matrons. The rest of middle estate almost innumerable, all of them at once, or every day consumed. Whilst I write these things, a most cruel persecution rageth. The house is sad; for they presage, either the death of their friends, or that to save their lives, they must hide, be in prison, or suffer the loss of all their goods; yet they go on cou∣ragiously.

Very many even now are reconciled to our Church. New Souldiers inlist their names, and old ones freely shed their blood. Herewith, and with these holy sacri∣fices, God will be merited, and out of doubt, in short time we shall overcome. You see therefore Reverend Father, how much we need your sacrifices, prayers, and heavenly assistance.

There will be some in England, who may provide for their own safety; and there will be those, who may promote the good of others. Man may be angry, and the Devill mad: so long the Church here will stand, whi∣lest the shepheards are not wanting to their sheep. I am hindred with a report of a most present danger, that I can write no more at this time. Let God arise, and let his ene∣mies be scattered.

Farewell.

Edmond Campian.

Secretary Walsingham, one of a steadie head (no more than needfull for him, who was to dive into such whirle-pools of State) laid out for Campians ap∣prehension. Many were his lime-twigs to this purpose. Some of his Emis∣saries were bred in Rome it self. It seems his Holiness was not infallible in eve∣ry thing, who pai'd pensions to some of Walsinghams spies sent thither to de∣tect Catholicks. Of these, Sled and Eliot were the principal. Surely these Setters could not accomplish their ends, but with deep dissembling and dam∣nable lying. If any account such officers evils, I deny it not, but adde them to be necessary evils, in such a dangerous juncture of time. Alwayes set a—to catch a—;and the greatest dear-stealers, make the best Parke-keepers. Indeed these spies were so cunning, they could trace a laby∣rinth, without the guidance of a clew of thread; and knew all by-corners at home, and abroad. At last Eliot snapt Campian in his own lodging, and in great triumph he was carried to the Tower.

42. The Papists tell us of seven deadly racks in the Tower, all of them exercised on some or other their prisoners therein. One rack called the Duke of Exeters, the other the Scavengers daughter, and these haply had their grand-children: God keep all good men in the joyfull ignorance of them, and their issue. Campian is said thrice, or four times, to have been tor∣tured on them, ad l••xationem, ac quassationem omnium membrorum; if the report thereof be not rackt beyond the proportion of truth. However we request the ingenuous;

43. First, to consider, there scarce passed a leap-year, wherein the Papists did not lay their eggs, or hatch some treason against the Queen, which excuseth such severity used to detect conspiracies. Secondly, I finde when Father Bri••nt, a Priest wasa rack'd most cruelly, he confesseth, Se nihil quicquam doloris sensisse, That he felt no pain at all. Were this false, I wonder so religious a man would report it; were it true, I wonder that Campian (every inch as religious as Briant) had not the same miraculous fa∣vour indulged to him. Thirdly, Campian presently after his racking, wrote letters with his ownb hand; which shews he was not so disioynted, with such cruelty as is pretended. Lastly, those who complain of Campians usage have forgotten, or will not remember, how Anne Askue, and Cuth'ert Simpson (on whom no shaddow of treason could be charged) were most cru∣elly, and causelessly rack'd by Popish persecutors, as a preface to their ensuing martyrdome.

44. We leave Campian for a time in a safe place, where we are sure to finde him at our return, to behold how it fared with Father Persons, diligently sought for by Walsinghams setters, and therefore as eminent for making his three escapes, as writing his three conversions.

1. By hiding himself in a stack of hay, hard by a publick Inne, whither messengers were sent to attach him.

2. Being amused with grief, and fear, and fright, he could not finde anc house in London (otherwise well known unto him) whither he intended to go, and by losing his way saved his life, that place being beset with souldiers to apprehend him.

3. When scarce gone out of an house on the Thames side, but the same was searched by the officers, who routed an armie of crucifixes, me∣dalls, Agnus Dei's, and other Papish trinkets therein.

To these a fourth may be added, mored miraculous than all the rest, When Persons was apprehended by a Pursevant at Northwich in Cheshire, and put into a chamber fast bolted, and licked upon him, the doore did, three times together, mira∣culously, and of its own accord flie open.

45. By the Readers favour, as I dare not deny belief to this passage at∣tested by a Catholick Father: so I cannot but wonder thereat. Peter, and Paul, each of them hade once their prison doors open: Persons exceeds them both, three severall solemne times his prison was set open. Did he not tempt Di∣vine providence, which once, and again offered unto him a way to escape, to expect a third call to come forth? Had Providence (angry that the courtesie twice tendred, was not accepted) left him alone, none would have pitied him if caught, and sent to keep company with his dear friend Father Campian in the Tower.

46. But Persons knew full well, that miracles (though cordials in extre∣mity) are no bill of fare for mens daily diet, and therefore he must not con∣stantly expect such wonderfull deliverances. Besides, no doubt he remem∣bred what pass'd in the fable; though this his good Genius had help'd him at a dead lift, yet the same intended not to wear out all his shooes, and to goe barefoot himself, in making a trade constantly to preserve him. Wherefore, Juniores ad labores, Let younger men take the task, and trouble upon them. This wary bird would not be catcht, to whistle in the cage to the tune of Wal∣singham. Wherefore over he went to Rome, and there slept in a whole skin, as good reason it was, so great a Generall should secure his person from danger.

SECTION IIII.

To M^r. James Bovey of London Merchant.

ONe (if not the only) good which our civill warr hath produced, is, That on the ransacking of Studies, many manuscripts, which otherwise would have re∣mained concealed, and usefull only for private persons, have been printed for the publick benefit. Amongst which, some may suspect the following letter of Arch-Bishop Grindall to be one.

But to clear that scruple, I must avow, that a Reverend person was proprietary of an authentick Copy thereof, before the thing plunder was owned in England, and may (I shall well hope) notwithstanding his gray hairs remain so, after it is disclaimed.

1. KNow that a Parliament and Convocation, beeing this year called, the latter appeared rather a trunke, than a body, because Edmond Grindal, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, groning under the Queens displeasure, was forbid∣den access to the Convocation. Where∣upon, it began sadly (not to say sullenly) without the solemnity of a Sermon, abruptly en∣tering on the small businesse they had to doe. Some hotspurs therein motioned, that they should refuse to meet together, till their company were compleated, and the Arch-Bishop restored unto them. But the gravity of the rest soon retrenched this distemper, and at last all agreed, that Tobie Watthew, Dean of Christ-Church (commanding a pure, and fluent pen) should in the name of the Convocation, draw an humble supplication to Her Majesty for the restitution of the Arch-Bishop to his place, which was done according to the tenour following.

Serenissimae, ac Potentissimae Reginae Elizabethae, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Reginae, Fidei Defensatrici &c.

ETsi Majestatem Regiam sive verbo, five scripto interpellare (Sere∣nissima Princeps Elizabetha) non decere, nisi rariùs; non licere, nisi gravioribus de causis arbitramur: tamen cum praecipiat Apostolus, ut, dum tempus habeamus, benefacimus omnibus, maximè verò domesticis fidei, committere nullo modo possumus, quin illud hoc tempore à Tua Cel∣sitate humiliter contendamus, quod nobis ad petendum utile, & necessari∣um; toti Ecclesiae, & Reipublicae ad obtinendum salutare, & fructuo∣sum; Tuae denique Majestati ad concedendum, perfacile, & honorifi∣cum sit futurum. Quanquam igitur acerbissimè dolemus, & contristamur, Reverendissimum Patrem, Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum, post tot annos, in tantam, tamque diuturnam Majestatis Truae offensionem incidisse; ta∣men valde vehementer speramus, nos veniam adepturos, si pro uno multi, pro Archiepiscopo Episcopi, pro tanto Praesule tot Ministri, seriò, & sup∣pliciter intercedamus. Quod si deprecantium authorit as in petitione vale∣ret, haec causa jamdudum à nobilibus viris; si voluntas, ab amicissimis; si experientia, à prudentissimis; si religio, a reverendissimis; si multi∣tudo, à plurimis: sicut nostrae partes nullae nunc altae videantur, quàm ut orationem cum illorum rationibus, nostras preces cum illorum petitionibus supplicissimè, ac demississimè conjungamus.

Vt enim Caesar Octavius jucundissimus propterea fuisse scribitur, quòd apud cum quoties quisque voluit, dixit, & quod voluit, dum humiliter; sic ex infinitis illis virtutibus, quibus Regium Tuum pectus abundè cumula∣tur, vix ulla vel Majestati Tuae honorificentior, vel in populum Tuum grati∣osior existit, quàm in admittendis hominibus facilitas, in causis audiendis le∣nitas, prudentia in secernendis, in satisfaciendis pietas, & clementia. Nihil est enim tam populare quàm bonit as; atque Principes ad praepotentem Deum nulla re propiùs accedunt, quàm offensionibus deponendis, & obliviscendis in∣jurijs; non dicimus septies, sedseptuagies septies. Nam, si decem mil∣lia talentorum dimittantur nobis; nonne nos fratribus, conservis, sub∣ditis, centum denarios condonabimus? Liceat enim nobis illud Christi praeceptum, adistud institutum, bona Tua cum pace accommodare. Prae∣sertim cum hortetur Apostolus, ut mansuetudo nostra nota sit omnibus; Christusque jubeat, ut misericordes simus sicut Pater noster coelestis miseri∣cors est. Vinum in vulnus infundere salutare est, & salutarius oleum; Christus utrumque adhibuit. Judicium cantare, Domino jucundum est, ac jucundius misericordiam; David utrumque perfecit. Gratiosa est in omnibus hominibus clementia, in Proceribus gratiosior, in Principe verò gratiosissima. Gloriosae est Regi mansuetudo, Reginae gloriosior, Virgini verò gloriosissima: si non semper, at saepius; sinon in omnes, at in pios; sinon in vulgus, at in Magistratus, at in Ministros, at in eum qui in tam sublimi loco constitutus, magnâ apud nos authoritate, magnà apud alios existimatione, summâ in Sacratissimam Tuam Majestatem fide, & obser∣vantia praeditus; ut non saepe in vitâ deliquisse, sed semel tantum in vitâ displicuisse videatur, idque non tam praesract â voluntate, quam tene∣ra conscientiâ, cujus tantam esse vim, magni authores, & optimi quique viri scripserunt, ut quicquid, eâ vel reclamante, vel errante, vel haesi∣tante fiat, non leve peccatum esse statuerint. Acut, quod verum est, in∣genuè

& humiliter attendamus; & illud omnium qued unum agitur, vel necessario silentio, vel voluntariâ oblectatione obruamus: Si laudabile est, vitam non modo abomni crimine, sed suspicione criminis, liberam tra∣duxisse, traduxit; si bonestum, Religionem ab omni, non modo Papisti∣ca corruptela, sed à schismatica pravitate, integram conservare, conserva∣vit; si Christianum, non modo, propter justitiam, persecutionem passum esse, sed per caeter as nationes propter Evangelium, oberrasse; & passus est, & oberravit.

Quae cum ita sint (Regina Clementissima) omnes hae nostrae voces ad Celsitudinem Tuam profectae, hoc unum demississimè, & quàm fieri potest subjectissimè comprecantur, idque per singularem naturae Tuae bonitatem, per anteactae Tuae vitae consuetudinem, per pietatem Regiam in subditos, per charitatem Christianam in inimicos, perque eam, qua reliquos omnes & privatos, & Principes excellis lenitatem; ut velis Majestatem Tuam mansuetudine, justitiam misericordiâ, iramplacabilitate, offensionem in∣dulgentiâ mitigare; & Archiepiscopum maerore sractum, & debilitatum, non modo extollere jacentem, sed Ecclesiam ipsi, ipsum Ecclesiae, Tuis ci∣vibus, suis fratribus, exteris nationibus, denique pijs omnibus tandem ali∣quando restituere. Quod si fecerit Majestas Tua, vel potiùs cùm fecerit (quod enim summè cupimus, summè etiam sperare jucundum est) non du∣bitamus, quin illum Reverendissimum Patrem, supplicem, & abjectum, non tam à pedes, quàm ad nutûs Tuos perpetuò sis habitura. Ita Celsitati Tuae persanctè pollicemur, nobis neque in Ecclesia constituenda curam, neque in Religione propagandâ studium, neque in Schismatibus tollendis diligentiam, neque in hoc beneficio praecipuè recolendo memoriam, neque in ferendo quas debemus gratias, gratam animi benevolentiam ullo unquam tempore defuturam.

Dominus Jesus Majestatem Tuam, ad Reipublicae tran∣quillitatem, ad Ecclesiae conservationem, ad suae veritatis amplificationem, omni foelicitatis genere diutissimè prose∣quatur.

This petition, though presented with all advantage, found no other enter∣tainment than delays, which ended in a final deniall; it being daily sug∣gested to the Queen, that Grindal was a great patrone of prophesyings (now set up in severall parts of the land) which, if permitted to take place, would in fine prove the bane of the Church, and Commonwealth.

2. These prophesyings were founded on the Apostlesa precept, For, ye may all prophesie one by one, that all may learn, and all be comforted; but so, as to make it out, they were fain to make use of humane prudential additions, modelling their prophesyings as followeth.

1. The Ministers of the same precinct, by their own appointment (not strictly standing on the old division of Deanries) met at the principal place therein.

2. The junior Divine went first into the pulpit, and for halfe an hour, more or less (as he could with clearness contract his meditations) treated upon a portion of Scripture, formerly by a joynt-agreement assigned unto him. After him, foure or five moe, observing their seniority successively dilated on the same text.

3. At last a grave Divine, appointed on purpose (as Father of the Act) made the closing sermon, somewhat larger then the rest, praising the pains, and performance of such, who best deserved it; meekly, and mildly reproving the mistakes, and failings of such of those, if any were found in their Sermons. Then all was ended as it was be∣gun with a solemn prayer: and at a publick refection of those Mini∣sters together (with many of the Gentry repairing unto them) the next time of their meeting was appointed, text assigned, Preachers deputed, a new Moderator elected, or the old one continued, and so all were dissolved.

This exercise proved (though often long) seldome tedious; and peoples attentions, though travelling farr, were little tired, because entertained with much variety.

3. However, some inconveniences were seen, and more foreseen by wise (or at least suspected by fearfull) men, if these prophesies might generally take place in the land.

• 1. Many modest Ministers, and those profitable Preachers in their pri∣vate Parishes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were loath to appear in this publick way, which made them underservedly sleighted and neglected by others.
• 2. Many young men, of more boldness than learning, readiness, than solidity, carried away the credit, to the great disheartning of those of more age, and ability.
• 3. This consort of Preachers kept not always time and tune amongst themselves, much jarring of personal reflections often disturbing their harmony.
• 4. Many would make impertinent excursions from their text, to inveigh against the present discipline, and government of the Church. Such-Preachers being more plausible to the people, generally best plea∣sed with them, who manifest their displeasure against the present authority.
• 5. A wise person was often wanting to moderate the Moderator, parti∣ally passing his censures, rather according to affection, than judge∣ment.
• 6. People factiously cried up, some one Minister, some another, to the disgrace of Gods Ordinance.
• 7. These prophesyings, being accounted the faires for spiritual merchan∣dizes, made the weekly markets for the same holy commodities, on the Lords day, to be less respected, and Ministers to be neglected in their respective Parishes.
• 8. In a word, the Queen was so perfectly prepossessed with prejudice against these prophesyings, (as if they foretold the rise of schisme, and faction) that she was implacably incensed against Arch-Bishop Grindal, as the principal Patrone, and promoter thereof.

However the good Arch-Bishop, to vindicate himself, and state the use∣fulness of these prophesyings, wrote a large letter to the Queen: and all∣though we cannot exactly tell the just time thereof; yet, knowing it▪ will be welcome to the pious reader at any time, here we present the true copie thereof.

WIth most humble remembrance of bounden duty to your Majesty. It may please the same to be advertized, that the speeches which it pleased you to deliver unto me when I last attended on your Highness concerning the abridging the number of Preachers, and the utter subversion of all learned exercises, and conferences amongst the Ministers of the Church, allowed by the Bishops and Ordinaries have exceedingly dismay∣ed and discomforted me: not so much for that, the said speeches founded very hardly against my own person, being but one particular man, and not so much to be accounted of; but most of all, for that the same might tend to the publick harme of Gods Church, whereof your Majesty by office ought to be Nutricia, and also the heavy burden of your conscience before God if they should bè put to strict execution. It was not your Majesties pleasure then (the time not serving thereto) to hear me at any length concerning the said two matters then expounded. I thought it therefore my duty by writing to declare some part of my mind unto your Highness, beseeching the same with patience to read over this which I now send written with my own rude scrib∣ling hand, which seemeth indeed to be of more length then it is: for I say with Ambrose Ad Valentinianum Imper: Scribo manu mea, quod sola legas. Madam, first of all I must, and will during my life, confess that there is no earthly creature to whom I am so much bounden as to your Majesty, who (notwithstanding mine insufficiency, which commendeth your grace the more) hath bestowed upon me so many and so great benefits, as I could never hope for, much less deserve. I do therefore according to my bounden duly, with all thanksgiving, bear towards your Majesty a most hum∣ble, thankfull, and faithfull heart, and that knoweth he, that knoweth all things: Neither do I intend ever to offend your Majesty in any thing, un∣less in the cause of God, or his Church by necessity of office and burden laid upon me, and burden of conscience, I shall thereunto be inforced, and in these cases, which I trust in God shall never be urged upon me. If I should use dissembling silence, I should very ill requite so many your Majesties, and so great benefits. For in so doing, both you might fall into perill to∣wards God, and I my self into endless damnation. The Prophet Ezekiel termeth us Ministers of the Church Speculatores, and not Adulatores. If we therefore see the sword coming by reason of any offence towards God, we must of necessity give warning, else the blood of those that perish will be required at our hands. I beseech your Majesty thus to think of me, that I do not conceive any ill opinion of you, although I cannot assent unto those two Articles then expounded. I do with the rest of all your good Subjects acknowledge, that we have received by your government, many and most excellent benefits, as amongst others, freedome of conscience, suppression of Idolatry, sincere preaching of the Gospell, with publick peace and tran∣quillity. I am also perswaded that ever in these matters which you seem to urge, your meaning and zeal is for the best: the like hath happened to many of the best Princes that ever were, yet have not refused afterwards to be better informed, and instructed out of Gods word: King David so much commended in the Scriptures, had no evill meaning, when he command∣ed the people to be numbred, he thought it good policy in so doing, to under∣stand what forces he had in store to imploy against Gods enemies, if occasion so required: yet afterwards saith the Scripture, his own heart stroke him, and God by the Prophet Gad, reprehended him for his offence, and gave him for the same, choice of three hard pennances, that is to say, Famine, Warr, and Pestilence. Good King Ezechias of curtesie, and good affecti∣on, shewed to the Embassadors of the King of Babylon, the treasures of the house of God, and of his own house, and yet the Prophet Isaiah told him, that God was therewith displeased. The godly King Jehosaphat making

league with his neighbour King Ahab, and of like good meaning no doubt was likewise reprehended by Jehu the Prophet in this forme of words; Impio praebes auxilium, & ijs qui oderunt Dominum, amicitia jungeris. Ambrose writing to Theodosius the Emperor, useth these words; Novi pietatem tuam erga Deum, lenitatem in homines, oblectatus sum beneficijs tuis &c. and yet sor all that, the said Ambrose doth not for∣bear in the same Epistle to perswade the said Emperour, to revoke an ungodly Edict, wherein he had commanded a godly Bishop to reedifie a Iewish Syna∣gogue pulled down by the Christian people. And so to come to the present case, I may very well use to your Highness, the words of Ambrose above written, Novi pietatem &c. But surely I cannot marvell enough, how this strange opinion should once enter into your minde; that it should be good for the Church to have few preachers. Alass Madam, is the Scripture more plain in any thing, then that the gospell of Christ should be plentifully preached: and that plenty of labourers should be sent into the Lords harvest, which being great and large, standeth in need, not of a few, but of many workmen. There was appointed to the building of Solomons materiall Temple artificers and labourers, besides 3000. overseers: and shall we think, that a few preachers, may suffice to the building and edifying of the spirituall Temple of Christ, which is his Church: Christ when he sent forth his Disciples and Apostles, said unto them, Ite, praedicate Evangelium omni creaturae; but all Gods creatures cannot be instructed in the gospell, unless all possible means be used to have multitudes of preachers and teachers to preach unto them. Sermo Christi inhabitet in vobis opulenter, Saith S. Paul Col. 3. and 2 Tim. 4. Praedica Sermonem, insta tempestivè, intempestivè, argue, increpa, exhortare &c. which thing cannot be done without often and much teaching and preaching. To this agreeth the practise of Christs Apostles, Qui constituebant per singulas Ecclesias presbyteros. Acts 14. S. Paul likewise writeth to Titus, 1. Hujus rei gratia, reliqui te in Creta, ut quae desunt, pergas corri∣gere, & constituas oppidatim Presbyteros. And afterwards describes how the same presbytery were to be qualified, not such as we are compelled to admit for mere necessity, unless we should have a great many of Churches utterly desolate: but such indeed as were able to exhort, per suam doctri∣nam, & contradicentes convincere. And in this place, I beseech your Majesty to note one thing necessary to be noted, which is this. If the Holy Ghost prescribeth expressly, that preachers should be placed oppidatim; How can it then well be thought, that three or foure preachers may suffice for a shire: Publick and continuall preaching of Gods word, is the ordi∣nary means, and instrument of the salvation of mankinde. S. Paul call∣eth it the Ministry of reconciliation of man unto God: by the preaching of Gods word, the glory of God is encreased and enlarged, faith nourished, and charity encreased; by it the ignorant are instructed, the negligent exhorted and incited, the stubborne rebuked, the weak conscience comforted, and to all those, that sin of malicious wickedness, the wrath of God is threatned: By preaching also, due obedience to God and Christian Princes, and Magi∣strates, is planted in the hearts of Subjects; for obedience proceedeth of consci∣ence, conscience is grounded upon the word of God, and the word of God worketh his effect by preaching; so as generally where preaching wanteth, obedience faileth. No Prince ever had more lively experience hereof then your Majesty hath had in your time, and may have daily; if your Majesty comes to the City of London never so often, what gratulations, what joy, what concourse of the people is there to be seen? Yea, what acclamations and prayers to God for your long life; and other manifest significations are there to be heard, of inward and unfeined love, joyned with most humble and hearty obedience are there to be heard? Whereof commeth this Madam, but of the continuall preaching of Gods word in that City, whereby that people

hath been plentifully instructed in their duty towards God and your Majesty. On the contrary, what bred the Rebellion in the North? was it not Papistry, and ignorance of Gods word, through want of often preaching in the time of that rebelling? were not all men of all states that made profession of the gospel, most ready to offer their lives for your defence? in so much that one poore parish in York-shire, which by continuall preaching, hath been better instructed then the rest. Halifax I mean was ready to bring three or foure thousand able men into the field, to serve you against the said rebels. How can your Majesty have a more lively triall and experience of the effects of much preaching, or little or no preaching? the one worketh most faithfull obedi∣ence, the other working most unnaturall disobedience and rebellion; but it is thought that many are admitted to preach, and few able to do it well, that unable preachers be removed is very requisite, if ability and sufficiency may be rightly weighed and judged, and therein I trust as much is, and shall be done as can be; for both I for my own part, let it be spoken without any ostentation, I am very carefull in allowing of such preachers only, as be able both for the knowledge in the Scriptures, and also for testimony of their godly life and conversation; and besides that, I have given very great charge to the rest of my brethren, the Bishops of this Province to do the like, we admited no man to the office of preaching, that either prosesseth Papistry, or puritanisme, the graduats of the Vniversities are only admitted to be preachers, unless it be some few, which have excellent gifts of knowledge in the Scriptures, joyned with good utterance and godly perswasions. I my self procured above 40. learned preachers and graduats within less then these six years to be placed within the Diocess of York, besides those I found there, and there I left them, the fruits of whose travell in preaching, your Majesty is like to reap daily by most assured dutifull obedience of your subjects in those parts. But indeed this age judgeth hardly, and nothing indiffe∣rently of the ability of preachers of our time, judging few or none to be able in their opinion, which hard judgement groweth upon divers ill dispositions of men. St. Paul doth command the preaching of Christ crucified be absque eminentia sermonis, but in our time, many have so delicate eares, that no preaching can satisfie them, unless it be sauced with much sweetness and exornation of speech, which the same apostle utterly condemneth, and giveth this reason, ne evacuetur crux Christi. Some there be also, that are mislikers of the godly reformation in religion now established, wishing indeed, that there were no preachers at all, and so by depraving of mini∣sters, impugne religion, non aperto Martis, sed in cuniculis, much like to the Popish Bishops in your fathers time, who would have had the eng∣lish translation of the Bible called in, as evill translated, and the new tran∣slation thereof to be committed to them, which they never intended to per∣forme. A number there is, and that exceeding great, whereof some are altogether worldly minded, and altogether bent covetously to gather worldly▪ goods and possessions, serving all carnall, vain, dissolute, and lascivious life. Voluptatis amores, magis quam Dei, & semetipsos dedide∣runt ad patrandum omnem immunditiem cum aviditate. Eph. 4. 19. and because the preaching of Gods word, (which to all Christians conscience is sweet, and delectable) to them, having cauterizatas conscientias is bitter and grievous, for as St. Ambrose saith super Psal. 119. quomodo pos∣sunt verba Dei dulcia esse in faucibus tuis, in quibus est amaritudo? There they wish also that there were no preachers at all, but because they dare not directly condemne the office of preaching, so expressly commanded by Gods word, for that the same were open blasphemy, they turne themselves altoge∣ther, and with the same meaning as others do, to make exceptions against the persons of them that be admitted to preach. But God forbid Madam, that you should open your eares to any of these wicked perswasions, or any way to diminish the preaching of Christs gospell for that you would ruinate

altogether at length. Cum defecerit propheta, dissipabitur populus. Pro. 27. saith Solomon. Now where it is though that the reading of godly Homilies, set forth by publick authority may suffice (I continue in the same minde I was, when I attended upon your Majesty) the reading of Homilies hath his commodities, but it is nothing comparable to the office of preaching. The godly preacher is learned in the gospell. Fidelis servus qui novit, who can apply his speech to the diversity of times, places, and hearers, which cannot be done in homilies. Exhortations, reprehensions, and perswasions are uttered with more affections to the moving of the hearers in sermons, then in Homilies. Besides, Homilies were devised by godly Bishops in your brothers dayes, only to supply necessity, by want of preachers, and are by the statute, not to be preferred, but to give place to sermons, where∣soever they may be had, and were never thought in themselves to contain alone sufficient instruction for the Church of England; for it was then sound (as it is sound now) that this Church of England hath been by appropriati∣ons, and that not without sacriledge spoiled of the livings, which at the first were appointed to the office of preaching and teaching, which appropri∣ations were first annexed to Abbyes, and after came to the crown, and now are disposed to private mens possessions, without hope to reduce the same to the originall Institution. So that at this day in my opinion, where one Church is able to yield sufficient living to a learned preacher, there are at the least seven Churches unable to do the same, where there be soules (the more is the pit••y) there are not seven pounds a year reserved for the Mi∣nister. In such parishes as it is not possible to place able preachers for want of convenient stipend, if every flock might have a preaching pastor, which is rather to be wished then hoped for, then were reading of Homilies altoge∣ther unnecessary, but to supply that want of preaching Gods word, which is the food of the soul, growing upon the necessities before mentioned, both in your brothers time, and in your time also, certain Homilies have been de∣vised that the people should not altogether be destitute of instruction, for it is an old proverb, better a loaf then no bread. Now for the second point, which is concerning the learned exercises and conferences amongst the mini∣sters of the Church, I have consulted with divers of my brethren the Bishops, who think of the same as I do, a thing profitable to the Church, and there∣fore expedient to be continued, and I trust your Majesty will think the like, when your Majesty shall have been informed of the matter and order thereof, what authority it hath of the scriptures, what commodity it bringeth with it, and what discommodities will follow if it be clean taken away. The authors of this exercise are the Bishops of the Diocess where this same is used, who by the law of God, and by the Canons and Constitutions of the Church now in force, have authority to appoint exercise to their inferiour Ministers for encrease of learning and knowledge in the Scriptures, as to them seemeth most expedient, for that pertaineth ad disciplinam clericalem; the time appointed for this exercise is once in a moneth, or once in twenty or fifteen dayes at the discretion of the Ordinary. The time of this exercise is two hours, the place the Church of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 appointed for the Assembly, the matter entreated of, is as followeth; some text of Scripture before appointed to be spoken is interpreted in this order. First, the occasion of the place is shewed, Secondly, the end. Thirdly, the proper sence of the place. Fourthly, the property of the words, and those that be learned in the tongues, shewing the diversity of interpretations. Fiftly, where the like phrases are used in scriptures. Sixt∣ly, places of scripture that seem to repugne are reconciled. Seventhly, the argu∣ments of the text are opened. Eightly, it is declared what vertues and vices are therein couched, and to which of the commandements they do appertain. Nin••hly, how the like hath been wrested by the adversary if occasion so require. Tenthly and lastly, what doctrine of faith and manners the said text doth contain; the conclusion is with a prayer for your Majesty, and all estates as

is appointed by the book of Common-Prayer, and a psalm. These orders ••ol∣lowing are also observed by the said exercise, First, two, or three of the gravest and best learned pastors are appointed of the Bishops, to be Modera∣tors in every Assembly, no man may speak unless he be first allowed by the Bi∣shop with this proviso, that no lay man be suffered to speak at any time, no controversy of this present time and state, shall be moved and dealt withall, if any attempt the contrary, he is put to silence by the Moderator, none is suffered to glance openly or covertly at persons publick or private; neither yet any one to confute one another, if any man utter a wrong sence of scrip∣ture, he is privately admonished thereof, and better instructed by the Mo∣derators, and other his fellow Ministers, if any man use immoderate speeches, or unreverend gesture or behaviour, or otherwise be suspected in life, he is likewise admonished as aforesaid: if any man do vilify or break these orders, he is presented to the Bishop to be corrected. The ground of this, or like exercises is of great and ancient authority; for Samuel did practise such like exercises in his time at Naioth in Ramath and Bethel, 1 Sam. 10. 2, 19. So did Elizeus the prophet at Jerico, which studious persons in those dayes were called filij Prophetarum the disciples of the Prophets, that being exercised in the knowledg and study of the scriptures, they might be able men to serve in Gods Church as that time required. St. Paul also doth make express mention 1 Cor. 14. that the like in effect was used in the primitive Church, and giveth order for the same, that 2, or 3, should speak (by course he meaneth) and the rest shall keep silence. That exercise in the Church in those dayes St. Paul calleth Prophetia, and the speaker Prophetas, terms very odious in our dayes to some, because they are not rightly understood, for indeed propheta in that and like places of the same Paul doth not, as it doth sometimes signifie prediction of things to come, which thing, or which gift, is not now ordinary in the Church of God, but signifieth thereby the assent and consent of the scriptures. And therefore doth St. Paul attribute unto these that be called Prophetae in that chapter doctrinam ad aedificati∣onem, exortationem, & consolationem. This gift of expounding and inter∣preting the scriptures, was in St. Pauls time given unto many by a speciall miracle without study, so was also by miracle the gift to speak strange tongues which they had never learned. But now miracles ceasing, men must attain to the Hebrew, Greek and Latine tongues &c. by travell and study, God giveth the encrease; so must men also attaine by the like means to the gifts of expounding and interpreting the scriptures, and amongst other helps, no∣thing is so necessary as these above named exercises and conferences amongst the ministers of the Church; which in effect are all one with the exercises of students in Divinity in the Vniversities, saving, that the first is done in a tongue understanded, to the more edifying of the learned hearers. Howsoe∣ver report hath been made to your Majesty concerning these exercises, yet I and others of York, whose names are noted as followeth. 1. Cantuariensis. 2. London. 3. Winc. 4. Bathon. 5. Litchfield. 6. Glocester. 7. Lincolne. 8. Chester. 9. Exon. 10. Meneven. als. Davids. Hereof as they have testified unto me by their letters, have found by experience, that these profits and commodities following have ensued of them. 1. The ministers of the Church are more skillfull, and more ready in the scriptures, and more apt to teach their flocks. 2. It withdraweth them from idleness, wandring, gaming &c. 3. Some afore suspected in doctrine, are brought to the knowledge of the truth. 4. Ignorant ministers are driven to study, if not for conscience, yet for shame and fear of discipline. 5. The opinion of lay men touching the ableness of the Clergy is hereby removed. 6. Nothing by experience beateth down popery more then that. 7. Ministers, as some of my brethren do confess, grow to such knowledge by means of those exerci∣ses, that where afore were not able Ministers, not 3, now are 30, able, and meet to preach at Pauls- cross, and 40, or 50, besides able to instruct

their own Cures; so as it is found by experience the best means to encrease knowledge in the simple, and to continue it in the learned, only backward men in religion, and contemners of learning, in the countries abroad do fret against it; which in truth doth the more commend it: the dissolution of it would breed triumph to the adversary, and great sorrow and gries to the favourers of religion, contrary to the counsell of Ezekiel 13. 18. who saith, Cor justi non est contristandum, and although some have abused this good and necessary exercise, there is no reason that the malice of a few should pre••udice all. Abuses may be re formed, and that which is good may re∣main, neither is there any just cause of offences to be taken, if diverse men make divers sences of one sentence of scripture, so that all the senses be good, and agreeable to the analogie and proportion of faith, for otherwise we must needs condemne all the ancient Fathers, and divers of the Church, who most commonly expound one and the same text of scripture diversly, and yet all to the good of the Church. and therefore doth Basil compare, the scri∣ptures to a well, out of which the more a man draweth, the better and sweeter is the water. I trust when your Majesty hath considered and weighed the premises, you will rest satisfied, and judge that no such inconveniences can grow o•• such exercises as these, as you have been informed; but rather the clean contrary, and for my own part, because I am well assured by reasons, and also by arguments taken out of the holy scriptures, by experience the most certain seal of sure knowledge, that the said exercises for the interpretation and exposition of the scriptures, and for the exhortation and comfort drawn out of the same, are both profitable to encrease knowledge amongst ministers, and tendeth to the edifying of the hearers. I am inforced with all humility, and yet plainly to profess, that I cannot with safe conscience, and without the ofence of the Majesty of God, give mine assent to the suppressing of the said exercises, much less can I send out any injunction sor the utter and universall subversion of the same. I say with S. Paul, I have no power to destroy, but only to edifie, and with the same Apostle, I can do nothing against the truth, but with the truth. If it be your Majesties pleasure for this or any other cause to remove me out of this place, I will with all humi∣lity yield thereunto, and render again unto your Majesty that which I have received of the same. I consider with myself, quod terrendum est in∣cidere in manus Dei viventis. I consider also, quod qui facit contra conscientiam (divinis in rebus) aedificat ad gehennam. And what shall I win if I gained, I will not say a Bishoprick, but the whole world, and lose my own soul? Beare with me I beseech you Madam, if I chuse ra∣ther to offend your earthly Majesty, then to offend the heavenly Majesty of God. And now being sorry that I have been so long and tedious to your Majesty; I will draw to an end, most humbly praying the same, that you would consider these short petitions following. The first that you wound re∣ferr all these Ecclesiasticall matters which touch religion, or the Doctrine or Discipline of the Church unto the Bishops, and Divines of the Church of your Realm, according to the example of all Christian Emperours and Princes of all Ages: for indeed they are to be judged as an ancient Father writeth; in Ecclesia seu Synodo, non in Palatino. When your Ma∣jesty, hath questions of the laws of your Realm, you do not decide the same in your Court or Palace, but send them to your judges to be determined. Like∣wise, for the duties in matters in Doctrine or Discipline of the Church, the ordinary way is to defer the decision to the Bishops, and other head Ministers of the Church. Ambrose to Theodosius useth these words. Si de cau∣sis pecuniarijs comites tuos consulis: quanto magis, in causa reli∣gionis sacerdotes Domini aequum est consulas. And likewise to the Emperour Valentinian Epist. 32. Si de fide conferendum est. Sacerdo∣tum debet esse just collatio, si enim factum est Constantino Au∣gustae memoriae principi qui, nullas leges ante praemisit, sed liberum

dedit judicium Sacerdotis. And in the same place, the same Father saith, that Constantius the Emperour, son to Constantine the great, be∣gan well, by reason he followed his Fathers steps at the first, but ended ill, because he took upon him difficile intra Palatinum judicare, and thereby fell into Arianisme, a terrible example. The said Ambrose so much commended in all histories for a godly Bishop, goeth further, and writeth to the said Emperour in this forme. Si docendus est episcopus à laico, quid sequitur? laicus ergo disputet, & Episcopus audiat à laico: At certè, si vel scripturarum seriem divinarum, vel vetera tempora re∣tractemus, quis est qui abundat in causa fidei, inquam fidei, episco∣pos solere de Imperatoribus christianis, non imperatores de episco∣pis judica••e▪ Would God your Majesty would follow this ordinary, you should procure to your self much quietness of minde, and better please God, avoid many offences, and the Church should be more peaceable and quietly governed, much to the comfort and quietness of your Realm. The second petition I have to make to your Majesty is this, that when you deal in mat∣ters of faith and religion, or matters that touch the Church of Christ, which is the Spouse bought with so dear a price, you would not use to pronounce so resolutely and pèremptorily, quasi ex authoritate, as you may do in civill and extern matters, but always remember, that in Gods cause, the will of God, and not the will of any earthly creature is to take place. It is the antichristian voice of the Pope. Sic volo, Sic jubeo, stet pro ratione voluntas. In Gods matters, all Princes ought to bow their Septers to the Son of God, and to ask counsell at his mouth what they ought to doe; David exhorteth all Kings and Rulers to serve God with fear and trembling. Re∣member Madam, that you are a mortall creature, look not only (as was said to Theodosius) upon the people, and princely array, wherewith you are apparrelled, but consider withall, what it is that is covered therewith. Is it not flesh and blood, is it not dust and ashes, is it not a corruptible body which must return to her earth again, God knoweth how soon? Must you not one day appear, ante tremendum tribunal crucifixi, ut recipias ibi prout gesseris in corpore, sive bonum sive malum. 2 Cor. 5. And although you are a mighty Prince, yet remember that he that dwell∣eth in heaven is mightier, as the Psalmist saith, 76. Terribilis est is qui aufert spiritum principum, terribilis super omnes reges. Where∣fore I beseech you Madam in visceribus Christi, when you deal in these reli∣gious causes, set the Majesty of God before your eyes, laying all earthly majesty aside, determine with your self to obey his voice, and with all hu∣mility, say unto him, non mea, sed tua voluntas fiat. God hath blessed you with great felicity in your reign now many years, beware you do not impute this same to your own deserts, or policy, but give God the glory, and as to instruments and means, impute your said felicity; first, to the goodness of the cause which you set forth, I mean Christs true religion. And Secondly, to the sighs, and groans of the Godly in fervent prayer to God for you, which have hitherto as it were tied and bound the hands of God, that he could not pour out his plagues upon you and your people, most justly deserved. Take heed that you never think of declining from God, lest it be verified of you which is written of Joash 2 Cron. 24. who continued a Prince of good and godly government for many years together, and afterwards, cum corroboratus esset, elevatum est cor ejus in interitum suum & neglexit Deum. You have done many things well, but unless you persevere to the end, you cannot be blessed; for if you turn from God, then will be turn his mercifull countenance from you, and what re∣maineth then to be looked for, but only a horrible expectation of Gods judge∣ment, and an heaping up of Gods wrath against the day of wrath. But I trust in God your Majesty will alwayes humble your self under his mighty hand,

and goe forward in the godly and zealous setting forth of Gods true religion, alwayes yeilding true obedience and reverence to the word of God, the only rule of faith and religion. And if you so doe, although God hath just cause many wayes to be angry with you, and us for our unthankfulness. Yet I doubt nothing, but for his own names sake, he will still hold his mercifull hand over us, shield and protect us under the shadow of his wings, as he hath hitherto done. I beseech God our heavenly Father plentifully to pour his principall spirit upon you, and alwayes direct your heart in his holy fear.

Amen, Amen,

What could be written with more spirit, and less animosity? more humility and less dejection? I see a Lambe in his own, can be a Lion, in God, and his churches Cause. Say not that orbitas and senectus, (the two things which made the man speak so boldlya to the Tyrant) only encouraged Grindall, in this his writing, whose necessary boldness did arise, partly from confi∣dence in the goodness of the cause, for which, partly from the graciousnes of the Queen to whom he made his address. But alas all in vain, Leicester had so filled her Majesties eares with complaints against him, there was no room to receive his petition.

4. Indeed Leicester cast a covetous eye on Lambeth-House, alledging as good arguments for his obtaining thereof, as ever were urged by Ahab for Naboths-Vineyard▪ Now Grindall, though generally condemned for remis∣ness in this kinde, (parting with more from his See, then ever his successors thanked him for) stoutly opposed the alienating of this his principal Palace, and made the Leicestrian Party to malice him, but more hereofb hereafter. Mean time may the Reader take notice, that a great Scholar and Statesman, and no Enemy to the Hierarchie, in hisc worthy considerations abuut Church∣Government, (tendred to King James) conceiveth, that such Prophesyings which Grindall did favour, might be so discreetly cautioned and moderated, as to make them without fear of faction profitable for advancing of learning and Religion. But so jealous were some Bishops of that Age, of these Prophe∣cyings (as having too much Presbyterian Analogie, and classical Constitution there∣in) they decried the motion of them as Schismatical.

5. I finde no mortality of Protestant Worthies this year. But amongst the Catholicks much moan for the death of Allan Cope, (Harpsfields great correspondent, and) Agent for those of his Religion at Rome, where he died, and was buried in the English Colledge, and George Bullock bred in S^t. Johns in Cambridge, and after lived in Antwerpe in the Monastery of S^t. Michaels.

6. Now began Priests and Jesuites to flock faster into England, than ever before; having exchange of cloaths, and names, and professions. He, who on Sunday was a Priest, or Jesuite; was, on Monday, a Merchant, on Tuesday, a Souldier; on Wednesday, a Courtier; &c. and, with the sheers of equivocation (constantly carried about him) he could cut himself into any shape he pleased. But, under all their new shapes, they retained their old nature; being akinn in their turbulent spirits, to the wind pent in the subterranean concavities, which will never be quiet, untill it hath vent∣ed it self with a State-quake of those countries wherein they abide. These distilled traiterous principles into all people wheresoever they came, and endeavoured to render them disaffected to Her Majesty; maintaining, that

She neither had nor ought to have any dominion over Her Subjects, whilest She persisted in an heretical distance from the Church of Rome.

7. Hereupon the Parliament, which now met at Westminster, was en∣forced, for the security of the State, to enact severe laws against them. First, that it should be treason to draw any from that faith established in Eng∣land, to the Romish religion. Secondly, that it should be treason to be recon∣ciled to the Romish religion. Thirdly, that to maintain, or conceal any such person, longer then twenty days, should be misprision of treason. Fourthly, that saying mass should be two hundred marks penalty, and one years impri∣sonment. Fiftly, hearing Mass should be one hundred marks penalty, and one years imprisonment. Sixtly, absence from the Church one moneth, fineable at twenty pounds. Seventhly, all they shalbe imprisoned, who will not or cannot pay the forfeiture. Eightly, it was provided, that such should pay ten pounds a moneth, who kept a School-master in their house, who repaireth not to Church. Where by the way we may mention, that some since conceive them∣selves to have discovered a defect in this law, because no order is taken therein against Popish School-mistrisses. And although School-master may seem of the Common-gender, and inclusive of both sexes, yet by the letter of the law all She∣teachers (which did mischief to little children) evaded the punishment. Thus when authority hath carefully shut all doores, and windows imaginable, some little offenders will creep through the cranies thereof.

8. When Sovereigns have made laws, Subjects sometimes take the boldness to sit in judgement upon them; to commend them for just, or con∣demne them for cruel, as here it came to pass. Some (and those far enough from all Popery) misliked the imposing of monie-m••lcts on mens consciences. If the Mass were lawfull, let it freely be permitted; if unlawfull, let it wholy be prohibited. It is a sad case to make men pay dear for their damnation, and so sell them a license to do that, which the receivers of their mony con∣ceive to be unlawfull. It is part of the character of the Wh••re ofa Babylon (which Protestants generally apply to Rome) that she traded, or, made a ma••t of the souls of men: as this was little better.

9. Others, not disliking a pecuniarie penalty, yet conceived the pro∣portion thereof unreasonable. Twenty pounds a moneth; a vast summ (especially as exacted by lunarie moneths, consisting of twenty eight dayes, and so making thirteen moneths in the year) enough to shatter the contein∣ment of a rich mans estate. They commended the moderation of the former Statute, which required twelve pence a Sunday of all such, as could not give a reasonable excuse of their absence from Church. That did smart, yet did not fetch blood, at the worst, did not break b••nes. Whereas now twenty pounds a moneth, paid severally by every Recusant for himself, and as much for his wife (which, though one flesh in Divinity, yet are two per∣sons in law) held so heavy as to cripple their estates. And as the rich hereby were almost undone: so the poore Papists (who also had souls to save) pass'd wholy unpunished, paying nothing, because unable to pay all the penalty. And, although imprisonment was imposed by law on persons not solvable, yet officers were unwilling to cast them into goale, where they might lie, and fill the goals, and rot without hopes of enlargement.

10. Larger were the debates both then, and since, in discourse, and writing about the capital punishment, in taking away the lives of Jesuites. Some being zealous for the vigorous execution of those laws, and others as earnest for the confining only of Jesuits close prisoners, during theirlife; con∣ceiving it conducing most to the tranquillity of the Kingdom. But see their reasons.

It is safest for England with vigour and rigour, to inspirit the laws, and put Jesuits to death.

It is safest for England to keep Je∣suits in perpetual durance, without taking away their lives.

1. Their breath is contagious to Eng∣lish aire, whose appearance in any Protestant-State, is as sure a pre∣sage (as the playing of Porpaises above water) that foul weather is to follow therein.	1. All sinners are not Devils, and all Devils are not Beelzebubs, Some Priests and Jesuits are of a milder temper, and better metall'd, who by moderation may be melted in∣to amendment.
2. It would render the reputation of our State lighter in the balance of the best friends thereof, if it should enact severe laws against offendors, and then hang those laws up (like forfeits in a Barbers shop) only to be look'd on, and laugh'd at, as never put in executi∣on. What was this, but to make the sword of justice (which ought alwayes to be kept keen, & sharp) but to be like fencers swords, when they play in jeast-earnest, having the edge dunted, and the point button'd up? Might not felons, and murderers, even with some justice, promise much mercy unto themselves (whose offences are terminated in spoiling, or killing, of particular persons) if Priests, and Jesuits, publick incendiaries of the State, have such mercy in∣dulged unto them?	2. The point, and edge of the sword of justice [understand the law it self] may remain as sharp as it was before; Only the arme may, and ought to strike with lesse strength, and use more modera∣tion in inflicting such severe pu∣nishments. The most whole-some laws would be poison (ju∣stice, hot in the fourth degree, is cruelty) if enforced at all times, and on all persons to the utmost extremity. Let the law stand unrepeal'd, only some mitigati∣on be used in the execution there∣of.
3. Favour in this kinde indulged to Jesuits, would be generally mis∣interpreted, to proceed (not from Her Majesties pitty, but) either from Her fearfulness, as not daring longer to enrage the Popish party; or from Her Guil∣tiness, Who, out of remorse of conscience, could not finde in Her heart to execute such cruel laws as She had enacted.	3. Princes ought not to be affrighted from doing what is good, and ho∣nourable in it self, with the scare∣crows of peoples misinterpretati∣ons thereof. If such misconstructi∣ons of Her Majesties mercy, be taken up wilfully, let such persons bear the blame, and shame, of their voluntary, and affected er∣rours. If they be only ignorant mistakes, of ingenuous persons, time will rectifie their judgements, and beget in them a better opinion of Her Majesties proceedings. However, better it is, that the Queens lenity should hazard such misconstructions thereof, than that otherwise She should be certainly censured for cruelty, and the State taxed as desirous to grow fat, by sucking the blood of Catholicks.

4. This in all probability will be the most effectuall course to extir∣pate Jesuitisme out of the land. For, their Superiours beyond the seas, seeing all such as they send hither impartially cut off by the hand of justice, will either out of pity forbear for the future, to thrust moe men into the jaws of death; or else such subject-Jesu∣its, out of policy will refuse to be sent by them on unavoidable de∣struction.	4. It will rather be the way to conti∣nue, and increase the same. The blood of Martyrs (whether real, or reputed) is the seed of that Church (true of false) in maintenance whereof they lose their lives. We know, clamorouness, and mul∣titude do much in crying up mat∣ters; and herein the Papists (at home, and beyond the seas) will play their parts, to roare out such men for Martyrs: A succession of Jesuits to be sent over will ne∣ver fail, seeing that service amongst erroneous judgements will never want Volunteers, where merit of heaven is the believed wages thereof.
5. The dead doe not bite; and, being dispatch'd out of the way, are for∣gotten. Whereas if Iesuits be on∣ly condemned to perpetual du∣rance, their party abroad will be restless in plotting, and practizing their brethrens enlargement. It is safer therefore to take away subjectum conatus, the subject, and object of their endeavours, by rid∣ing them quite out of the way, that their complices may despair to relieve them. For, though prisoners may be rescued with much might, dead men cannot be revived without miracle.	5. The greater rage moveth to the greater revenge, and the greater [apprehended] injury causeth the greater rage, It will rather shar∣pen the edge of Popish zeal, more earnestly to revenge their deaths, than to rescue them from durance.
6. No precedent could ever yet be produced of any Priest, or Jesuite, who was converted with impri∣sonment. It is therefore but just, that they, who will not be mended with the goale, should be ended with the gallows.	6. Though the instance cannot be gi∣ven of any Priest, of Jesuite, who hath totally renounced his religi∣on, yet some have been made semi∣converts, so far as to disclaim the treacherous part, and principles thereof. This is most visible in the Secular Priests, the Queens lenity so working on many of them, that both in writing, and preaching, they have detested, and confuted all such traiterous practices, as a∣gainst the laws of God.

7. The rather, because no Jesuite is put to death for his religion, but rebellion, they are never exami∣ned on any article of their faith, nor are their consciences burdened with any interrogatories touching their belief; but only practices against the State are charged upon them.

7. The death of Jesuits in such cases, may fitly be stiled, the childe, of their rebellion, but the grand∣childe of their religion, which is removed but a degree farther. For, their obedience to their superiours putteth them on the propagation of their religion, and by all means to endeavour the same, which causeth them out of an erroneous conscience, to do that which ren∣dereth them offenders to our State. Now, in all ages, such as have suffered for their conscien∣ces, not only immediately, and in a direct line, but also at the se∣cond hand, and by implication, receive pity from all such as be∣hold their sufferings (whether as a debt due, or as an almes given unto them, let others dispute) and therefore such putting of Jesuits unto death, will but procure unto them a general commiseration.

These, and many other reasons (too many, and tedious to be here inserted) were brought, and bandied on both sides, every one censuring as they stood affected.

11. In the execution of these laws against Jesuits, Queen Elizabeth em∣braced a middle, and moderate way. Indeed when a new rod is made, some must be whipped therewith, though it be put in terrorem, of others. When these Statutes were first in the state, or magisteriality thereof, they were severely put in practice on such offendours as they first lighted on. But some years after, the Queen and Her Judges grew remiss in the execution thereof. Witness the only confining of many of themto Wisbidge Castle, where they fell out amongst themselves. And in King James His dayes, this dormant law against Jesuits only awakened some once in foure, or five years (to shew the world that it was not dead) and then fairely fell asleep again, being very sparingly put in execution against some notorious offen∣ders.

12. The worst was, the punishment hap'ned heaviest on those, which were the least offenders. For, whereas the greatest guilt was in the Senders, all the penalty fell on the Messengers; I mean on such novices which sent hither at their Superiours commands, and who, having lost their sight beyond the seas (by blinde obedience) came over to lose their lives in England. Now Jesuitisme is a weed, whose leaves, spread into our land, may be cut off, but the root thereof is out of reach, as fixed in Rome, and other forrain parts. For, in the mean time their Superiours, staying at Rome, ate, slept, wrote, rail'd, complain'd of persecution, making of faces, and they themselves crying out oh, whilest they thrust the hands of others of their own religion into the fire.

13. A loud Parliament is alwayes attended with a silent Convocation, as here it came to pass. The activity of the former in Church-matters, left the later nothing to do. Only this account I can give thereof out of our records. First, Arch-Bishop Grindal appeared not at all therein, age, blindness, and dis∣grace keeping the good father at home. Secondly, John Elmer Bishop of London, was appointed his locumtenens, or Deputy. Thirdly, this Convo∣cation began in S^t. Pauls (where it continued without any removal) with reading the Letany vulgari sermone, in the English tongue. Fourthly, the Bishops commended three, namely, D^r. Humsries, Dean of Winchester; D^r. George Day, Dean of Windsor; and D^r. Goodman. Dean of Westmin∣ster, to the inferiour Clergy, to chose one of them for their Referendary, or Prolocutor. Fiftly, D^r. Day was elected, and presented for that office. Sixtly, motion was made of drawing up some articles against the dangerous opinions of the Family of love, a sect then much encreasing, but nothing was effected. Seventhly, at several Sessions they met, and prayed, and confer'd, and prorogued their meeting, and departed. Lastly, the Clergy granted a Subsidie (afterwards confirmed by the Parliament) and so the convocation was dissolved.

14. Now can I not satisfie my self on my strictest enquiry, what Jesu∣ite, or Priest had the first hansell of that severe Statute made against them. Indeed I finde a Priest, John Pain by name, executed at Chelmsford March the 31. (which was but thirteen dayes after the dissolution of the Parlia∣ment) for certain speeches by him uttered, but cannot avouch him for cer∣tainly tried on this Statute. More probable it is, that Thomas Ford, John Shert, and Robert Iohnson, Priests, executed at London, were the first-fruits of the States severity.

15. No eminent Clergy-man Protestant died this year, save Gilbert Berkelay, Bishop of Bath and Wells, who (as his Armes do attest) was alliXed to the ancient and honourable familie of the Berkelays.

16. The Presbyterian party was not idle all this while, but appointed a meeting at Cockfield (M^r. Knewstubs Cure) in Suffolke where three-score Ministers of Norfolke, Suffolke, and Cambridge-shire, met together, to con••e••r of the Common-Prayer-Book, what might be tolerated, and what necessary to be refused in every point of it, apparrel, matter, forme, days, fastings, injuctions &c. Matters herein were carried with such secrecy, that we can see no light thereof, but what only shineth thorough one crevise, in a private lettera of one thus expressing himself to his friend. Concerning the meeting, I hope all things were so proceeded in as your self would like of, as well for reverence to other brethren, as for other matters, I suppose before this time, some of the company have told you by word, for that was permitted unto you.

17. We are also at as great a loss, what was the result of their meeting at the Commencement at Cambridge, this being all we finde thereof in a b letter of one to his private friend, concerning the Commencement I like well the motion, desiring it might so come to pass, and that it be procured to be as gene∣rall as might be, which may easily be brought to pass, if you at London shall so think well of it, and we here may understand your minde, we will, we trust, as we can fur∣ther it. M^r. Allen liketh well of the matter.

18. The year proved very active, especially in the practices of Presbyte∣rians, who now found so much favour, as almost amounted to a conni∣vence at their discipline. For whilest the severity of the State was at this time intended to the height against Iesuites, some lenity of course (by the ve∣ry rules of opposition) fell to the share of the Non-conformists, even on the score of their notorious enmity to the Iesuitical party.

19. The city of Geneva was at this time reduced to great difficulties by the Savoyard her potent adversary, and forced to purchase peace on dear an bitter termes, saving that extremity sweetens all things, and her present

condition was incapable of better conditions. Hereupon, M^r. Beza, the tongue and pen of that State to forrain parts, addressed himself by letter to M^r. Walter Travers, whom I may terme the neck (allowing M^r. Cartwright for the head) of the, Presbyterian party, the second in honour and esteem, then Chaplain to the Lord Treasurer, and of whom more hereafter. The tenour of the letter is here inserted, subscribed by Beza's own hand (and in my possession) which though it be of forain extraction, carries much in it of English concernment.

Gratiam & pacem à Domino.

Si quoties tui et C. nostri sum record••∣tus, Mi Frater, toties ad te scripsissem, jam pridem esses literis meis obrutus. Nullus enim dies abit quin de vobis V••strisqae rebus solic••tè cogitem, quod ita pastulare non amicitia modo vetus nostra, sed etiam rerum ipsa∣rum de quibus laboratis magnitudo videatur.

Sed cùm in ea tempora nos incidisse viderem, quibus silere me quam nob is scribere praestaret silentium adhuc mihi invitissimo indixi. Nunc verò quum illum quorundam ardorem ••u∣diam per Dei gratiam deseruisse no∣l••i hunc nostrum absque meis ad te li∣teris pervenire, quibus tundem esse me qui fui, test••rer, & abs te pete∣rem, ut me vicissim de rebus vestris certiorem facere ne graveris. Sed & alia sese praebuit scribendi occasio, hujus videlicet Reip, maximae, imo tantae difficultates, ut, nisi aliunde sublevetur, parva nobis admodum tuendae inconsueto statu Ecclesiae ac scholae spes supersit quod ita esse vel ex eo cognosses quòd haec planè in ve∣recunda consilia capere cogamur. Nam concessae quidem nobis sunt per Dei gratiam aliquae induciae, sed parum, ut apparet, firmae futurae, & tantis veluti redemptae sumptibus ut in aeris etiam alieni velati freto jactati non temerè nausragium metuamus.

Amabo te igitur, mi frater, & Precibus assiduis nos juvare perge, & siquid praetereà apud nonnullos antho∣ritate vales, quantùm nos ames in Domino, quacunque honesta ratione poteris ostende. Scripst verò etiam ego vestris plerisque proceribus, & episcoporum quoque collegium ausi

sunius communibus literis hac de re compellare: verùm quod sit mearum literarum Pondus futurum vel ex. e•• conjicio quod cùm Oxoniensi Scho∣lae superiore vere meam sim observan∣tiam, misso venerand•• planè vetu∣statis novi testamenti graeco-latini codice, testatus, qui publicae biblio∣thecae consecraretur, ne literulam quidem inde accepi, ex qua meam hanc voluntatem ipsis non ingratam fuisse cognoscerem. Cujusmodi eti∣am am quiddam apudunum & alterum ex prioribus vestris sum expertus, sed hoo, quaeso, inter nos dictum esto. Ego verò frustra etiam quidvis tentare, quàm officio in hanc Rem∣pub. Ecclesiam ac scholam deesse tam necessario tempore malui. Bene vale, mi carissime frater. D. Iesus tibi magis ac magis, & omnibus ipsius gloriam serio cupientibus benedi∣cat.

Genevae Octobris. 1582.

Tuus Beza aliena jam manu saepe uti coactus, sua ipsius vâcillante.

Grace and peace from the Lord.

If as often dear brother as I have re∣membred thee and our Cartwright, so often I should have written unto thee, long since you had been overwhelm'd with my letters. For there not passes aday wherein I do not carefully think both of you, and your matters; which not only our ancient friendship, but also the greatness of those affairs, wherein you take pains seemeth so to require. But seeing I perceive, we are fallen into those times wherein my si∣lence may be safer for you then my writing; I have (though most unwill∣ingly) commanded my self silence hi∣therto. But now seeing that I hear that the heat of some men by Gods grace is abated, I would not have this my friend come to you without my letters, that I may testifie my self still the same unto you, what formerly I was, and that I may request of you not to think much at his return to certifie me of your af∣fairs. Also another occasion of wri∣ting offereth it self, namely the great straits of his common wealth; yea so great, that except it be relieved from other parts, very small hope remaineth unto us to maintain the Church and University in the former state thereof. That these things are so, you may know from hence, that we are forced to ad∣venture on these bold and unmannerly courses for our support. For by Gods grace a kinde of peace is granted unto us; but as it seems, not likely to last long, and that also purchased at so great a price, that tossed as it were in the Sea of a great debt, we have great cause to fear shiprack therein. I beseech thee therefore my brother, both proceed to help us with thy daily prayers; and

besides, if you have any power to pre∣vail with some persons, shew us by what honest means you may, how much you love us in the Lord. I also have written to most of your noble men, and we have been bold with our publick letters to accquaint your Col∣ledge of B••shops of this matter: but what weight my letters are likely to bear, I can guess by this, that when last spring I te∣stified my respects to the University of Oxford, by sending them a new testa∣ment greek and latine, truly of venera∣ble antiquity, which should be kept in their publick library, I did not so much as receive the least letter from them, whereby I might know that this my good will was acceptable to them. And some such requital also I have found from one or two of your noble men; but this I pray let it be spoken between us alone. For my part I had rather try any thing though in vain, then to be wanting in my duty to this State, Church, and University, especiall in so necessary a juncture of time. Farewell my dear brother, the Lord Jesus every day more and more bless thee, and all that earnestly desire his glory.

Geneva, October 1582.

Thine Beza, often using ano∣ther mans hand, because of the shaking of my own.

We must not let so eminent a letter pass without some observations upon it. See we here the secret sympathy betwixt England, and Geneva, about discipline: Geneva helping England with her prayers, England aiding Geneva with her purse.

20. By the Colledge of Bishops here mentioned by Beza, we under∣stand them assembled in the last Convocation. Wonder not that Geneva's wants, found no more pitty from the Episcopal party, seeing all those Bishops were dead, who (formerly exiles in the Marian dayes) had found

favour and relief in Geneva; and now a new generation arose, having as little affection, as obligation to that government. But, however it fared with Geneva at this time. sure I am, that some yearsa after, preferring her petition to the Prelacie (though frequent begging makes slender alms) that Common-wealth tasted largely of their liberality.

21. Whereas mention is made, of the heat of some abated, this rela∣teth to the matter of subscription, now not pressed so earnestly, as at the first institution thereof. This remissnesse may be imputed, partly to the na∣ture of all laws: for, though knives (if of good metall) grow sharper (because their edge thinner) by using; yet laws commonly are keenest at the first, and are blunted in process of time, in their execution: partly it is to be ascribed to Arch-Bisshop Grindals age, and impotency, (who in his greatest strength did but weakly urge conformity;) partly to the Earle of Leicester his interposing himself Patron General to non-subscribers, be∣ing perswaded (as they say) by Roger Lord North, to undertake their protection.

SECTION V.

To DANIEL HARVEY Esq High Sheriff of Surrey.

I am sufficiently sensible of the great distance and dispropor∣tion betwixt my meanesse and your worth, (as at all other times, so) now especially, whilst you are a prime Officer in publick employment. Despairing therefore that my pen can produce any thing meet for your entertainment, I have endeavoured in this Section, to accommodate you with Com∣pany fittest for your Converse, being all no meaner then Statesmen, and most of them Privie Councellours, in their severall Letters about the grand businesse of Confor∣mity

God in due time bless you, and your Honorable Consort with such issue as may be a Comfort to you, and a Credit to all your relations.

1. VEry strongly Leicester (though at the Councel table Politickly complying with the rest of the Lords, and concurring alwayes with their results, when sitting in Conjunction with them) when alone, engaged his Affections in favour of the Non-conformists, and improved his power at this time very great with the Queen to obtain great liberty for them. Hence it was, that many Bishops Active in pressing subscription in their Diocess, when repairing to Court, were checkt and snibt by this great favou∣rite to their no small grief and discouragement. Heartned hereat the Brethren, who hitherto had no particular platforme of discipline amongst themselves (as universally owned and practised by their party) began in a solemne Councell held by them (but whether at Cambridge or London uncertain) To conclude, on a certain forme, as followeth in these their decrees faithfully translated out of their own latine Copie.

The Title thereof, videlicet, These be the things that (do seem) may will stand with the peace of the Church; The Decrees.

LEt no man (though he be an Vniversity man) offer himself to the Ministery, nor let any man take upon him an uncertain and vague Ministery,a though it be offered unto him. But such as be called to the Mi∣nistery by some certain Church, let them impart it unto that Classis or confe∣rence (where of themselves are) or else to some greater Church-assembly: and if such shall be found fit by them, then let them be commended, by there letters unto the Bishop, that they may be ordained Ministers by him. Those ceremonies in the Book of Common-Prayer, which being taken from Popery are in controversie, doseem, that they ought to be omitted and given over, if it may be done without danger, of being put from the Ministery; But if there be any imminent danger to be deprived, then this matter must be communicated with the Classis in which that Church is; that by the judgement thereof, it may be determined what ought to be done. If sub∣scription to the Articles of Religion, and to the Book of Common-Prayer, shall be again urged, it is thought, that the Book of Articles may be subscribed unto, according to the statute thirteenth Elizabeth, that is, unto such of them only as contain the sum of Christian faith, and doctrine of the Sa∣craments, But for many weighty causes, neither the rest of the Articles in that Book, nor the Book of Common-prayer may be allowed; no, though a man should be deprived of his Ministery for it. It seemeth that Church-wardens, and Collectors for the poor, might thus be turned into Elders, and into Deacons, when they are to be chosen; Let the Church have warning fifteen dayes before of the time of Election, and of the Ordinance of the Realm: but especially of Christs Ordinance; touching appointing of Watchmen and overseers in his Church, who are to fore-see that none offence of scandall do arise in the Church: and if any shall happen, that by them it may be duly abolished. And touching Deacons of both sorts (Videlicet men and wo∣men) the Church shall be monished, what is required by the Apostle, and that they are not to chuse men, of Custome and of Course; or for their riches, but for their faith, zeal, and integrity, and that the Church is to pray (in the mean time) to be so directed, that they make choice of them that be meet. Let the names of such as are so chosen, be published the next Lords day: and after that, their duties to the Church, and the Churches towards them, shall be declared: then let them be received into the Mini∣stery to which they are chosen, with the generall prayers of the whole Church. The Breth••en are to be requested, to ordain a distribution of all Churches, according to these rules (in that behalf) that are set down in the Synodical Discipline, touching Classicall, Provinciall, Comitiall, or of Commence∣ments, and assemblies for the whole kingdome.

The Classes are to be required, to keep acts of memorable matters which they shall see delivered to the Comitiall assembly, that from thence, they may be brought by the Provinciall assembly; Also they are to deal earnestly with Patrones, to present fit men, whensoever any Church is fallen void in

that Classis; The Comitial assemblies are to be monished to make Collections for relief of the poor, and of scholars, but especially for relief of such Ministers here, as are put out for not subscribing to the Articles, tendered by the Bishops, also for relief of Scottish Ministers and others; and for other profitable and necessary uses. All the Provinciall Synods must continually aforehand foresee in due time, to appoint the keeping of their next Provinciall Synods: and for the sending of Chosen Persons, with cer∣tain instructions, unto the nationall Synod, to be holden whensoever the Parliament for the Kingdome shall be called at some certain set time every year.

See we here the embryo of the Presbyterian Discipline, lying as yet (as it were) in the wombe of Episcopacy, though soon after it swell'd so great, that the mother must violently be cut, before the child could be delivered into the world, as to the publick practice thereof.

2. Many observables in these Decrees offer themselves to our considera∣tion. First, that they were written in latine (whereof they had two ele∣gant penners, Cartwright, and Travers) shewing themselves no enemies to that tongue, which some ignorant Sectaries afterward condemn'd for superstiti∣ous, counting every thing Romish, which was Romane; and very Cordials to be poison, if lapp'd up in latine.

• 2. Probably, as Artists hang a curtain before their works, whilst yet im∣perfect: so these Synodists thought fit in latine as yet, to vail their Decrees from vulgar eyes, seeing nothing can be projected, and per∣fected together. Yea, the repetition of those words doth seem, and it seemeth, carrying something of uncertainty in them, sheweth these Decrees as yet admitted but as Probationers, expecting confirmation on their good behaviour.
• 3. The election of the people is here made the essence of a call to a Pasto∣ral Charge, to which the presentation of the most undoubted Pa∣trone, is call'd in but ad corroborandum. As for Institution from the Bishop, it was superadded (not to compleat his Ministeriall function in point of conscience, but) legally to enable the Minister to recover his maintenance from the detainers thereof.
• 4. Partiall subscription is permitted to the Articles of Religion, viz. only to the Doctrinal part thereof, but none to those wherein Discipline is mentioned, especially to the clause at the end of the twentieth Arti∣cle, The Church both power to decree Rites, and Ceremonies &c. ac∣counted by the Brethren the very sting in the tail of the locusts.
• 5. Those words, If subscription shall be urged again, Plainly intimate, that the reins of Episcopal government were but loosly held, and the rigour thereof remitted, for the reasons by us fore-alledged.
• 6. That Church-wardens, and Collectors for the poor, are so quickly convertible, even in their opinion, into Elders and Deacons only with a more solemn, and publick election, shows, the difference betwixt those officers, to be rather nominal, then real.
• 7. By Women-Deacons here mentioned, we understand such widows which the Apostle appointeth in the primitive Church, to attend stran∣gers, and sick people; and which M^r.a Cartwright affirmeth ought still to be continued, although he confesseth, there be learned men think otherwise.
• ...

• 8. Their Comitial Assemblies, kept in the Universities at the commence∣ments, (wisely they had an eye on the two eyes of the land) were conveniently chosen, as safely shadowed under a confluence of people. See we here, though the matter of their Discipline might be Jure Divino, humane prudence concurred much in the making thereof, as in ordering a National Synod alwayes to run parallel with the Parlia∣ment.
• 9. Mention being made of relieving Scottish Ministers, if any ask what northern tempest blew them hither? know, they quitted their own country about this time, upon refusal of conformity, and found be∣nevolence in England a better livelihood, than a Benefice in Scotland.
• 10. The grand designe driven on in these Decrees was, to set up a Disci∣pline in a Discipline, Presbytery in Episcopacy; which (as appears in the Preface) they thought might well stand with the peace of the Church: but this peace prov'd but a truce, this truce but a short one, before both parties brake into irreconcileable hostility.

Thus it is impossible to make a subordination in their practises, who have an opposition in their principles. For, though such spheres, and orbs, which agree in one center, may proportionably move one within another; yet such as are excentricall can never observe equall distance in their motion, but will sagg aside to grind, and grate one the other. But enough hereof at this time, having jetted out a little already into the next year: no offence (we hope) seeing it makes our History more entire in this subject.

3. This year, Robert Dickons a Leicester- shire youth, but it seems, Apprentice at Mansell in Nottingham-shire having parts, and pregnancy above his Age and profession, arrived at such a height of Prophanenesse, as not only to pretend to visions, but account himself Eliah, sent from God to perfect some defects in the Prophesie of Malachy. But by Gods blessing on the endeavours of M^r. Henry Smith, (whom his Unkle M^r. Briant Cave, this year Sheriff of Leicester-shire employed therein) this Heretick was a reclamed, renouncing his Blasphemies, by Subscription under his own hand and for ought I finde to the contrary, lived peacably, and painfully, the re∣mainder of his life.

4. This is that Henry Smith, born at Withcock in Leicester-shire, of a worshipfull family, (and elder Brother to S^r. Roger smith still surviving) bred in Oxford, and afterwards became that famous Preacher at S^t. Clements Danes in London, commonly called the silver-tongu'd- smith, being but one mettall, in Price and Purity, beneath S^t. Chrysostome- himself. Yea, where∣as generally the sermons of those dayes are now grown out of fashion, (such is our Ages Curiosity, and Affectation of Noveltie) Smiths Sermons keep up their constant Credit, as appears, by their daily Impressions, calculated for all times, places, and persons; so solid, the learned may partly admire; so plain the unlearned may perfectly understand them. The wonder of his worth is increased by the consideration of his tender Age, dying very young b about 50. years agoe.

5. I finde three of such, who seemed Pillars in the Romish Church, de∣ceased this year. First, Richard Bristow, born in Worcester-shire, bred in Oxford in Exeter Colledge, whence he fled beyond the Seas, and by Cardinall Allen was made overseer of the English Colledge, first at Doway, then at Rhemes. He wrote most in English, humili quidem stilo (faith one of his own Opinion) but very solidly; for proof whereof, let his Books against D^r. Fulke be perused. For the recovery of his health, he was advised to return into his native Land, and died quietly neere the City of London.

6. The second, Nicholas Harpsfield, bred first in Winchester School, then New Colledge in Oxford, where he proceeded Doctor of Law, and afterward, became Arch-Deacon of Canterbury. Under King Edward the 6^th, he banish∣ed himself: under Queen Mary he returned, and was advanced: And, under Queen Elizabeth imprisoned for denying Her Supremacy. Yet such was his milde usage in restraint, that he had the opportunity to write much therein; and amongst the rest his Ecclesiastical History, no less learnedly, then painfully peformed; and abating his Partiality to his own Interest, well deserving of all posterity. He wrote also six dialogues, in favour of his Religion; but, (because in durance) he durst not set it forth in his own, but under the Name of Alan Cope. Yet lest truth should be conceal'd, and friend defraud friend of his due praise, he caused these Capitall Letters to be ingraved at the end of his Book.

A. H. L. N. H. E. V. E. A. C.

Hereby mystically meaning.

Auctor Hujus Libri Nicholaus Harpesfeldus. Edidit Verò Eum Aalnus Copus.

He died this year at London in prison, after 20. years restraint, leaving behind him the general reputation of a Religious man.

7. The third, Gregory Martin, born at Macfield in Sussex, bred with Campian in St. Iohns Colledge in Oxford; Tutor to Philip Earl of Arundel, eldest son to Thomas Duke of Norfolke, Afterwards he went over beyond Sea, and became Divinity Professor in the Colledge of Rhemes, died there October 28. and is buried with a large Epitaph, under a plain monument.

8. I shall now withdraw my self, or at leastwise stand by a silent spe∣ctator, whilst I make room for far my betters to come forth and speak in the present controversie of Church Government. Call it not Cowardize, but count it Caution in me, if desirous in this difference to lie at a close-guard, and offer as little as may be on either side. Whilst the Reader shall behold the Masters of Defence on both sides engaged therein in these following letters of State. Baronius the great Roman Annalist was wont to say, Epistolaris Historia est optima Historia, that is the best History which is collected out of Letters, How much of the Acts of the Apostles especially for the regulation of time) is contained in the Epistles of S^t. Paul? Of the Primitive History, the most Authenticall part is what is gathered out of the letters of the Fathers, and in like manner the true estate of Ecclesiasticall affairs in the dayes of Queen Elizabeth, may be extracted out of the following despatches, and their returns, exhibiting the inclinations of their Authors in pure Natu∣ralls without any adulterated addition, and therefore the surest for others in∣struction, and safest for my own protection.

9. But one thing I must clear in our entrance thereon, in excuse that these Letters are Dateless as to the day and moneth, a great omission which I have seen in many Originalls, whose Authors so minded the matter, that they neglected the time, the present dispatching of them being date enough to their purpose, though now the want thereof leaves Posterity at a loss. A Blew Coat without a Badge, is but a white Coat in effect; as nothing informing the Beholder to what Lord the Bearer thereof doth relate: And as little instructive (will some say) are these Letters as to the point of Chrono∣logie. But be it known that no Readers stomack can be so sharp set on Cri∣ticalness

of Chronologie, but that being fed with the certainty of the year, He will not be famisht with the uncertainty of the moneth or day. Indeed as such whose names are casually omitted in the Register, may recover the truth of their age by a Comparative Computation of their years, who were born about the same time; so by the mixture and comparing of these dateless Letters, with those having date, of secular affairs I could Competently have collected, and inserted the time, save that I loath to obtrude any thing conjecturall on the readers belief. But we must begin with the ensuing Peti∣tion as the ground-work of all the rest.

The Ministers of Kent to the Privie Councel.

MAy it please your Honours, of your great and wonted favour towards the distressed, to consider these following. Whereas we have been called to subscribe in the County of Kent, to certain Articles propounded by my Lords Grace of Canterbury, unto the Ministers and Preachers. The first concerning Her Majesties autho∣rity. The second, concerning no contrariety to the word of God, in the Book of Common-Prayer, and administration of the Sacra∣ments, the book of ordering Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. And the third, that we beleeve all things in the book of the Articles of Religion, to be agreeable to the word of God: Whereupon, all have most willingly offered to subscribe unto the other two. And being pronounced in the open Court, Contumaces reservata poenâ, and so refer'd to answer at Law the 11, and 13, of February. Which we feared would be prosecuted with much trouble, and no resolu∣tion to our consciences, we amongst the rest repaired with that care∣full avoiding, that we could, of offence to his Lordships Grace, to whom when we had the first day made known some of our doubts concerning the first book only, (many moe in number, and as great in weight, concerning the first and second, and some concerning the third, remaining beside) we have upon our refusall, and record taken by publick notary of one point only, from every particular refuser, which moved him thereunto, and one place of Scripture adjoyned with∣out collection, or the reason of the same, been suspended from our Ministery, by which occasion as we fear, that that account which hath been made of the consequence of our cause, both in publick sermons and pronouncing of sentence against us, namely, that in denying to subscribe to the two aforesaid Articles, we separated our selves from the Church, and condemned the right service of God in prayer, and administration of the Sacraments in the Church of England, and the Ministry of the same, and disobeyed Her Majesties Authority, hath been intimated to your Honours. So we think it our bound duties, most humbly on our knees to beseech your Honours, to know and make manifest in our behalf to Her Majesty: that which we before the Lord in simplicity protest, we in all reverence judge of the authority which is established, and the persons which were Au∣thors of those books, that they did not only speak, but also did highly to the glory of God promote the true Religion of God, and the Glorious Gospell of Jesus Christ, and that we so esteem of those books, and there is nothing in them to cause us to separate our selves

from the unity of the Church, which in the execution of our ministry, in participation of the publick prayers, and Sacraments, we have in our own example testified, and by publick doctrine maintained; And that the ministery of the word preached, and publick admini∣stration of the Sacraments exercised in this land according to Autho∣rity, is as touching the substance of it, Lawfull and greatly blessed of God. And lastly, that we have and always will shew our selves obedient to Her Majesties authority in all causes Ecclesiasticall and civil to whomsoever it be committed, and therefore, that as poor, but most faithfull subjects to Her Majesty, and Ministers of Jesus Christ the great cause we have in hand, and which consequently (as we under your Honours correction judge) the necessary reformation of many things in the Church according unto Gods word, may have that sufficient hearing, as all causes of our refusall to subscribe may be known, and equally out of Gods word judged of, and the lamen∣table estate of the Churches to which we appertain, with the hard condition of us, may in that manner, that your Honours most excel∣lent wisdom shall finde expedient in the pitty of Jesus Christ, for the mean time be relieved, the Lord Almighty vouchsafe for Jesus Christ his sake long to continue, and bless your Honours wisdom, and Councell to the great glory of God, and the happy government of Her Majestie, and flourishing estate of this Church of England,

Your Honours daily and faithfull Orators, the Ministers of Kent, which are suspended from the execution of their Ministery.

The Lords of the Councell, sent this Petition with another Bill of complaint exhibited unto them against Edmond Freak Bishop of Norwich, unto the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. What his answer was thereunto, the reader may informe himself out of the following letter.

To the Lords of the Councell.

Most Honorable,

UPon Sunday last in the afternoon, M^r. real brought unto me in your Lordships names two supplications, or Bills of complaint exhibited unto your Lordships: The one by certain Ministers of Suff. against their Diocesan there: The other by some of Kent against my self, with this further message, that it was your desires I should come to the Court on Sunday next; It may please your good Lord∣ships to be advertised, that it seemeth something strange to me, that the Ministers of Suffolk finding themselves aggrieved with the do∣ings of their Diocesan, should leave the ordinary course of procee∣ding by Law (which is to appeal unto me) and extraordinarily trou∣ble your Lordships in a matter not so incident (as I think to that most honourable Board, seeing it hath pleased Her Majesty Her own

self in express words to commit these causes Ecclesiasticall to me, as to one who is to make answer to God, to her Majesty in this behalf, my office also and place requiring the same.

In answer of the complaint of the Suffolk men of their Ordinaries proceeding against them, I have herewith sent to your Lordships a Copie of a letter which I lately received from his Lordship, where∣in I think that part of their Bill to be fully answered, and his do∣ings to have been orderly and charitable. Touching the rest of their Bill, I know not what to judge of it, neither yet of what spirit it cometh: but in some points it talketh (as I think) modestly and charitably. They say they are no Jesuits sent from Rome to reconcile &c. True it is, neither are they charged to be so, but notwith∣standing they are contentious in the Church of England, and by their contentions minister occasion of offence to those which are seduced by Jesuits, and give the arguments against the forme of publick pray∣er, used in this Church, and by law established, and thereby en∣crease the number of them, and confirm them in their wilfullnesse. They also make a Schism in the Church, and draw many other of her Majesties subjects to a misliking of her Laws and Government in causes Ecclesiasticall, so far are they from perswading them to obedi∣ence, or at least, if they perswade them to it in the one part of her authority, it is in causes civill, they desswade them from it as much in the other, that is in causes Ecclesiasticall, so that indeed they pluck down with the one hand, that which they seem to build with the o∣ther: they say that they have faithfully traveled in perswading to obedience &c. and have therein prevailed &c. It is but their own testimony, I think it were hard for them to shew whom they con∣verted from Papistry to the Gospell. But what stirrs, and discentions they have made amongst those which professed the Gospel before they were taught by them, I think it to be apparent. It is notorious that in King Edwards time, and in the beginning of her Majesties Reign, for the space of divers years; When this self same book of publick prayers was uniformally used &c. by all learned Preachers maintained, and impug∣ned by none, the Gospell mightily prevailed, took great increase, and very few were known to refuse to communicate with us in pray∣er, and participation of the Sacraments. But since this Schism and division, the contrary effect hath fallen out, and how can it other∣wise be, seeing we our selves condemn that publick form and order of prayer and administration of the Sacraments, as in divers points contrary to the word of God, from which (as in like manner con∣demning the same) the Papists do absent themselves. In the later part of their Bill conteining the reasons why they cannot submit them∣selves, to observe the form prescribed by the book in all points, I wonder either at their ignorance or audacity. They say that the Learned writers of our time have shewed their mislikings of some of our Ceremonies. The most learned writers in our times have not so done, but rather reproved the mislikers, those few that have given con∣trary judgement therein, have done more rashly then learnedly, presu∣ming to give their Censures of such a Church as this is, not understand∣ing the fruits of the cause. Nor alledging any reason worth the hearing, especially one little Colledge in either of our Universities, containing in it more learned men then in their Cities. But if the authority of men so greatly move them, why make they so small account of those most excellent and learned Fathers, who were the penners of the Book? whereof divers have sealed their Religion with their Blood, which none yet have done of the impugners of the Book. The Pope (say

they) hath changed his Officium B. Mariae &c. And so it is, nei∣ther is there any man that doubteth, but the Book of Common-Prayer may also be altered, if there appear good cause why to those in Authority. But the Pope will not suffer that Officium B. Marie &c. to be preached against, or any part thereof, till it was by publick order reformed, neither will he confess that he hath reformed it in respect of any errours, but such only as did creep in to the said Book through private mens affections, without authority. Therefore that argument is against them, and only used by them (as it seemeth) in contempt the rest is frivolous, and argueth their presumption in writing, this to so honourable a Board of so worthy and godly a Book, which hath an hundred learned men to justifie it, for one that will impugne it. And thus much concerning them which I have writ∣ten rather to satisfie your Lordships, then that I thought the matter worthy my labour. The complaint which those of Kent, being of my own Diocess, and by oath bound to me in Canonicall obedience, have exhibited unto your Lordships, doth make me more to won∣der, that they most of them being unlearned, and young (such as I would be loath to admit into the Ministry, if they were not already admitted thereunto, much less to allow as Preachers) dare presume to bring my doings against them into question before your Lordships, seeing I have done nothing but that which God, the Law, her Majesty, and my duty forceth me unto, dealing with them not as an Arch-Bishop with the Inferiour sort of the Clergy, nor as a master of a Colledge with his fellows, nor as a Magistrate with his inferiours, but as a Friend, and a Brother, (which as I think) hath so puffed them up, and caused them to be so presumptuous. They came to me un∣sent for, in a multitude, which I reproved, because it imported a conspiracy, and had the shew of a Tumult or unlawfull Assembly. Notwithstanding I was content to hear their complaint, I spent with them the whole afternoon, from two of the clock till seven, and heard their Reasons, whereof some were frivolous, and childish, some irreligious, and all of them such as gave me occasion to think that they rather sought quarrel against the Book, then to be satisfied, which indeed is true, as appeareth by some of their own confessions, which I am able to shew, when I shall be thereunto urged. The two whole dayes following, I spent likewise for the most part in dealing severally with them, requiring them to give unto me the Chief, and principal of their Reasons which moved them not to subscribe, mea∣ning to hear them in the rest, if I could have satisfied them in it, or else not to spend any further time; which reasons (if I may so term them) they gave unto me, and I have, and mean to make known when occasion shall serve; Whereas they say in their bill, that the publick administration of the Sacraments in this Land, is as touching the substance of it lawfull &c. They say no more then the Papists themselves do confess, and in truth they say nothing in effect to that wherewith they are charged. And yet therein they are contrary to themselves, for they have pretended matter of substance against the Book. But of what spirit cometh it, that they being no otherwise then they are, dare to the greatest Authority in this land next to her Majesty so boldly offer themselves, thus to reason, and dispute as in their bill they vaunt against the State established in matters of Religi∣on, and against the book so learnedly, and painfully penned, and by so great Authority from time to time confirmed. It is not for me to sit in this place, if every Curate within my Diocess or Province may be permitted so to use me; neither is it possible for me to per∣forme

forme the duty which her Majesty looketh for at my hands, if I may not without interruption proceed in execution of that which her Highness hath especially committed unto me. The Gospell can take no success, neither the number of Papists be diminished, if unity be not procured, which I am not in doubt in short time to bring to pass, without any great adoe or inconvenience at all, if it be not hindred. The number of those which refuse to subscribe is not great, in most parts of my Province not one, in some very few, and in some none, whereof many also and the greater part are unlearned, and unworn∣thy the Ministry. In mine own little Diocess in Canterbury threescore Preachers and above have subscribed, whereas there are not ten worthy the name of Preachers which have as yet refused, and most of them also not allowed Preachers by lawfull Authority, and so I know it to be in all other Diocesses within my Province, the Diocess of Nor∣wich only excepted; Wherein nevertheless the number of disor∣dered is far less, then the number of such as are obedient, and quietly disposed Now if these few disordered, which the Church may well spare having meeter men to place in their rooms, shall be counte∣nanced against the best, the wisest in all respects, the worthiest, and in effect the whole state of the Clergy, it will not only discourage the dutifull and obedient persons, but so encrease the schism, that there will never hereafter be hope of appeasing the same. This disordered flocking together of them at this time from divers places, and gad∣ding from one to another argueth a Conspiracy amongst them, and some hope of incouragement, and of prevailing, which I am perswa∣ded is not meant, nor shall ever be by me willingly consented unto. Some of them have already (as I am informed) bruted abroad, that your Lordships have sent for me to answer their complaints, and that they hope to be delivered, wherein I know they report untruly, as the manner is; for I cannot be perswaded that your Lordships have any such intent as to make me a party, or to call my doings into questi∣on, which from her Majesty are immediately committed unto me, and wherein, as I suppose, I have no other Judge but her self; And for as much as I am by God and her Majesty lawfully without any or∣dinary or extraordinary, or unlawfull means, called to this place and function, and appointed to be your Pastor, and to have the greatest charge over you in matters pertaining to the soul; I am the more bold to move, and desire you to aid and affist me in matters belong∣ing to my office, namely, such as appertain to the quietness of the Church, the credit of religion established, and the maintenance of the laws made for the same. And here I do protest and testifie unto your Lordships, that the three Articles, whereunto they are moved to subscribe, are such, as I am ready by learning to defend in man∣ner and form as they are set down, against all mislikers thereof in England or elsewhere. And thus desiring your Lordships to take this my answer in good part, and to forbear my comming thither in re∣spect of this advantage that may be taken thereof by these wayward persons, I beseech Almighty God long to prosper you.

Your good Lordships in Christ John Cantuar.

Who this M^r. Beal was, who brought these letters, is worthy our inquiry. I finde his Christian name Robert, his office Clark of the Councell, his abilities very great, as may appear by the publick negotiations wherein he was im∣ployed, for he was joyned with S^r. William Winter Anno 1576 in a Com∣mission to the Zealanders, about their reprisalls: And again Anno 1583 he was sent to the Queen of Scots; Sharply to expostulate with her concerning some querulous letters. Well knew Queen Elizabeth what tools to use on knotty timber, oura Author giving M^r. Beal this Character, that he was Homo vehemens, & austerè acerbus, a Eager man, and most austerely bitter. His affections were wholy Presbyterian, and I behold him as one of the best friends (of the second Magnitude) that party had. What he wanted in au∣thority, he had in activity on their sides. And what influence sometimes the Hands have on the Head (I mean Notaries on the Judges themselves) at Councell Board, others may conjecture. He either compiled or counte∣nanced a Book made against the Bishops, and the reader may receive a further confirmation of his Character herein from the following Com∣plaint.

To the Lord Treasurer.

My singular good Lord,

I have borne much with M^r. Beals intemperate speeches, unseemly for him to use, though not in respect of my self, yet in respect of her Majesty whom he serveth, and of the laws established, whereunto he ought to shew some duty. Yesterday he came to my house, as it seemed to demand the book he delivered unto me, I told him that the book was written to me, and therefore no reason why he should require it again: especially, seeing I was assured that he had a Copie thereof, otherwise I would cause it to be written out for him: where∣upon, he fell into very great passions with me (which I think was the end of his coming) for proceeding in the execution of his Articles &c. and told me in effect, that I would be the overthrow of this Church, and a cause of tumult with many other bitter and hard speeches, which I heard patiently, and wished him to consider with what spirit he was moved so to say; for I said, it cannot be by the spi∣rit of God, because the spirit of God worketh in men humility, pa∣tience, and love, and your words declare you to be very Arrogant. proud, impatient, and uncharitable. Moreover the spirit by God moveth men to hear the word of God with meekness &c. And you have alomst heard with disdain every sermon preached before her Majesty this lent, gibing, and jesting openly thereat even in the ser∣mon time, to the offence of many, and especially at such sermons as did most commended her Majesty and the State, and moved the Audi∣tory to obedience, which he confessed and justified, accusing some of the Preachers of false Doctrine, and wrong allegations of Scripture &c. Then he began to extol his book, and said we were never able to answer it, neither for the matter of Divinity, not yet of Law; I told him, as the truth is, that there was no great substance in the book, that it might be very soon answered, and that it did appear neither his Divinity nor Law to be great. I further wished him to be better advised of his doings, and told him indeed, that he was one of the principall causes of the waywardness of divers, because he giveth

incouragement to divers of them to stand in the matter, telling them that the Articles shall be shortly revoked by the Councell, and that my hands shall be stopped &c, which saying is spread abroad already in every place, and is the only cause why many forbear to subscribe, which is true, neither could he deny it. All this while I talked with him privately in the upper part of my Gallery, my Lord of Winche∣ster, and divers strangers being in the other part thereof. But M^r. B••al beginning to extend his voice that all might hear, I began to break off, then he being more, and more kindled, very impatiently utte∣red very proud and contemptuous speeches, in the justifying of his book, and condemning of the orders established to the offence of all the hearers, whereunto (being very desirous to be rid of him) I made small answer, but told him that his speeches were intolerable, that he forgat himself, and that I would complain of him to her Ma∣jesty, whereof he seemed to make small account, and so he depart∣ed in great heat; I am loth to hurt him, or to be an accuser, nei∣ther will I proceed therein further then your Lordships shall think it convenient; but I never was abused more by any man at any time in my life, then I have been by him since my coming to this place, in hardness of speech for doing my duty, and for all things belonging to my charge. Surely my Lord this talk tendeth only to the increasing of the contention, and to the animating of the wayward in their way∣wardness casting out dangerous speeches, as though there were likelihood of sometumult in respect thereof; Whereas in truth God be thanked the matter growth to greater quietness then I think he wisheth, and will be soon quieted, if we be let alone, and they not o∣therwise encouraged. It seemeth he is some way discontented, and would work his anger no me. The tongues of these men tast not of the Spirit of God, your Lordship seeth how bold I am to impart unto you my private causes. Truly if it were not that my conscience is setled in these matters, and that I am fully perswaded of the ne∣cessity of these proceedings in respect of the peace of the Church, and due observation of Gods laws, and that I received great comfort at her Majesties hand (as I did most effectually at my last being at the Court) and that I were assured to your Lordships constancie in the cause, and of your unmoveable good will towards me, I should be hardly able to endure so great a burden, which now (I thank God) in respect of the premises seemeth easie unto me, neither do I doubt but God will therein prosper me. Thus being desirous to impart this matter to your Lordship, to whose consideration I leave it, I commit you to the tuition of Almighty God.

John Cantuar.

Nor have I ought else to say of this M^r. Beal, but that afterwards I finde one of his name and qualitya dying 1601, and buried in London at Athallows in the wall, who by all probability should be the same person. Now that the Presbyterian party was not unfriended at the Councell Board, but had those there, which either out of Dictates of their conscience, or reasons of State, or reflections on their private interests, endeavoured to mitigate the Arch-Bishops proceedings against them. Let their ensuing letter to him be perused.

AFter our hearty commendations to both your Lordships, al∣though we have heard of late times sundry complaints out of divers Countries of this Realm, of some proceedings against a great number of Ecclesiasticall persons, some Parsons of Churches, some Vicars, some Curates, but all Preachers; whereby some were deprived of their livings, some suspended from their Ministry, and preaching, yet we have forborn to enter into any particular exami∣nation of such complaints, thinking that howsoever inferior officers, as Chancellours, Commissaries, Arch-Deacons and such like, whose offices are of more value, and profit by such like kinde of procee∣dings, might in such sort proceed against the Ministers of the Church. Yet your Lordship the Arch-Bishop of that province of Canterbury, have besides your generall Authority some particular interest in the present Jurisdiction of sundry Bishopricks vacant. And you also the Bishop of London, both for your own authority in your Diocess, and as head Commissioner Ecclesiastical, would have a pastorall over the particular officers, to stay and temper them in their hasty proceedings against the Ministers, and especially against such as doe earnestly profess, and instruct the people against the dangerous sects of Papistry. But yet of late, hearing of the lamentable estate of the Church in the Country of Essex, that is, of a great number of zea∣lous and learned Preachers there suspended from their Cures, the Vacancy of the place for the most part, without any Ministry of Preaching, Prayers, and Sacraments. And in some places of certain appointed to those void Rooms, being persons neither of learning nor of good name, and in other places of that County a great number of Parsons occupying the Cures being notoriously unfit, most for lack of learning, many charged or chargable with great, and erroneous faults, and drunkenness, filthiness of life, gamsters at Cards, haunting of Ale-houses, and such like, against whom we hear not of any proceedings, but that they are quietly suffered, to the slander of the Church, to the offence of good people, yea to the famishing of them for lack of good teaching; and thereby dange∣rous to the subverting of many weaklings from their duties to God, and the Queens Majesty by secret Jesuits, and counterfet Papists. And having thus in a generall sort heard out of many parts of the like of this lamentable estate of the Church, yet to the intent we should not be deceived with the Generality of reports, we sought to be in∣formed of some particulars, namely, of some parts of Essex, and having received the same credibly in writing, we have thought it our duties to her Majesty, and the Realm for the Remedy hereof without intermedling our selves with your Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall, to make report unto your Lordships, as persons that ought most specially to have regard thereto, as we hope you will, and there∣fore have sent you herewith in writing a Catalogue of the names of persons of sundry natures, and conditions, that is, one sort, being re∣ported to be learned, zealous, and good preachers deprived, and suspended, and so the Cures not served with meet Persons. The othersort a number of Persons, having Cures, being in sundry sorts far unmeet for any offices in the Church for their many defects, and imperfections, and so as it seems by the reports have been, and are suffered to continue without reprehension or any other proceedings against them, and thereby a great number of Christian people un∣taught, A matter very lamentable in this time. In a third sort a

number having double livings with Cure, and so not resident upon their Cures. But yet enjoying the benefit of their Benefices with∣out any personall attendance upon their Cures. Against all these sorts of lewd, and evill, and unprofitable, corrupt members, we hear of no inquisition, nor of any kinde of proceeding to the Reformati∣on of those horrible offences in the Church, but yet of great dili∣gence, yea, and extremity used against those that are known dili∣gent Preachers. Now therefore we for the discharge of our duties, being by our vocation under her Majesty bound to be carefull that the universall Realm may be well governed, to the honour and glory of God, and to the discharge of her Majesty being the principal gover∣nor, over all her subjects under Almighty God, do most earnestly desire your Lordships, to take some charitable consideration of these causes, that the people of the Realm may not be deprived of their Pastors being diligent, learned, and zealous, though in some points Ceremoniall, they may seem doubtfull only in Conscience, and not of wilfulness. Nor that their Cures be suffered to be vacant without good Pastors, nor that such as be placed in the Rooms of Cures be insufficient for learning, or unmeet for their conversation. And though the notes which we send you be only of Parsons belonging to Essex, yet we pray you to look into the rest of the Country in many other Diocesses, for we have, and do heare daily of the like in gene∣rality in many other places, but we have not sought to have their particulars to manifestly delivered of other places of Essex, or ra∣ther to say the truth, of one corner of the Country. And we shall be most glad to hear of your cares to be taken for remedy of these Enor∣mities, so as we be not troubled hereafter, or hear of the like com∣plaints to continue; and so we bid your Lordships right hearti∣ly farewell.

Your Lordships Loving friends,

• Will. Burleps,
• George Shrewsbury,
• A. Warwick,
• R. Leicester.
• C. Howard.
• I. Croft.
• Chr. Hatton.
• Fra. Walsingham.

Amongst these Privy Councellors, I miss one who was mainly materiall, namel, S^r. Francis Knowls, treasurer of the Queens Household, and Kⁿt. of the Garter: Father in law to the Earl of Leicester, and no less conside∣rable in himself then in his relations, this Knight being bred a banished man in Germany during the Reign of Queen Mary, and conversing with M^r. Cal∣vin at Geneva, was never after fond of Episcopacy, and though now casu∣ally absent from the Councell Board, was a great Patron of the Nonconfor∣mists. But see the Arch-Bishops answer to their letter.

IT may please your good Lordships to be advertized, that I have received your letters of the twentieth of this moneth, with a Schedule inclosed therein, concerning certain Ministers in Essex, where∣unto as yet I cannot make any full answer, by reason of the absence of my Lord of London, to whom the letter is also directed, and the

parties therein named best known as being in his Diocess. Never∣theless in the mean time, I thought it my part to signifie unto your Lordships that I hope the information to be in most parts unjust. Certain men being in and about Mauldon, because they cannot have such among them as by disorderliness do best content their humours, did not long since in like manner in a generality, make an informa∣tion to the same effect, which coming to mine, and others hands of the Ecclesiastical commission, we did direct our letters to some of the principal of them by name, requiring them to exhibite unto us at the beginning of this next tearm, now next ensuring the names of such offencive Ministers, as they thought to be touched with such dishonest conversation, together with their proofs thereof, promising on our parts to see the same redressed accordingly: It seemeth by this which is exhibited now to your Lordships, they have prevented the time, hoping thereby to alter the course; whereunto it tendeth. I leave to your Lordships consideration: surely if the Ministers be such as this Schedule reporteth, they are worthy to be grievously punished. And for my own part, I will not be slack or remisse (Godwilling) there∣in, But if that fall out otherwise upon tryal, and that they, or many of them in respect of their obedience to her Majesties laws, be thus depraved by such as impugne the same, then I doubt not but your Lordship will judge those amusers to deserve just punishment. This I can assure your Lordships of, that my Lord of London affirmed in my hearing, that not long since upon that occasion that none or few at his, or his Arch-Deacons visitations had at any time by the Church∣wardens or sworn men, been detected or presented for any such mis∣demeanours as are now supposed against them. Of the Preachers, which are said to be put there to silence, I know but few. Notwith∣standing I know those few to be very factious in the Church, contemp∣ners in sundry points of the Ecclesiasticall laws, and chief authors of disquietness in that part of the Country; And such as I for my part cannot (doing my duty with a good conscience) suffer without their further conformity to execute their ministry. But your Lordships God willing shall have a more particular answer to every point of your letter, when my Lord of London (who is now at his house in the Country) and I shall meet and have conferred thereupon. In the mean time I trust, that neither there, nor elsewhere within this pro∣vince, either by my self or others of my brethren any thing is o•• shall be done, which doth not tend to the peace of the Church, the work∣ing of obedience to laws established, the encouragement of the most, the Godliest, and most learnedst Ministers in this Church of England, and to the Glory of God; To whose protection I commit your good Lordships.

Now although we finde S^r. Christopher Hatton (for companies sake, as we humbly conceive it) amongst the Privie Councellors, subscribbing for mode∣ration to non-conformists, yet we take him to be a zealous Stickler for the pressing Church Ceremony. And although I look on the words of the Jesu∣ite as a meer scandal, when he saith, that this Hatton was Animo Catholicus a Papist in his heart, yet I know him to be no favourer of the Presbyterian party; But a great countenancer of Whitgifts proceedings against them, as appears by the following Address of the Arch-Bishop unto him.

To Sr. Christopher Hatton.

Right Honorable,

I give you most hearty thanks for that most friendly message which you sent unto me by your man M^r, Kemp, I shall think my self bound unto you therefore as long as long as I live. It hath not a little comforted me, having received not long since unkinde speeches where I least looked for them, only for doing my duty in the most ne∣cessary business which I have in hand: I marvell how it should come to passe, that the selfsame persons will seem to wish peace, and uni∣formity in the Church, and to mislike of the contentious, and diso∣bedient sort, cannot abide that any thing should be done against them, wishing rather the whole Ministry of the land to be discountenanced and discouraged, then a few wayard persons (of no account in compa∣rison) suppressed and punished. Men in executing the laws accord∣ing to their duties were wont to be encouraged, and backed hy such, but now it falleth out clean contrary. Disobedient wifull persons (I will tearm them no worse) are animated▪ Laws contemned, her Majesties will and pleasure little regarded, and the executors there∣of in word and deed abused, howbeit these overthwarts grieve me, yet I thank God, they cannot withdraw me from doing that duty in this cause, which I am perswaded God himself, her Majesty, the laws, and the State of this Church, and Commonwealth, do require of me. In respect whereof, I am content to sustain all these displea∣sures, and fully resolved not to depend upon man, but upon God, and her Majesty. and therefore your honour in offering me that great curtesie, offered unto me as great a pleasure as I can desire. Her Majesty must be my refuge, and I beseech you that I may use you as a means when occasion shall serve, whereof I assure my self, and therein rest.

John Cantuar.

As for the Lord Burleigh, such was his moderation, that both parties beheld him as their friend, carrying matters not with Passion, and prejudice, but prudently as became so great a Statesman. He was neither so rigid as to have conformity prest to the Height, nor so remiss as to leave Ministers to their own liberty. He would argue the case both in discourse, and by let∣ters, with the Arch-Bishop. Amongst many of the latter kinde, let not the Reader grudge to peruse this here inserted.

IT may please your Grace, I am sorry to trouble you so often as I doe, but I am more troubled my self, not only with many pri∣vate petitions of sundry Ministers recommended for persons of credit, and for peaceable persons in their Ministry, and yet by com∣plaints

to your Grace, and other your Colleagues in Commission greatly troubled: But also I am daily now charged by Councellers, and publick persons to neglect my duty, in not staying of those your Graces proceedings, so vehement, and so Generall against Ministers and Preachers, as the Papists are thereby greatly incouraged, and all evill disposed persons amongst the Subjects animated, and there∣by the Queens Majesties safety endangered; with these kinde of argu∣ments I am daily assayled: against which I answer, That I think your Grace doth nothing, but being duly examined, tendeth to the maintenance the Religion established, and to avoid schism in the Church. I also have for example shewed by your papers sent to me, how fully the Church is furnished with Preachers, and how small a number there are that do contend for their singularity. But these reasons do not satisfie all persons, neither do I seek to satisfie all per∣sons, but with reason, and truth. But now my good Lord, by chance I have come to the sight of an instrument of 24 Articles of great length and curiosity, formed in a Romish stile, to examine all man∣ner of Ministers in this time without distinction of Persons, which Articles are intituled apud Lambeth Ma••j. 1584. to be executed, Ex officio mero &c. and upon this occasion I have seen them. I did re∣commend unto your Graces favour two Ministers Curates of Cam∣bridge-shire, to be favourably heard, and your Grace wrote to me that they were contentious, Seditious, and persons vagrant maintai∣ning this controversy, wherewith I charged them sharply, and they both denied those charges, and required to be tryed, and so to re∣ceive punishment: I answered, that your Grace would so charge them, and then Ishould see afterwards what they should deserve, and advised them to resort to your Grace, comforting them that they should finde favourable proceedings, and so I hope upon my former commendations the rather. What may be said to them I know not, nor whether they have been so faulty as your Grace hath been informed do I know, Neither do I mean to treat for to f••vour such men, for pardon I may speak upon their amendment. But now they coming to me, I offer how your Grace proceeded with them. They say, they are commanded to be examined by the Regi∣ster at London, and I asked them whereof? they said of a great num∣ber of Articles; But they could have no Copies of them: I answe∣red that they might answer to the truth; they said that they were so many in number, and so divers, as they were affraid to answer them, for fear of captious interpretation. Upon this I sent for the Register, who brought me the Articles, which I have read, and finde so curiously penned, so full of Branches, and Circumstances, that I think the inquisitions of Spain use not so many questions to com∣prehend, and to intrap their preyes. I know your Canonists can de∣fend these with all their particles: But surely under your Graces correction, this Juridicall and Canonicall siftner of poor Ministers, is not to edifie and reform. And in Charity I think they ought not to answer to all these nice points, except they were very notorious offenders in Papistry or heresy. Now good my Lord, bear with my scribling: I write with testimony of a good conscience, I de∣sire the peace of the Church, I desire concord, and unity in the ex∣ercise of our Religion. I fear no sensuall and wilfull recusant: But I conclude, that according to my simple Judgement, this kinde of proceeding is too much savouring the Romish inquisition, and is rather a device to seek for offenders, than to reform any. This was not that charitable instruction that I thought was intended of these

poor Ministers should in some few points have any scrupulous con∣ceptions to be removed, this is not a charitable way, to send them to answer to your common Register, upon so many Articles at one instant, without commodity of instruction by your Register, whose office is only to receive their answers, by which the parties are first subject to condemnation before they be taught their errors. It may be I say that Canonists may maintain this proceeding by rules of their laws: But though omnia licent, omnia non expediunt, I pray your Grace bear this, (and perchance a fault) that I have willed them not to answer these Articles, except their consciences may suffer them: And yet I have sharply admonished them, that if they be disturbers in their Churches, they must be corrected. And yet upon your Graces answer to me Ne sutor ultra crepidam, neither will I put falcem in alterius m••ssem: my paper teacheth me to make an end, your Grace must pardon my hasty writing, for that I have done this Raptim and without Correction.

Your Graces at command, William Burghley.

One may say, is not the hand of M^r. Travers in all this? Who being the Lord Burghleys Chaplain, by him much respected, and highly affected to the Geneva Discipline, was made the mouth of the Ministers, to mediate to his Lord in their behalf. But it seems the Arch-Bishop had set up his resolu∣tion (called constancy, by some, Cruelty, by others, as they stand affected) whose unmoveableness herein will appear by his following Letter.

To the Lord Treasurer.

MY singular good Lord, in the very beginning of this action, and so from time to time, I have made your Lordship ac∣quainted with all my doings, and so answered all objections, and reasons to the contrary, as I perswade my self no just reply can be made thereunto. I have likewise by your Lordships advice, chosen this kinde of proceeding with them, because I would not touch any for not subscribing only, but for breach of order in celebrating of Divine service, administring the Sacraments, and executing other Ecclesiasticall functions, according to their fancies, and not accord∣ing to the form of law prescribed, which neither your Lordship, nor any other seemed to mislike, but to wish and require: And there∣fore I am much troubled at your last Letters, which seem so to be written, as though your Lordship had not been in these points already answered. The complaints which your Lordship saith are made of me, and other my Colleagues, have hitherto been generall, and therefore cannot otherwise be answered, but by a bare deniall. But if any man shall charge me or them with particularities, I doubt not but we are, and shall be ready to answer them, and to justifie our doings. My proceedings are neither so vehement, nor so gene∣rall against Ministers, and Preachers, as some pretend; doing me therein great injury, I have divers times satisfied your Lordship

therein if any offence be, it is in bearing too much with them, and using of them so friendly, which causeth them thus contrary to their duties to trouble the Church, and to withstand me their Ordinary, and lawfull Judge. The objection of incouraging the Papists &c. hath neither probability nor likelihood. For how can Papists be animated by urging of men to subscribe against the Popes supremacy, and to the justifying of the book of Common-Prayers, and Articles of Religion which they so greatly condemne. But Papists &c. are anima∣ted, because they see these kind of persons, which herein after a sort come in with them, so greatly so many borne with, and so animated, and maintained in their disordered doings, against both Gods Laws, and mans; and against their Chief Governours both Civill, and Ecclesiasticall. This I say incourageth the Papists, and maketh much for them; the other is but a fallacy, â non causa ad causam. O my Lord, I would to God some of those who use this argument, had no Papists in their Families, and did not otherwise also countenance them; whereby indeed, they receive incouragement, and do be∣come too malepert. Assure your self the Papists are rather grieved at my proceedings, because they tend to the taking away of their chief Argument; that is, that, we cannot agree among our selves, and that we are not of the Church, because we lack unity. And I am credibly informed, that the Papists give incouragement to these men, and commend them in their doings, hereof I have also some experience. But if these reasons, and sundry others, notwithstand∣ing some will not be satisfied thereby: I am sure your Lordship thinketh it not convenient to yield unto their wills, but unto their reasons. Touching the 24, Articles which your Lordship seemeth so to mislike, as written in a Romish stile, smelling of a Romish inquisition &c. I cannot but greatly marvell at your Lordships ve∣hement speeches against them, I hope without cause. The men are Preachers, peaceable, your Lordship saith, and that they are orderly, and observe the Books, as some of them say of themselves: and you think it not meet that being such persons, they should be deprived for not subscribing only, wherein I have yielded unto you, and therefore have caused these Articles to be drawn according to Law, by the best learned in the Laws: who I dare say hate the Romish doctrine, and the Romish inquisition, to the intent I may truly un∣derstand whether they are such manner of men or no, as they pre∣tend to be, which I also take to be the ordinary course in other Courts: as in the Sar-Chamber, and other places. Sure I am it is most usuall in the Court of the Marches (Arches rather) whereof I have the best experience. And without offence be it spoken, I think these Articles more tolerable, and better agreeing with the rule of justice, and charity, and less captious then those in other Courts, because there men are often examined at the rela∣tion of a private man, concerning private crimes, & de propriâ turpitudinê: whereas here men are only examined of their publick actions in the publick calling, and Ministry, and much more in the cause of Heresie: because the one toucheth life, and the other not. And therefore I see no cause why our Judiciall, and Canonicall pro∣ceedings in this point should be misliked. Your Lordship writeth, that the two for whom you write are peaceable persons, that they deny the things wherewith they are charged, and desire to be tried &c. Now they are to be tried, why do they refuse it? Qui malè agit, odit Lucem; Indeed they shew themselves to be such as I have before shewed to your Lordship, the most troublesome persons in all

that Countrey: and one of them M^r Brown is presented for his disor∣ders by the sworn men of the parish, as I am informed by the Official there. Wherefore I beseech your Lordship not to believe them against me, either own words, or testimony of any such as animate them in their disobedience, and count disorder order, and contenti∣on peace, before they be duly and orderly tried according to that Law which is yet in force, and will hardly in my opinion, in these Judi∣cial actions be bettered, though some abuse may be in the Execution thereof, as there. I elsewhere also; and that peradventure more abundantly. Your Lordship saith these Articles are a device rather to seek for offenders, then to reform any: The like may be said of the like orders in other Courts also; but that were the fault of the Judg, not of the Law. And I trust your Lordship hath no cause to think so evil of me. I have not dealt with any as yet, but such as have given evident tokens of contempt of Orders and Laws. which my Acts remaining on Record will testifie; and though the Register do examin them (as I think other officers do in other Courts likewise, and the Law doth allow of it) yet are they repeated before a Judg, where they may reform, add or diminish, as they think good; nei∣ther hath there been any man thus examined, or otherwise dealt with, who hath not been conferred with, or might not have been if he would, these two especially; And if they have otherwise reported to your Lordship, they do but antiquum obtinere, which is to utter un∣truths; a quality wherewith these kinde of men are marvelously pos∣sessed, as I on my own knowledge, and experience, can justifie against divers of them. I know your Lordship desireth the peace of the Church, and unity in Religion, but how is it possible to be procured (after so long liberty, and lack of discipline) if a few persons so meanly qualified, as most of them are, shall be countenanced against the whole estate of the Clergie, of greatest account both for learning, years, stayedness, wisdom, Religion, and honesty? And open brea∣kers, and impugners of the Law, yong in years, proud in conceit, contentious in disposition, maintained against their Governours, seek∣ing to reduce them to order, and obedience; Haec sunt initia haereti∣corum, & ortus atque conatus Schismaticorum malè cogitantium, ut sibi placeant, ut praepositum superbo tumore contemnant; sic ab Ecclesia receditur, sic altare profanum collocatur foris, sic contra pacem Christi & ordinationem atque unitatem Dei rebellatur; for my own part, I neither have done, nor do any thing in this matter, which I do not think in my consci∣ence, and duty, I am bound to do, which her Majestie hath with ear∣nest charge committed unto me, and which I am not well able to ju∣stifie to be most requisite for this State and Church, whereof next to her Majestie, though most unworthy, or at least most unhappy, the chief, is committed unto me, which I will not by the grace of God neglect, whatsoever come upon me. Therefore I neither care for the honour of the place (which is onus to me) nor the largeness of the Revenues, nor any other worldly thing. I thank God, in respect of doing my duty, neither do I fear the displeasure of man, nor the evil tongues of the uncharitable, who call me Tyrant, Pope, Knave, and lay to my charge things which I never thought, Scio hoc enim opus esse diabolt, ut servos Dei mendacio laceret, & opinionibus falsis gloriosum no∣men infamet, ut qui conscientiae suae luce clarescunt, alienis rumoribus sordi∣dentur. So was Cyprian himself used, and other ancient and Godly Bishops, to whom I am not comparable. The day will come, when all mens hearts shall be opened; in the mean time I will depend on him, who never forsakes those that put their trust in him. If your

Lordship shall keep those two from answering according to the order set down, it will be of it self a setting at liberty of all the rest, and of undoing of all that which hitherto hath been done; neither shall I be able to do my duty according to her Majesties expectation; And therefore I beseech your Lordship to leave them unto me; I will not proceed against them, till I have made you privy to their answers, and further conferred with you about them; because I see your Lord∣ship so earnest in their behalf; whereof also they have made publick boasts (as I am informed) which argueth what manner of persons they are: I beseech your Lordship to take not onely the length, but also the matter of this Letter in good part, and to continue to me as you have done, whereof I doubt not: for assuredly if you forsake me (which I know you will not after so long triall and experience, with continuance of so great friendship) especially in so good a cause, I shall think my coming to this place, to have been for my punish∣ment; and my hap very hard, that when I think to deserve best, and in a manner to consume my self, to satisfie that which God, her Ma∣jestie, the Church, requireth of me, should be so evil rewarded, Sed meliora spero. And I know your Lordship doth all, as you are perswaded, for the best; I beseech God long to bless and preserve you.

John Cantuar.

It seemes the Lord Treasurer took exceptions at some passages herein, I dare not say with those, That the Letter was brought to him when he was indi∣sposed with the fit of the Gout, which made him so offended. But what so∣ever was the cause of his passion, see some signs thereof in what followeth.

I Have Received your Graces Letter, answering sundry speeches, as I think, delivered by your Chaplain, Doctor Cozens, and I perceive you are sharply moved to blame me, and clear your self: I know I have many faults, but I hope I have not given such cause of offence, as your Letter expresseth. I deny nothing that your Grace thinketh meet to proceed in, with these whom you call factious; and therefore there is no controversie between you, and me, expressed in your Letter: the controversie is passed in your Gra∣ces Letter in silence; and so I do satisfie; your Grace promised me to deal, I say onely with such as violated order, and to charge them therewith, which I allow well of. But your Grace not charging them with such faults, seeketh by examination to urge them to accuse themselves; and then I think you will punish them: I think your Graces proceeding is, I will not say rigorous or captious, but I think it is scant charitable; I have no leisure to write more, and therefore I will end, for writing will but increase offence, and I mean not to offend your Grace, I am content that your Grace, and my Lord of Lon∣don, where I hear Brown is, use him as your wisdoms shall think meet; If I had known his fault, I might be blamed for writing for him, but when by examination onely it is meant to sift him with twenty four Articles, I have cause to pitty the poor man.

Your Graces as friendly as any, WILL. BURLEY.

Short but sharp. I see though anger only restetha in the Bosome of Fools, it may light on the Brest of a wise man. But no fear that these friends will finally fall out, who alternately were passionate, and patient. So that now it came to the turn of Whitgift to be calme, as he expressed himself in the fol∣lowing return.

To the Lord Treasurer.

My singular good Lord,

GOd knoweth how desirous I have been from time to time to sa∣tisfie your Lordship in all things, and to have my doings ap∣proved to you. For which cause since my coming to this place, I have done nothing of Importance without your advice, I have risen early, and sat up late, to write unto you such objections, and an∣swers as on either side were used, I have not the like to any man, and shall I now say I have lost my labour, or shall my just dealing with two of the most disordered Ministers in a whole Diocess (the obstinacy, and contempt of whom, especially of one of them, you your self would not bear in any subjected to your authority) cause you so to think, and speak of my doings: yea, and of my self, no man living should have made me believe it. Solomon saith, an old friend is better then a new, and I trust your Lordship will not so lightly cast off your old friends, for any of these new fangled, and factious sectaries, whose fruits are to make divisions wheresoever they come, and to separate old, and assured friends. Your Lord∣ship seemeth to charge me with breach of promise, touching my man∣ner of proceeding, whereof I am no way guilty, but I have altered my first course of depriving them for not subscribing only, justifiable by the Law, and common practice both in the time of King Edward, and from the beginning of her Majesties Reign, and chosen this only to satisfie your Lordship. Your Lordship also objecteth, that it is said, I took this course for the better maintenance of my book, my enemies say so indeed, but I trust my friends have a better opinion of me; what should I seek for any confirmation of my book, after twelve years, or what should I get thereby more then already? And yet if subscription may confirme it, it is confirmed long agoe by the sub∣scription of all the Clergy almost in England before my time, even of Brain also who now seemeth to be so willfull. Mine Enemies and tongues of this slanderous and uncharitable sect report, that I am revolted and become a Papist, and I know not what, but it proceedeth from their lewdnesse, not from any desert of mine; and I disdain to answer to any such notorious untruths, which the best of them dare not avouch to my face. Your Lordship seemeth further to burden me with wilfulness, I am sure that you are not so perswaded of me, I will appeal to your own conscience. There is difference betwixt wilfullness, and constancie, I have taken upon me the de∣fence of the Religion, and rights of the Church of England, to ap∣pease the sects of schisms therein, and to reduce all the Ministers thereof to uniformity, and due obedience herein, I intend to be con∣stant, and not to waver with every winde; The which also my place, my person, my duty, the laws, her Majesty, and the good∣ness of the cause doth require of me, and wherein your Lordship and

others (all things considered) ought in duty to asist, and counte∣nance me. It is strange that a man in my place, dealing by so good warranties as I do, should be so incountred, and for not yielding to be counted wilfull, but I must be contented, Vincit qui patitur, and if my friends forsake me herein, I trust God will not, neither the Law, nor her Majesty who hath laid the charge on me, and are able to protect me. But of all other things it most grieveth me, if your Lordship should say, that two Ministers fare the worse because your Lordship hath sent them. Hath your Lordship ever had any cause so to think of me? It is needless for me to protest my heart, and affection towards you above all other men, the world knoweth it, and I am assured that your Lordship nothing doubteth thereof; I have rather cause to complain to your Lordship of your self, that upon so small an occasson, and in the behalf of two such you will so hardly conceive of me, yea, and as it were countenance persons so meanly qualified in so evill a cause against me, your Lordships so long tried friend, and their Ordinary. That hath not so been in times past, now it should least of all be, I may not suffer the notorious contempt of one of them especially, unless I will become Fsops Block, and undoe all that which hitherto have been done. Well, because I would be loath to omit any thing whereby your Lordship might be satisfied, I have sent unto you herein inclosed certain reasons to justifie the manner of my proceedings, which I marvel should be so misliked in this cause, having been so long practised in the same, and never before this time found fault with. Truly my Lord I must proceed this way, or not at all, the reasons I have set down in this paper. And I heartily pray your Lordship, not to be carried away, either from the cause, or from my self upon unjust surmises, and clamours, lest you be the occasion of that confusion which here∣after you would be sorry for. For mine own part I desire no further defence in these occasions: neither of your Lordship, nor any o∣ther, then Justice, and Law will yield unto me. In my own pri∣vate affairs, I know I shall stand in need of friends, especially of your Lordship, of whom I have made alwayes an assu••ed account; but in these publick actions, I see no cause why I should seek for friends, seeing they to whom the care of the Commonwealth is committed, ought of duty therein to joyne with me. To conclude, I am your Lordships assured, neither will I ever be perswaded, but you do all even of hearty good will towards me.

John Cantuar

Now amongst all the favourers of the Presbyterians, surely honesty, and wisdom, never met more in any then in S^r. Francis Walsingham, of whom it may be said (abate for the disproportion) as of S^t. Paul, though poore yet making many rich. Having but one only Daughter (whole extraordinary hand∣somnesse, with a moderate portion would considerably prefer her in marriage. He neglected wealth in himself, though I may say, he enriched many (not only his dependants but,) even the English Nation, by his prudent steering of State affairs. How he interceded to qualifie the Arch-Bishop, for a Semi-non conformist, we learn from his following Letter.

IT may please your Grace to understand, that this bearer M^r. Lever∣wood, of whom I wrote unto your Grace, hath been here with me, and finding him very conformable, and willing to observe such or∣ders as are appointed to be used in the Church, as your Grace shall partly perceive by certain Articles subscribed with his own hand, and herein inclosed, I willed him to repair unto your Grace; And in case these Articles may be allowed, then I pray your Grace to be his good Lord, and that with your good will and favour he may proceed in his suit; upon knowledge whereof, I do mean to deal further therein with her Majesty thereof for him, as I have already begun to do, upon the good report I heard of the man, before your Graces message sent to M^r. Nicasius for the stay thereof. And so I humbly take my leave.

Your Graces at command Francis Walsingham.

What this Letter effected, the next will informe us,

Right Honourable,

I thank you heartily for your letter, written unto me in the be∣half of Leverwood, wherein I perceive the performance of your honorable speeches to my self, in promising to joyne with me, a∣gainst such as shall be breakers of the orders of the Church establish∣ed: and movers of contentions therein upon that, and other like speeches of yours with me at your last being at Lambeth, I have for∣born to suspend or deprive any man already placed in any cure or charge, for not subscribing only, if hereafter he would promise unto me in writing, the observing of the Book of Common-Prayer, and the orders of the Church by law set••down: and I do now re∣quire subscription to the said Articles, of such only as are to be ad∣mitted to the Ministry, and to Ecclesiasticall livings, wherein I finde my self something eased of my former troubles: and as yet none or very few of the last named persons, to refuse to subscribe to the said Articles, though some of them have been accounted heretofore very precise. I also very well remember that it was her own wish, and desire, that such as hereafter should be admitted to any living, should in like manner be tied to the observing the orders: which as it hath already wrought some quietness in the Church, so I doubt not but that it will in time perfect the same. And I cannot break that order in one, but other will look for the like favour, to the re∣newing, and increasing of the former Atheisme, not yet already ex∣tinguished. Wherefore I heartily pray you to joyn with me here∣in. Touching the Articles inclosed in your letter, whereunto Le∣verwood hath subscribed: they are of no moment, but such as may easily be deluded. For whereas he first saith, that he will willingly subscribe as far as the law requireth at his hand, his meaning is, that the law requireth no such subscription, for so I am informed that some Lawyers (therein deceived) have perswaded him and others,

and in saying that he will alwayes in the Ministry use the Book of Common-Prayer, and none else, his meaning is, that he will use but so much of the Book as pleaseth him, and not that he will use all things in the Book required of him. I have dealt with him in some particularities, which he denieth to use, and therefore his subscription is to small purpose. I would, as neer as I can, promise, that none should hereafter come into the Church to breed new trou∣bles, I can be better occupied otherwise. And God would bless our labours more amply, and give better success to the word so com∣monly and diligently preached if we could be at peace, and quietness among our selves, which I most hartily wish, and doubt not to bring to pass by Gods grace, the rather through your good help, and assistance, whereof I assure my self, and so with my hearty prayers &c.

John Cantuar.

Thus have we presented to the Reader some select Letters out of many in my hand, passing betwixt the highest persons in Church matters. I count it a blessing that providence hath preserved such a treasure un∣plundred, esteem it a favour in such friends as imparted them unto me, and conceive it no ungratefull act in our communicating the same to the Reader. And now we (who hitherto according to good manners have held our peace, while such who were farr our betters, by their pens spake one to another) begin to resume our voice, and express our selves as well as we may in the following History.

10. By the changing of Edmond into John Cantuar. It plainly ap∣pears, that as all these letters were written this year, so they were in∣dited after the sixth of July, (and probably about December) when BP. Grindal deceased. Our English Eli, for office (highest in spirituall pro∣motion) age (whereby both were blinde) and manner of his death, thus far forth as heart-broken with sorrow. Grindals grief proceeded from the Queens displeasure, undeservedly procured by the practises of his ma∣licious enemies. There want not those who will strain the paralel betwixt Eli and Grindal in a fourth respect, both being guilty of dangerous indul∣gence, and lenity to offenders. Indeed Grindal, living, and dying sole, and single, could not be cockering to his own children; but as a Father of the Church, he is accused for too much conniving at the factious disturbers thereof. Sure I am, he was an impartial correcter of mens vicious conver∣sations: witness his sharp reproving of Julio the Italian Physician, for marrying another mans wife. Which bitter, but wholsome pill, the Phy∣sician himself not being able to disgest, incensed the Earl of Leicester, and he the Queens Majesty against the good Arch-bishop. But all was put on the account of Grindals non-conformity, for favouring the factious mee∣tings, called Prophesyings. Grindal, sensible of the Queens displeasure, desired to resigne his place, and confine himself to a yearly pension: not, as some may pretend, that it was against his conscience to keep it; but because above his impotent age to mannage so great a charge. The place was proffered to Whitgift, but he in the presence of the Queen utterly re∣fused it: yet, what he would not snatch, soon after fell into his hands by Grindals death.

11. Who so beholds the large revenues conser'd on Grindal, the long time he enjoyed them (Bishop of London, Arch-Bishop of York, and Can∣terbury, above eighteen years) the little charge incumbring him, dying a single man, will admire at the mean estate he left behind him. Yea, per∣chance they will erroneously impute this to his prodigality, which more truly is to be ascribed to his contempt of the world, unwilling to die guilty of much wealth; not to speak of fat Servants made under a lean Master. The little he had, as it was well gotten, was well bestowed, in pious uses on Cambridge, and Oxford, with the building, and endowing of a School at S^t. Bees in Cumberland, where he was born. Yea, he may be beheld as a benefactour to the English nation, for bringing Tamaríx first over into England. As the inventers of evill things are justly taxed by thea Apostle: so the first importers of good things deserve due commen∣dation; That plant being so soveraign to mollifie the hardness of the spleen; a malady whereof Students (betrayed thereunto by their seden∣tarie lives) too generally do complain.

SECTION VI.

To the Master, Wardens, and all the Members of the Honorable Company of Mercers of London.

As it would be a sin of omission in me (so much obli∣ged to your society) should no share in my History be allowed unto you, so I should commit a great incon∣gruity, if assigning it any where else, then in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. Whose great Grandfather Sr. Godfrey Bollen (1458. Major of London) is generally believed one of your Company, so that the Crowned Maidenhead in your Arms, may in some sort seem Propheticall, Presaging such a Queen-Virgin should be extracted from one of your Society, as the Christian-World could not paralel in all particulars.

Indeed much of credit is imported in your very Name. For seeing all Buyers and Sellers, are Mercers à Mercando, Custom hath confined and fixed the term Emi∣nently on your Corporation, as alwayes the prime Chapmen of our Nation, in which respect you have the precedency of all other Companies.

I will detain you no longer from better Customers, wishing you sound wares, quick vent, good prizes, sure payment. One Commodity alone excepted, I mean the Truth it self, this buy and sell it not, Purchase it on any terms, but part with it on no Conditions.

ABout four a clock in the afternoone on the Lords day, a sad accident hap••ned in Paris-gard••n, on the south∣side of Thames, over against London. Whilest mul∣titudes were beholding the baiting of the bear, the old under-propped Scaffolds overladen with people, suddenly fell down, killeda eight outright, hurt, and bruised many moe, to the shortning of their lives. Theb assertors of the strict observation of the Sabbath, vigorously improve this (as well they may) against them who prophane the Lords-day, which afterwards (the joyfull effect of a dolefull cause) was generally kept with more carefulness.

2. Robert Brown began at this time to broach his opinions. he was born in Rutland-shire, of an ancient and worshipfull family (one whereof found∣ed a fair Hospital ina Stamford) nearly allied to the Lord Treasurer Cicel. He was bred for a time in Cambridge (I conceive in Corpus Christi Colledge) but question, whether ever a Graduate therein. He used some time to preach at Bennet-Church, where the vehemency of his utterance passed for zeal among the Common people, and made the vulgar to admire, the wise to suspect him. D^r. Still, afterwards Master of Trinity (out of curiosity, or casually present at his preaching) discovered in him something extraor∣dinary, which he presaged would prove the disturbance of the Church, if not seasonaly prevented. Some years after, Brown went over into Zealand, to purchase himself more reputation from forraign parts. For, a smack of travail gives an high taste to strange opinions, making them better relished to the licourish lovers of novelty. Home he returne with a full crie against the Church of England, as having so much of Rome, she had nothing of Christ in her discipline.

Norfolke was the first place whereon Brown (new flown home out of the Low-Countries) pearched himself, and therein in the City of Norwich. A place which then spake little more then medietatem linguae, having almost as many dutch strangers, as English natives inhabiting therein. Brown beginning with the Dutch, soon proceeded to infect his own Country-men, for which he was confined, as the following letter of the Lord Treasurer Burghly, to BP.〈…〉〈…〉Phrcke of Norwich will informe us.

AFter my very hearty commendations to your Lordship; whereas I understand that one Brown a Preacher is by your Lordship and others of the Ecclesiasticall Commission committed to the cu∣stody of the Sheriff of Norfolk, where he remains a prisoner, for some matters of offence uttered by him by way of preaching, wherein I per∣ceive by sight of some letters written by certain godly preachers in your Lordships Diocess he hath been dealt with, and by them disswa∣ded from that course he hath taken. Forasmuch, as he is my kinsman; if he be son to him whom I take him to be, and that his errour see∣meth to proceed of zeal rather then of malice, I do therefore wish he were charitably conferred with and reformed, which course I pray your Lordship may be taken with him, either by your Lord∣ship or such as your Lordship shall assigne for that purpose. And in case there shall not follow thereof such success, as may be to your liking, that then you would be content to permit him to repair hi∣ther to London, to be further dealt with as I shall take order for up∣on his coming, for which purpose I have written a letter to the Sheriff, if your Lordship shall like thereof. And so I bid your Lordship right heartily farewell.

From the Court at Westminster this 21. of April. 1581.

Your Lordships very loving friend W. B.

Brown being thus brought up to London, by the advice of his friends was wrought to some tolerable compliance, and being discharged by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, was by the Lord Treasurer sent home to his father Anthony Brown at Tolethorp in Rutland Esquire. One I assure you of ancient, and right worshipfull extraction, having my self seen a charter granted by King Henry the eighth, (the 16^th of July, in the 18^th. of his reign) and confirmed by act of Parliament, to Francis Brown father to the aforesaid Anthony, giving him leave to put on his cap, in the presence of the King or his heirs, or any Lord Spirituall or Temporall in the land, and not to put it off but for his own ease, and pleasure. But let us see and the Lord Treasurers letter in the behalf of Brown to his father.

AFter my very hearty commendations, understanding that your son Robert Brown, had been sent for up by my Lord Bishop of Canterbury, to answer to such matters as he was to be charged with∣all, conteined in a Book made by him, and published in print (as it was thought) by his means: I thought good, considering he was your Son, and of my blood, to send unto my Lord of Canterbury in his behalf, that he might finde what reasonable favour he could shew him; before whom I perceive he hath answered in some good sort; and although I think he will not deny the making of the Book, yet by no means will he confess to be acquainted with the publishing or printing of it. He hath besides yielded unto his Lordship such fur∣ther contentment, as he is contented (the rather at my motion) to discharge him, and therefore for that he purposeth to repair to you, I have thought good to accompany him with these my letters, and to pray you for this cause, or any his former dealings, not to withdraw from him your fatherly love and affection, not doubting but with time he will be fully recovered, and withdrawn from the Reliques of some fond opinions of his, which will be the better done, if he be dealt withall in some kinde, and temperate manner. And so I bid you very heartily farewell.

From my house neer the Savoy this eighth of October 1585.

Your loving friend and Cousin, William Burghley.

But it seems Browns errours were so inlaid in him, no conference with Divines could convince him to the contrary, whose incorrigibleness made his own father weary of his company. Men may wish, God only can work, children to be good. The old gentleman would own him for his Son no longer, then his Son owned the Church of England for his Mother, desiring to rid his hands of him, as by the insuing letter will appear.

AFter my very hearty Commendations, I perceive by your letters, that you have little or no hopes of your sons confor∣mity, as you had when you received him into your house, and there∣fore you seem desirous that you might have liberty to remove him further off from you, as either to Stamford, or some other place, which I know no cause but you may very well and lawfully do, where I wish he might better be perswaded to conforme himself for his own good: and yours, and his friends comfort. And so I very heartily bid you farewell.

From the Court this seventeeth of February. 1585.

Your very loving friend and cousin William Burghley.

Thus to make our Story of the troublesom man the more entire, we have trespassed on the two following years, yet without discomposing our Chrono∣logie on the Margin.

3. With his assistant Richard Harrisen, a petty Pedagogue, they inveigh∣ed against Bishops, Ecclesiasticall Courts, Ceremonies, Ordination of Mi∣nisters, and what not? fancying here on earth a platform of a perfect Church, without any faults (understand it thus, save those that are made by themselves) therein. The Reader, if desirous to know their opinions, is referred to the large, and learned Treatises written against them; parti∣cularly to the pains of D^r. Fulke, proving, that the Brownists (so named from this Brown, their ringleader) were in effect the same with the ancient Donatists, only newly reviv'd. Thus there is a circulation, as in fashion of clothes; so of opinions, the same after some years return: Brownisme being no more than Donatisme vamped with some new additions. The Queen, and Her Councell seriously set themselves, first by gentleness to reduce, and (that not succeeding) by severity to suppress the increase of this faction. Brown himself used to boast, that he had been committed to thirty two prisons, and in some of them be could not see his hand at noon day, Yet for all this he came off at last both with saving his life, and keeping his living (and that none of the meanest, Achurch in Northampton-shire) untill the day of his death.

4. One may justly wonder, when many meaner Accessaries in this schism were arraigned, condemned, executed, how this Brown, the Princi∣pal, made so fair an escape, yea, enjoyed such preferment. I will never believe, that he ever formally recanted his opinions, either by word or writing, as to the main of what he maintained. More probable it is, that the promise of his genéral compliance with the Church of England (so far forth as not to make future disturbance therein) met with the Arch-Bishops courteous acceptance thereof, both which effectually improved by the countenance of Thomas Cecil, Earl of Exeter (Brown's near kinsman, and patron) procured this extraordinary favour to be indulged unto him. His Parsonage he freely possess'd allowing a sufficient salary for one to discharge the cure; and (though against them in his judgement) was contented (and perchance pleased) to take the tithes of his own parish.

5. For my own part (whose nativity Providence placed within a mile of this Brown his pastorall charge) I have, when a youth, often beheld him. He was of an imperious nature, offended, if what he affirm'd, but in common discourse, were not instantly received as an oracle. He was then so far from the Sabbatarian strictness, to which some preciser Brownists did afterwards pretend, that both in judgement, and practise, he seemed rather libertine therein. In a word, he had in my time a wife, with whom, for many years he never lived, parted from her on some distaste: and a Church, wherein he never preached, though he received the profits thereof.

6. As for his death in the prison in Northampton, many years after (in the reign of King Charles Anno 1630.) it nothing related to those opin∣ons he did, or his followers do maintain. For as I am credibly informed, being by the Constable of the Parish (who chanced also to be his God-son) somewhat roughly and rudely required the payment of a rate, he happ'ned in passion to strike him. The Constable (not taking it patiently as a casti∣gation from a God-father, but in anger as an affront to his office) complai∣ned to S^r. Rowland S^r. John, a neighbouring Justice of the peace, and Brown is brought before him. The Knight of himself, was prone rather to pity, and pardon, than punish his passion; but Browns behaviour was so stub∣born, that he appeared obstinately ambitious of a prison, as desirous (after

long absence) to renew his familiarity with his ancient acquaintance. His Mittimus is made, and a cart with a feather-bed provided to carry him, he himself being so infirme (above eighty) to goe, too unweldie to ride, and no friend so favourable, as to purchase for him a more comly conveyance. To Northampton jayle he is sent, where, soon after he sickned, died, and was buried in a neighbouring Church-yard: and it is no hurt to wish, that his bad opinions had been interred with him.

7. The Tenents of Brownists daily increasing, their books were prohi∣bited by the Queens authority. Notwithstanding which prohibition, some presumed to disperse the same, and paid dearly for their contempt therein. For, Eliasa Thacker was hanged on the fourth, and John Coping on the sixth of June, at the same place, St. Edmonds Burie, and for the same offence, the scattering such schismatical pamphlets.

8. John Whitgift succeeding in the Arch-Bishoprick, found it much sur∣charged in the valuation, and empaired in the revenues, through the negli∣gence of his predecessour, who would pay willingly what they asked of him, and take contentedly what any tendered to him. First therefore Whitgiftb procured an order out of the Exchequer, for the abatement of an hundred pound for him, and his successours in the payment of his first∣fruits. Afterwards he encountred no meaner man, than that great Courti∣er, Souldier, and Privie-Councellour S^r. James Crosts; or rather he le∣gally contested with the Queen in him, and recovered from both, long c Beachwood in Kent (containing above a thousand acres of land) de∣tained from his predecessour under colour of a lease from Her Majesty.

9. Thisd year Nicholas Sanders (more truly Slanders) had in Ire∣land a wofull end of his wretched life. He was borne in S••rrey, bred first in Winchester, then in New Colledge in Oxford, where he was Kings-Professor of Canon-Law, but afterwards, banishing himself, fled to Rome, there made Priest, and D^r. of Divinity. He accompanied Cardinal Hosius, to the Councel of Trent, and there is said, by disputing, and declaiming to have gained himself great reputation. At last he was sent over. Popes Nuncio into Ireland, conceived then a desperate employment, and therefore many Catholicks regreted thereat. Yea, some were overheard to say (but it ise Pitzaeus Sander's own sisters son, who reports it) Why does his Holi∣ness send our Sanders into Ireland? We value him more then all Ireland is worth. There amongst the bogs, and mountains was he starved to death, justly famished for want of food, who formerly had surfited on improbable lies, by him first forged on the nativity of Queen Elizabeth.

10. We must not forget, how this year, one John Lewes was burnt at Norwich for denying the Godhead of Christ, and holding other detestable heresies. He called himselff Abdeit (let him tell you what he meant there∣by) alluding therein to the promise of a newg name, which no man knoweth but him that receiveth it, having in it a little mock-Hebrew, to make himself the more remarkable.

11. Now, so great was the malice of the Jesuits against Her Majesty, that at this time they set forth many slanderous libels, stirring up Her Sub∣jects, and Servants to do the same to Her, as Judith did toh Holofernes. One of their principal pamphlets was intitled, A Treatise of Schism. The suspicion of making it, fell on Gregory Martin, one probable enough for such a prank (as being Divinity Professor in Rhemes) did not his Epitaph there i ensure me, he was dead and buried, two years before. Though it is possible, his posthume work might be born abroad, after the death of the author thereof. But, whoever made it, William Carter, the Stationer, paid dearly for publishing it, being executed at Tiburn. And in the next moneth five Seminaries, John Fen, George Haddock, John Munden, John Nutter, and Thomas Hemmerford, were hanged, bowelled, and quartered for

treason, at Tiburn; and many others about the same time, executed in other places.

12. Yet, even in the midst of this necessarie severity, Her Majesty was most mercifull unto many Popish malefactors, whose lives stood forfeited to the Laws, in the rigour thereof. For, no fewer then seventy Priests (some of them actually condemned to die, all legally deserving death) were, by one act of Grace, pardoned, and sent over beyond sea. Amongst these were

• 1. Gaspar Heywood, son to that eminent Epigrammatist, the firsta Jesuite that ever set foot in England.
• 2. James Bosgrave.
• 3. John Hart, a learned man, zealous to dispute, not dangerous to pra∣ctice for his religion.
• 4. Edward Rishton, ungrateful wretch, who afterwards railed in print on the Queen, who gave him his life.

Her Majesties mercy herein was the more remarkable, because done at a time, when treasons against her person (by Arden Summerfield, Throgmor∣ton &c.) did follow, or rather, tread one on another. If hereafter the edge of justice fall sharper on Jesuits, let them thank their own trechery, which whetted it against themselves.

13. This year two conferences or disputations were kept, (the last at Lambeth) about the Discipline and Ceremonies of the Church.

• 1. Whitgift, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. Sandys of York, and Cooper of Winchester for the same.
• 2. Unconforming Ministers (whose names I cannot certainly attain) against it.
• 3. The Lords of Her Majesties Privie Councell, and some other persons of Honour Auditors thereof.

This Conference effected nothing on the disputants (as to the altering of their opinions) little on the Auditors, but as much on all as any judicious person ever expected. What Eliah said passionately,b I am no better then my Fathers, may be soberly said of this conference. It was no happier then any of its Ancestors, which went before it. Let me add also, and no unhappier than its successors that shall come after it. It being observed, that meetings of this nature before or after this time, never produced any great matter on persons present thereat: who generally carry away the same judgement they brought with them. And yet the Lords were pleased to say their judgements were sa∣tisfied in the point on the Bishops behalf, not conceving their adversaries ar∣guments so slight and triviall, as now they appeared. This was in some of them but a Court-Complement, who afterwards secretly acted against the Arch-Bishop, in favour of the other party.

14. Whitgift finding this first way unsuccessfull, fell from other reasoning to a flat argument from Authority, enjoyning all admitted to the Ecclesiasticall Orders, and Benefices, the subscription of the following Articles.

• 1. That the Queen had supream authority over all persons born within Her Dominions, of what condition so ever they were; and that no other Prince, Prelate, or potentate, hath, or ought to have any jurisdiction, Civil, or Ec∣clesiasticall, within Her Realms, or Dominions.
• ...

• 2. That the Book of Common-Prayer, and the Ordination of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, containeth nothing contrary to the Word of God, but may lawfully be used; and, that they will use that, and none other.
• 3. That the Articles of Religion agreed in the Synod holden at London, in the year of our Lord 1562. and published by the Queens authority, they did allow of, and beleeve them to be consonant to the Word of God.

The severe inforcing of subscription hereunto, what great disturbance it occasioned in the Church, shall hereafter by Gods assistance be made to appear, leaving others to judge whether the offence was given, or taken thereby.

15. Now came forth the Rhemish Translation of the New Testament. A Translation which needeth to be translated, neither good Greek, Latine, or English, as every where bespeckled with hard words (pretended not rende∣rable in English without abatement of some expressiveness) which transcend common capacities. Besides, it is taxed by our Divines as guilty of abomi∣nable errours therein. It was printed in large paper, with a fair letter and margent, all which I have charity enough to impute to their desire to do it, for the more dignity of Gods word; whilest others interpret it, that there∣by purposely they inhaunced the price, to put it past the power of poore mens purses to purchase it. Another accident raised the dearness thereof, because so many books being seized on by the Queens Searchers, the whole price of the Edition fell the more heavie on the remainder. But, suppose a poor Lay-Catholick so rich through his industry, as secretly to purchase one of these Rhemish Testaments, he durst not avouch the reading thereof, without the permission of his Superiors licensing him thereunto.

16. Secretary Walsingham, by his letters solicited M^r. Thomas Cart∣wright, to undertake the refuting of this Rhemish Translation: and the better to enable him for the work, sent him an-hundreda pounds out of his own purse. A bountifull gift for one, who was though a great States∣man, a man of small estate, contracting honourableb poverty on himself, by his expence on the publick, as dying not so engaged to his private credi∣tors, as the whole Church, and State was indebted to his endeavours. Walsing∣ham his letters to Cartwright were seconded by another from the Doctours, and Heads of Houses (and D^r, Fulke amongst the rest) at Cambridge, besides the importunity of the ministers of London, and Suffolk, solliciting him to the same purpose, Hereupon Cartwright buckled himself to the employment, and was very forward in the pursuance thereof.

17. No sooner had Whitgift gotten notice, what Cartwright was a writing, but presently he prohibited his farther proceeding therein. It seems, Walsingham was Secretary of State, not of Religion, wherein the Arch-Bishop overpowred him. Many commended his care, not to intrust the defence of the Doctrine of England, to a pen so disaffected to the Disci∣pline thereof. Others blamed his jealousie, to deprive the Church of so learned pains of him, whose judgement would so solidly, and affections so zealously confute the publick adversary. Distastfull passages (shooting at Rome, but glancing at Canterburie) if any such were found in his book, might be expunged, whilest it was pity so good fruit should be blasted in the bud, for some bad leaves about it. Dishartened hereat, Cartwright de∣sisted; but some years after, encouraged by a Honourable Lord, resumed the work; but prevented by death, perfected no further then the fifteenth chapter of the Revelation. Many years lay this worthy work neglected, and the copy thereof mouse-eaten in part, whence the Printer excused some defects therein in his edition; which though late, yet at last came forth Anno 1618. A book, which notwithstanding the foresaid defects, is so

compleat, that the Rhemists durst never return the least answer there∣unto.

18. Mean time whilest Cartwright his refutation of the Rhemish was thus retarded, D^r. William Fulke, Master of Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge, en∣tered the list against them, judiciously, and learnedly, performing his un∣dertaking therein. His daughter, and (as I take it) the only surviver of his children, lately set forth, the fourth and fairest edition of this his Confuta∣tion, and dedicated it to King Charls.

19. The Rhemists profess, in their preface to the New Testament, that the Old Testament also lieth by them for lack of good means to publish the whole in such sort, as a work of so great charge and importance requireth; which seemeth strange to a judicious consideration. For, had a voluminous legend of Saints-lives (with pictures as costly as superstitious) been to be set forth, a mass, a mint, a mine of mony could easily be advanced to defray the expences thereof. Thus Papists can be poor, or rich, as they please themselves. Some behold this their promise, to set forth the Old Testament, as not really intended, but given out to raise mens expectations, which in process of time would fall of it self, and the profer by degrees be forgotten. Others interpret their resolutions real, but purposely revoked, seeing the ill success of their New testament, so canvassed, and confuted by the Protestant Divines. Perceiving that their small pinace, which they first set forth, met at sea with such boisterous weather, wisely they would not adventure a greater vessel after it: but rather left it to rot on the dock, than they would lanch it forth in such danger. A third sort behold this their promise, as a modest, and manerly, (aliàs) a crafty, and cunning begging of a contribution of the Catholick party, for setting forth of the same, which never as yet came into publick view. Yea, the Old Testament some said would be old indeed, before the translation thereof in English were by them set forth: insomuch that some conceived, a lease of land, till this their promise be performed almost as good as the fee-simple thereof.

20. But now though men were so generally confident, that these long expected Rhemish notes on the Old Testament, would not come forth till the Greek Calends, they have since found themselves deceived, seeing some twenty years after, that long-lookt for work crept forth into the World, little notice being taken thereof by the Protestants. Partly, because no great eminency therein to intitle it to their perusall; Partly, because that moity of the Bible is of least concernment in the controversies betwixt us, and the Church of Rome.

21. I finde not this year the death of any eminent English Protestant-Divine. Amongst the Papists, George Etheredge departed this life, much lamented by those of his own perswasion. He was Bachelor of Physick in Corpus-Christi Colledge in Oxford, and Kings-professor of Greek in that University, which place he quitted at the coming in of Queen Elizabeth, and betook himself there to a private life. His house was an Hospital to relieve those of his own Religion, on whom he expended his estate. He was one of the primitive Catholicks (saith mya author) persecuted for his consci∣ence. As he started soon, he ran long in the race of patience, used to all the jayles in Oxford, and London, for thirty years together. In so much that he professed, that the variety of prisons was some pleasure, and the custome of durance had made fetters to be freedom unto him.

22. This year came forth the exposition of M^r. Thomas Rogers, on the Articles of the Church of England; which at first met not with that well∣come entertainment, which seemed due to his endeavours. For, besides the two extremes, Papists, and Schismaticks, highly enraged, many Prote∣stants of a middle temper were much offended thereat. Some conceiv'd it presumption for any private Minister, to make himself the mouth of the

Church, to render her sense in matters of so high concernment. Others were offended, that his interpretation confin'd the charitable latitude, for∣merly allowed in those Articles. The composers whereof, providently foreseeing, that doctrinal differences would inevitably arise, in so large a Church as England was, even betwixt Protestants agreeing in fundamentals of Religion, purposely couched the Articles in general terms (not that false∣hood should take shelter under the covert thereof, but) to include all such dissenters within the comprehensiveness of the expressions. Whereas now M^r. Rogers his restrictive Comment, shut out such from their concurrence with the Church of England, which the discreet laxity of the Text admitted thereunto. However the worth of the work, in some years wrought it self into good esteem, as dedicated to, and countenanced by the Arch-Bishop, though the author thereof never got any higher preferment.

23. Three great Societies at this time in London were busily imployed, the two former of them avouched by Law, and the third avouching it self, namely.

The Parliament.	The Convocation.	The assembly of Ministers
Begun and holden at Westminster, the twenty third day of November last, and there continu∣ed till the twenty ninth of March following, where∣in the Statute a∣gainst Jesuits, and Priests their de∣parting out, and not coming into the Realm, was made, with pe∣nalty for the re∣lieving them.	Kept in St. Pauls in Lon∣don, beginning with a most learned Latina ser∣mon preached by John Copcot, Dr. of Divinity (afterwards Master of Bennet Colledge in Cam∣bridge) taking for his text 1 Tim. 6. 13. Praecipiotihi coram Deo. &c. Hence the Convocation was remo∣ved to the Collegiate Church of St. Peters in Westminster, where Dr. Goodman, Dean thereof, made a solemn protestati∣on with his fellow Pre∣bends, that the said meeting ought not to be prejudi∣ciall to the priviledges of his Church, his Protestati∣on was accepted, and assu∣rance given that the said Convocation met not there in any manner to infringe their Immunities, but only for the maturation of bu∣siness with the more expe∣dition through the conve∣niency of the place. William Redman, Dr. of Divinity, Arch-Deacon of Canter∣bury was chosen and pre∣sented Prolocutor.	The certain place of their convening not known, being clandestine, Arbitrary and changeable, as advised by their conveniences; they are better discovered by their moving then by their meeting, and their practices more conspicuous then their places. Some Agent for them were all day at the dore of the Parliament house, and some part of the night in the Chambers of Parliament men, effectually soliciting their business with them.

24. Wonder not if Arch-Bishop Whitgift repaired seldome to, and re∣sided but a short time in the Convocation, having other work to do in the Parliament, where what impression was made by the Agents of the Ministers, will appear by his ensuing Letter to her Majesty.

To the Queens most excellent Majesty.

MAy it please your Majesty to be advertised, that notwithstanding the charge of late given by your Highness to the lower house of Par∣liament for dealing in causes of the Church; Albeit also according to your Ma∣jesties good liking, we have set down orders for the admitting of meet men into the Ministry hereafter; yet have they passed a Bill in that house yester∣day, touching the matter, which, besides other great inconveniences, (as namely the trial of the Ministers sufficiency by twelve lay-men, and such like) hath this also, that if it pass by Parliament, it cannot hereafter but in Parliament be altered, what necessity soever shall urge thereunto; which I am perswaded in short time will appear, considering the multitude of livings, not fit for men so qualified, by reason of the smallness thereof: Whereas if it pass but as a Canon from us, by your Majesties Authority, it may be observed or altered at your pleasure. They have also passed a Bill giving liberty to marry at all times of the year, without restraint, contrary to the old Canons, continually observed amongst us; and containing mat∣ter which tendeth to the slander of this Church: as having hitherto main∣tained an errour. There is likewise now in hand in the same house, a Bill concerning Ecclesiasticall Courts, and Visitations by Bishops, which may reach to the overthrow of Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction, and study of the Civill Laws: The pretence of the Bill is against excessive fees, and exactions in Ecclesiasticall Courts, which fees are none other then have been of long time accustomed to be taken, the Law already established, providing a sharp and severe punishment, for such as shall exceed the same; Besides an order also which we at this present have taken amongst our selves for the better performance thereof. I therefore most humbly beseech your Majesty, to continue your gracious goodness towards us, who with all humility sub∣mit our selves to your Highness, and cease not daily to pray for your happy estate, and long and prosperous Reign over us.

Your Majesties Chaplain and daily Orator most bounden John Cantuar.

Thus, the old year (on the last day whereof this Letter was dated) ended sad∣ly, and suspiciously, with the Prelates; but the next year began Cheerfully, and presented good tidings unto them.

25. For, the Queen, to verifie her Motto, SEMPER EADEM, and to disprove that Inconstancy generally charged on her sex, acquitted Her self more then Woman in Her masculine resolutions: and nothing of mo∣ment was altered in Church discipline. Many things indeed were offe∣red to both houses, debated, agitated, and (as it seems) passed the Commons;

but nothing in fine was effected. Thus the Major may propound what it plea∣seth, and the Minor assume what it listeth, but no conclusive argument could then be framed, without the Ergo of the royall Assent, which the Queen refused to affix to any materiall Alteration.

26. And few dayes after the session of the Parliament for the present broke off, wherewith ended the assenbly of the Ministers. And now all of them had leave to depart to their own homes: Otherwise such members thereof, as formerly went away without leave, were obnoxious to cen∣sure. Witness one of them in his Ingenious confession.a Touching my de∣parture from that holy assembly without leave &c. I crave pardon both of you and them &c: And thus commending this holy Cause to the Lord himself, and your Godly Councell to the President thereof, I take my leave.

27. The next day the Convocation ended, having effected nothing of moment, save that in the 9^th. session thereof, Iohn Hilton Priest, made a solemn Abjuration of his blasphemous heresies, according to the tenour ensuing.

b In Dei nomine Amen. Before you most reverend father in God, Lord John Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitane of all England, and the reverend fathers in God, the Bishops of this your Province of Canter∣bury, here Congregated and Assembled together in this holy Synod and Convocation, I John Hilton, Priest, of my pure heart, and free will, voluntarily and sincerely, knowledge, confess, and openly recognize, that in times past, I thought, beleeved, said, held, and presumptuously affir∣med, and preached the Errors, Heresies, Blasphemies, and damnable opini∣ons following, &c.

Here he distinctly read a Schedule containing his heresies, (which what they were may be collected by that which ensueth) and then proceeded as followeth.

Wherefore I the said John Hilton, detesting and abhorring all and every such my said Heresies, Blasphemies, and damned opinions; willing, and with all my power affecting, hereafter firmely to beleeve in the true and perfect faith of Christ, and his holy Church, purposing to follow the doctrine of Christ, and his holy Apostles, with a pure and free heart, voluntary minde, will and intent, utterly forsake, relinquish, renounce, and despise, the said detestable Errours, Heresies, Blasphemies, and Abominable opinions.

Granting, and confessing, that the blessed Trinity consisteth in three distinct persons, and one Godhead; as God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, coe quall in power and might.

Secondly, that Jesus Christ is both God and man, and my Saviour and Redee∣mer, and of all other baptized and beleeving in him. Who of his Father of his own substance in his humanity was conceived by the Holy Ghost, incarnate, and for our Redemption being very God became man.

And that by the death of Jesus Christ, we be not only made partakers of his Testament, and so deduced to the knowledge of his godly will, and power but also, that we have full Redemption, and Remission of our sins in his bloud.

And, where I did most ungodly, detestably, and blasphemously affirme, that the Old and New Testaments were Fables; now being most sorry for that abominable, and damnable assertion, I do most humbly andc—beleeve the same Testaments to contain all truths necessary to salvation, and that I and all others are bound to beleeve the same, as the undoubted word of God, and that without that I cannot be saved.

And therefore the said Errours, Blasphemies, and all other Heresies, false doctrines, and damned opinions in generall, contrary and repugnant to the faith of Christ I utterly absu••e, forsake, and purely renounce, before you most Reverend father in God, and the rest of this holy Synod here assembled. And moreover, I swear by this holy Evangelist, by me here bodily touched, that from henceforth I shall never hold, teach, believe or affirme the said Errours, Here∣s••s, ••lasphemies, or damned opinions, or any other against, contrary or repug∣n••t to the holy saith of Christs Church. Nor yet shall I by my self or any other per∣son, privately o•• apertly defend, maintain, succour, favour, or support any person, that to my knowledge holdeth, beleeveth, affirmeth or teacheth, any such Heresies, Errours, or damned opinions: So help me God, and these holy Evangelists. In witness whereof to this my present Abjuration, and renunciation, I have with my own hand voluntarily subscribed my proper name.

JOHN HILTON.

28. Upon this his Abjuration, Pennance was imposed on him, first that he should attend at Pauls Crosse upon the Preacher, Sunday next all the time of the Sermon, and there penitently stand before the said Preacher, with a faggot on his shoulders. Secondly, that he should not preach, mini∣ster Sacraments, nor exercise any Ecclesiasticall function in the Church, except specially licensed by the Arch-Bishop thereunto. Thirdly, that he should recant the said heresies, and damnable opinions, in the Church of S^t. Martius in the fields, at a sermon there to be made by the Arch-Deacon, and there to shew himself very penitent. I finde in the Records a recogni∣zance of five hundred pounds drawn up to the Queen, whereby the said Hilton bound himself for the performance hereof; but because the rude draught of the bond is crossed, I conceive it not insisted on, and (finding nothing to the contrary) presume the aforesaid pennance by him exactly performed.

29. The Ministers or Brethren now missing their mark, abated much of their former activity, in so much as that M^r. Cartwright, (whom I con∣jecture the President mentioned in the last assembly) began to make by the mediation of the Earl of Leicester, (who now designed him master of his new∣built hospital in Warwick) compliance with Whitgift, though the wary Arch-Bishop, not over-fond of his friendship, kept him at distance, as these two Letters here inserted will sufficiently informe us.

My good Lord,

I Most heartily thank you, for your favourable and courteous usage of M^r. Cartwright, who hath so exceeding kindly taken it also, as I assure your Grace he cannot speak enough of it; I trust it shall do a great deal of good, and he protesteth and professeth to me to take no other course, but to the drawing of all men to the unity of the Church, and that your Grace hath so deals with him, as no man shall so command him, and di∣spose of him as you shall: and doth mean to let his opinion publickly be known even in the Pulpit, if your Grace so permit him, what he himself will, and would all others should do for obedience to the Lawes established; and if any little scruple be, it is not great and easie to be reformed by your Grace, whom I do most heartily intreat to continue your favour and counte∣nance

towards him, with such accesse, sometimes, as your leasure may permit. For I perceive he doth much desire, and crave it. I am to thank your Grace also very heartily for Mr. Fenne: albeit I understand he is some∣thing more opinionate then I wish him: But I trust he will also yield to all reasons: And I mean to deal with the Bishop of Coventry and Lich∣field to make some triall of him: for surely he is an honest man. Thus my good Lord, praying to God to bless his Church, and to make his servants constant, and faithfull, I bid your Grace farewell.

At the Court this 14^th, July.

Your Graces very assured friend R. Leicester.

My singular good Lord,

MAster Cartwright shall be welcome to me at all times, and using himself quietly as becometh him, and as I hope he will, he shall finde me willing to do him any good. But to grant unto him as yet, my Licence to preach, without longer triall, I cannot, especially seeing he pro∣testeth himself to be of the same minde he was at the writing of his Book, for the matter thereof, though not for the manner. My self also I thank God not altered in any point by me set down to the contrary; and know∣ing many things to be very dangerous; wherefore notwithstanding I am content, and ready to be at peace with him, so long as he liveth peaceably, yet doth my conscience and duty forbid me to give unto him any further publick approbation, untill I be better perswaded of his Conformity. And so being bold to use my accustomed plainness with your Lordship, I commit you to the tuition of Almighty God this 17^th of July, 1585.

John Cantuar.

30. Seminaries and Priests to the number of thirty two, late prisoners in the Tower, Marshalsy, Kings-Bench, and other places, were pardoned, enlarged, and transported over into Normandie, though occasionally they were forced to land at Bulloigne.

31. The Earl of Leicester, who hitherto had done but little good in England, went now over to do less in the Low-Countries, commanding a great Army and Name, with the illustrious Title of Generall of the Auxiliaries of the Queen of England; he was not so much pleased with his place there, but that some of his Back-friends were as much delighted with his roome here. Mean time the Ministers lost the best stake in their hedge, in his Absence their Patron Paramount: For though by Letters he might solicit their Cause, yet the greatest strength is not so extensive, but to have the vertue thereof abated at such a distance; And afterwards it fared worse with the Ministers, when Whitgift Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, was sworne of the Privy Councell, (an honour which his Predecessour Grindall never obtained, yea never de∣sired) by the Procurement, (as it is believed) of the Lord Burghley.

32. Now for the present, I will trouble the Reader no longer with these brawls about discipline, only one story must not be omitted: Though it be fathered ••ather on publick report, then fixed on any particular Au∣thor in those dayes avowing the same. Some complained against the Liturgy to the Lord Burleigh, of whom he demanded, whether they desired the taking away thereof. They answered, No. But only the amendment of wh•••• was offensive therein. He required them to make a better, such as they would have s••tled in the stead thereof. Whereupon.

• The first Classis framed a new one, Somewhat according to the form of Genevah.
• The second Classis disliking it, altered it in sixa hundred particu∣lars.
• The third, quarrelled at these alterations, and resolved on a new Modell.
• The fourth Classis dissented from the former.

Thus because they could not agree amongst themselves, That wise States-man put them off for the present, untill they should present him a pattern with a perfect consent.

33. Three Protestant Bishops this year exchanged this life for another. The first was Richard Curteys (somtimes fellow of S^t. Johns in Cambridge) Bishop of Chichester. The second, Nicholas Robinson Bishop of Bang••r, and John Scory Bishop of Hereford. Of the two former we have not enough to furnish out their Character. Of the later too much, (if all be true) which I finde charged upon him. Sure I am he began very well, being an Exile and Confessour in the dayes of Queen Mary, but is accused afterwards to be so guilty of Oppressions, Extortions, and Symonies, that a Bill was put up against him in the Starr-Chamber, conteyning matter enough not only to disgrace, but degrade him if prosecuted. But he bought out his innocence with his money. Here know, that ourb Author (though a person of witt and worship) deriveth his intelligence from a French wri∣ter disaffected in religion, and therefore not to be believed in full latitude. When calling him Scoria or Drosse, in allusion to his name: but as all is not Gold that Glisters, all is not Drosss, reputed so by our Popish Adversaries.

34. The same year also John Fecknam late Abbot of Westminster ended his life, whereon we must enlarge our selves, if not for His, for History sake. Seeing he was a land-mark therein. His personall experi∣ence being a Chronicle: who like the Axiltree stood firme, and fixed in his own judgement: whilst the times like the Wheels turn'd backwards and forwards round about him. He was born in Worcestershire, in the Forrest of Fecknam (whence he fetcht his name.) Bred, a Benedict••ne Monke in the Abbey of Evesham, where he subscribed with the rest of his Order, to the resignation of that house, into the hands of King Henry the eighth. Afterwards he studied in Oxford, then applied himself first to Bell Bishop of Worcester, and after his death to Bonner of London, where he crossed the Proverb, like Master, like Man, the Patron being Cruel, the Chaplain Kinde to such who in Judgement dissented from him, he never dissem∣bled his religion, being a zealous Papist, and under King Edward the sixth suffered much for his Conscience.

35. In the Reign of Queen Mary, he was wholy imployed in doing good offices for the afflicted Protestants, from the highest to the lowest. The Earle of Bedford, and (who afterwards were) of Warwick and Lei∣cester,

tasted of his kindnesse: so did S^r John Cheek, yea and the Lady Elizabeth her self; So interposing his interest with Queen Mary for her enlargement, that he incurred her Graces displeasure. Hence it is that Pa∣pists complain, that in the reign of Queen Elizabeth he reaped not a Cropp of Courtesie proportionable to his large seed thereof in the dayes of Queen Mary.

36. Queen Mary afterwards preferred him from being Dean of Pauls, to be Abbot of Westminster, which Church she erected and endowed for Benedictine Monks, of which order fourteen only could be found in England, then extant since their dissolution, which were unmarried, unpreferred to Cures, and unaltered in their opinions. These also were brought in with some difficulty at first and opposition, for the Prebendaries of Westminster, legally setled in their places would not resigne them, till Cardinall Poole partly by compulsion, partly by compensation obteined their removall.

37. Queen Elizabeth coming to the Crown, sent for Abbot Fecknam to come to her, whom the messenger found setting of Elmes in the Orchard of Westminster Abbey. But he would not follow the messenger till first he had finished his Plantation, which his friends impute to his soul imployedb in mysticall meditations, that as the Trees he there set should spring and sprout many years after his decease; So his new Plantation of Benedictine Monks in Westminster should take root and flourish, in defiance of all opposition: which is but a bold conjecture of others at his thoughts. Sure I am those Monks long since are extirpated, but how his Trees thrive at this day is to me unknown. Coming afterwards to the Queen, what discourse passed betwixt them, they themselves knew alone, some have confidently guessed she proffered him the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury on condition he would conform to her laws, which he utterly refused.

38. In the Treaty between the Protestants and Papists primo Elizabethae, he was present, but in what capacity I cannot satisfie my self. Surely more then a Disputant. (amongst whom he was not named) Yet not so much as a Moderator. And yet his judgement, perchance because Abbot and so, principall man in that place, wasc asked with respect, and heard with reverence. His Moderation being much commended. Now al∣though he was often confined sometimes to the Tower, sometimes to friends houses (and died it seems at last in restraint in Wisbeeich Castle) Yet generally be found fair usage from the Protestants. He built a Conduit in Holborn, and a Crosse in Wisbeeich, and relieved the poor wheresoever he came. So that Flies flock not thicker about spilo honey, then beggars constantly crouded about him.

39. Abbot Fecknam thus being dead, the English Benedictines beyond the seas began to bestirr themselves, (as they were concerned) about the continuation of their Order: we know some maintain, that if any one species or kinde of Creatures be utterly extinct, the whole Univers by Sympathy therewith, and consciousnesse of its own imperfection, will be dissolved. And the Catholicks suspected what a sad consequence there would be, if this Ancient Order of English Black Monks should suffer a totall and finall defection. The best was Vnus homo Nobis, there was one, and but one, Monke left, namely Father Sigebert Buckley: and therefore before his death, provision was made for others to succeed him, and they (for fear of failing) disposed in severall Countries in manner following.

In Rome.	In Valladolit in Spain.
1. Father Gregory Sayer. 2. Father Thomas Preston. 3. Father Anselme of Manchester. 4. Father Anthony Martin commonly called Athanasius.	1. Father Austine St. John. 2. Father John Mervin. 3. Father Marke Lambert. 4. Father Maurice Scot. 5. Father George Gervis.

From these nine new Benedictines the whole Order (which hung for∣merly on a single string) was then replenished to a competent, and since to a plentifull number.

40. Hitherto our English Papists affectionately leaned (not to say fondly do••••d) on the Queen of Scots, promising themselves great matters from her, towards the advancing of their Religon. But now they began to fall off in their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 partly because beholding her a confined person, (unable to free her self, and more unlikely to help others) partly because all Ca∣tholicks come off with losse of life, which practized her enlargement. As for her Son, the King of Scots, from whom they expected a settlement of Popery in that land, their hopes were lately turned into despairs, who had his education on contrary principles.

41. Whereupon hereafter they diverted their eyes from the North to the West, expecting (contrary to the course of nature) that their Sun should rise therein, in magnifying the might of the King of Spain, and his zeal to propagate the Roman Catholick faith. And this was the practise of all Je••uites to possess their English proselytes with high opinions of the Spa∣nish power, as the Nation designed by Divine providence, to work the re∣stitution of their Religion in England.

42. In order hereunto, and to hearten their Countrimen, some (for it appears the result of severall persons employed in the designing and effect∣ing thereof) drew up a Title of the King of Spains, to the English Crown, are much admired by their own party, as slighted by the Queen and her Loyall Subjects, for being full of falsehoods and forgeries. Indeed it is easie for any indifferent Herauld, so to derive a pedigree, as in some seeming probability to intitle any Prince in Christendome to any Principality in Christen∣dome, but such will shrink on serious examination. Yea, I beleeve Queen Elizabeth might pretend a better Title to the Kingdoms of Leon and Ca∣stile in Spain (as descended by the house of Yorke, from Edmond Earl of Cambridge and his Lady Coheir to King Peter) then any Claime that the King of Spain could make out to the Kingdome of England. However much mischief was done hereby, many Papists paying their good wishes, where they were not due, and defrauding the Queen, (their true creditòr) of the allegiance belonging unto her.

43. Now did the Queen summon a Parliament: wherein her Majesty appeared not in person. But passed over the presidentship of that her great Councel, unto John Whitgift Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, William Cecill Lord treasurer, and to the Earle of Darby. A thing done without precedent, when the King at home and in health. But the pleasure of so powerful a Princess might create a leading case in things of this nature.

44. Wonder not if the Nonconformists were very quiet in this Parlia∣ment. Beholding the Arch-Bishop their great adversary in so great power and place. However their activity in the next, will make their party amends for their stilness in this Session.

45. This year ended the doleful life of a distressed Lady, Mary Queen of Scots, whose Triall and Death belongeth to the State Historian: She was aged fourty six years, passing the last twenty in Imprisonment, One of a sharp Wit; undaunted Spirit; comely person, beautiful Face, Majestick, presence, one Reason why Queen Elizabeth declined (what the other so much desired) a personal conference with Her, as unwilling to be either out-shone or even-shone in her own Hemispheare. For her morals, the belief of moderate men embra∣ceth as middle Courts betwixt Buchanan aspersing, and Causinus his Hyper∣bolical Commending her, because zealous in his own Religion.

46. She was an excellent Poet, both Latine and English, of the former I have read a distick made, and written by her own hand on a Pane of Glass at Buxton well.

Buxtona quae calidae celebraris nomine Lymphae, Forte mihi posthac non adeunda, Vale.

Buxton, who dost with waters warme excell; By me, perchance, never more seen, Farewell.

And at Fotheringhay-Castle I have read written by Her in a window, with a pointed Diamond.

From the Top of all my Trust, Mishap hath lai'd me in the dust.

But her Adversaries conceive; had she not been laid there, the happiness of England had been prostrated in the same place. She was buried in the Quire of Peterborough, and Doctor Wickham Bishop of Lincolne preached her funeral sermon; causelessly carped at by the Martin Mar-Prelate, as too fa∣vourable concerning her final condition, though he uttered nothing inconsi∣stent with Charity and Christian discretion.

47. Some twenty years after, King James caused her Corps to be solemnly removed from Peterborough to Westminster, where in the south-side of the Chappel of King Henry the seventh, he erected a stately monument to her me∣mory, and thereon this Epitaph, wherein such cannot but commend the Piety of her Son, who will not believe all the praises of his Mother.

D. O. M.

MAriae Stuartae, Scotorum Reginae, Franciae Dotariae, Jacobi V. Sco∣torum Regis Filiae, & Haeredis unicae Henrici VII. Ang. Regis ex Margareta majori Natu Filia (Jacobi IIII Regi Scotorum matrimonio copulata) proneptis, Edwardi IIII. Angliae Regis ex Elizabetha Filia∣rum natu maxima abneptis, Francisci II. Gallorum Regis conjugis, Coro∣nae Angliae, dum vixit, certae & indubitatae haeredis, & Jacobi magnae Brittanniae monarchae potentissimi matris.

Stirpe verè Regiâ & antiquissima prognata erat, maximis Totius Europae Principibus Agnatione & Cognatione conjuncta, & exquisitissi∣mis Animi & corporis dotibus & ornamentis cumulatissima. Verum, ut sunt variae rerum humanarum vices, postquam annos plus minus viginti in custodia detenta, fortiter & strenuè, (sed frustrà) cum malevolorum ob∣treclationibus, timidorum suspitionibus, & inimicorum capitalium insidijs conflictata esset; tandem inaudito & infesto Regibus exemplo securi per∣cutitur.

Et contempto mundo, devicta morte, lassato Carnifice, Christo Servatori animae salutem, Jacobi Filio spem Regni & posteritatis, & universis caedis infaustae spectatoribus exemplum patientiae commendans, piè & intrepidè C••rvicem Regiam securi maledictae subjecit, & vitae caducae sortem cum coe∣lestis Regni perennitate commutavit.

Besides this, there is a long inscription in verses, one distich whereof I re∣member, because it is the same in effect with what was made of Maud the Empress.

On Maud,

Magna Ortu, major{que} Viro, sed maxima Partu, Hic jacet Henrici Filia, sponsa, Parens.

On Queen Mary.

Magna Viro, major Natu, sed maxima Partu, Conditor hic Regis Filia, sponsa, Parens.

So that it is no disgrace for a Queen to weare part of an Epitaph at the second hand, with some little alteration.

48. About this time it was, that some Privie Councellors endeavoured to perswade Queen Elizabeth, to raise and foment a difference betwixt the Pope and King of Spain, and to assist the former (not as Pope, but temporal Prince) by her shipping to regain Naples, detained from him by the Spanish King. They alledged the designe advantagious, to work a diversion of Spanish forces, and prevent an invasion of her own Land.

49. But her Majesty would not listen to the motion to entertain Com∣pliance in any capacity, on any Conditions with the Pope: as dishonourable in her self, distastful to the Protestant Princes; nor would she touch Pitch in jest, for fear of being defiled in earnest, but crushed the designe in the birth thereof.

50. A first onset was now made by the Nonconformists against the Hie∣rarchie, though the more they opposed it, the more the Queen did Countenance their persons and preserve their power: In so much that she would not in Lent feed on any fish, (as forbidden by the Canons of the Church) until she had first attained a solemn Licence from the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and every year of her life renew'd the same.

51. The power of the high Commission began now to extend far, and penalties to fall heavie on offenders. Whereupon the favourers of the Non∣conformists, much opposed it in their printed books, some questioning the Court as not warranted by Law, others taxing their proceedings, as exceeding their Commission: but hear their Arguments on both sides.

Against the High Commission. It is pretended founded on the Statute, primo Elizabethae, wherein the Parliament impowered the Queen by her Letters patents to appoint Commissioners to pu∣nish Offendors in Ecclesiastical Cau∣ses. But no mention therein of Temporall penalties, and there∣fore the Commissioners are to con∣fine themselves to Church Censures, by Excommunicating &c. illegally inflicting any other punishments. Such Commissioners proceeding against Offender, by Attachment, Fine, or Imprisonment, are contrary to the express words of Carta Magna, providing that no free man shall be taken or imprisoned, or be disseised of his free hold and liberty, and but by the lawful judge∣ment of his Peers, or of the Law of the Land. Their whole Commission is void in Law; because it beareth date in July, but was not signed till No∣vember next after, contrary to the Statute, which enjoyneth, that Let∣ters patents should be dated the day of their delivery into Chancery, or else they shall be void.

For the High Commission. The words in the Statute run thus; they shall have full power and authority by vertue of this Act, and of the Letters patents under your Highness, your Heirs, and successors, to Exercise, Vse, ex∣ecute all the promises according to the Tenor and effect of the said Letters patents, any matter or cause to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Now their Letters patents inable them to Attach, Fine, or Imprison, &c. in doing whereof they are suffici∣ently impowered by the Commission. When Carta Magna was made, Ec∣clesiastical Jurisdiction, though it was, de jure, it was not de facto, in the King. Whereby it plainly appears, that those words related not to the Ec∣clesiastical Jurisdiction, but only to Crimes belonging to the Common Law. But since the Parliament hath declared Ecclesiasti∣cal Jurisdiction in the Queen, the Ecclesia∣stical persons might impose such penal∣ties even to the Condemning of He∣reticks, though never tri'd by a Jury. It appeareth by the Preamble of that Statute, that the words cannot be stretched to Letters patents of that nature, but belong only to such; to pri∣vate persons, wherein Grantees are unjust∣ly expelled out of their right, by colour of Letters patents bearing an elder date.

But the most general exception against the High Commission was this; that proceeding, ex officio mero, by way of enquiry against such whom they plea∣sed to suspect, they tendered unto them an Oath, which was conceived unjust, that in Cases Criminal, a party should be forced to discover what might be penal to himself. The Lawfulness of which Oath was learnedly canvassed with Arguments on both sides.

Against the Oath ex Officio. The Common Laws have ever re∣jected and impugned it, never put in Ure by any civil Magistrate in the Land, but as it is corruptly crept in amongst other abuses by the sinister practises and pretences, of the Romish Prelates and Clergi∣men. And where loss of Life, Li∣berty, or good Name, may ensue

the Common Law hath forbidden such Oath. It is contrary to the Fundamental Law of Liberty. Nemo tenetur seipsum prodere. It appeareth by the Lord Dyer's Book, that one Hynde called before the Commissioners Ecclesiastical for Vsury, refused to swear, whereup∣on he was committed. But upon an Information in the Common pleas, he had a Corpus cum causa, to re∣move him, so (as it seemeth) the Judges were then of Opinion, that the Commissioners could not give him such an Oath. Though such proceedings ex of∣ficio were practised by the Popish Prelates, against the Saints and Ser∣vants of God; Yet it was never u∣sed by Protestants in their Ecclesiasti∣cal Censures. The Justice of the Land detesteth that the Judge should himself be an Accuser. (For by Law no man may be Accuser, and Witness; Inditer and Jurer; therefore much less Judg & Accuser) which notwithstanding he is, that tendereth the Oath ex Officio.

Even the Heathen Romans were so, Christian, that by antient custome no Vestal Virgin or Flamen of Ju∣piter was restrained to swear, whereof Plutarch rendreth three Reasons. First, because an Oath is a kinde of torture to a free man. Se∣condly, it is absurd in smaller mat∣ters, not to credit their words, who in higher matters touching God are believed. Thirdly, an Oath in case they were forsworne, draweth a curse on them, a detestable Omina∣tion towards the Priests of God. And why may not as much be allowed to the true Ministers of the Gospel. The Scripture which ought to be the Rule of our Actions, affords neither precepts nor precedent, of such proceedings, where Witnesses were produced, and the Accusers brought face to face. William Tindal a worthy Martyr in his Comment on the fifth of Matthew saith plainly, that a Judge ought not to compel a man to swear a∣gainst himself. No Protestant Church beyond the Seas hath made use of such tyranni∣cal proceedings.

For the Oath ex Officio. It is true. To give this Oath to the Defendent in Causes of Life and Death, is contrary to the Justice of the Land. But where Life or Limbe is not concerned, it is usually tendered in Chancery, Court of Requests, Councel of Marches, and Councel in the North, yea in other Courts of Re∣cord at Westminster; where the Judges (time out of minde) by Corporal Oath

did examine any person whom (in dis∣cretion) they suspected to have dealt lewdly, about any Writ, Returne, entrie of Rule, pleading, or any such like Mat∣ter, (not being Capital.) It is granted. But with all Proditus per deruntiationem, Famam, &c. tenetur seipsum offendere. Some faults are simply secret, no way bruit∣ed or published abroad, in which cases the person guilty is not bound to make Confession thereof, though urged on his Oath to any Officer Civil or Ecclesiastical. But if once discovery be made by Pre∣sentment Denunciation, Fame &c. ac∣cording to Law, then is not the fault meerly secret, but revealed (in some sort) to the Magistrate, or abroad, who for avoiding Scandal to Christian Religi∣on, and Reformation of the Party, may thus inquire of the Offence, to see it re∣dressed and punished. There is no such report in the Lord Dyer, all that is extant is only this Mar∣ginal Note, upon Skroggs his case in Mi∣chaelmas Terme, 18. of Elizabeth; Si∣mile M. 18. fol. per Hynde qui noluit ju∣rare coram justiciariis Ecclesiasticis, super Articulos pro usura. Which seems ad∣ded by some unskilful person, it being improbable so learned a Judge, would have termed the Commissioners Justicia∣rios Ecclesiasticos. Besides, this cause of Hynde can no where else be found. Certain Commissioners (whereof some Bishops, some privie Councellers, some Civilians, and some Judges; and Com∣mon Lawyers) in the Reign of K. Edward the sixth, charged BP. Bonner with a cor∣poral Oath, ex Officio, to answer to questions ministred unto him; and for resusal he was pronounced contuma∣cious; The like Oath in matter criminal and Penal was tendered to Stephen Gardener, at appeareth by the sentence of his deprivation of the Bishoprick of Winchester. The Laws Civil and Ecclesiastical, hold not the Judge proceeding of office to be an Accuser; but that whereupon the Enquiry is grounded to represent the Accusation.

By the granting of this peculiar pri∣viledge to these Persons, it plainly ap∣peareth, that all others might by Magi∣strates be put to their Oaths. Besides, such were superstitiously free'd from swearing absolutely, (and not only in matters criminal, here controverted) an unreasonable Immunity, which none will challenge to themselves. It is not necessary that a positive or affirmative warrant, be cited out of Scripture, for all our practises: sufficeth it that may be done, which is not contra∣ry to Gods word, and conformable to the politick laws of the Land. Yet have we some footsteps of inquiry in the Judai∣cal Law. When one was found secretly murthered in the Field, and the Murther∣er neither known nor suspected; the El∣ders of the next City (of whose guil••iness there was no detestation nor cause of pre∣sumption, save only the Vicinage and near∣ness of the place) were solemnly and se∣cretly to swear before the Priest, con∣ceptis Verbis, that their hands had not shed this Blood &c. if this was equall in matters Capital, how can it be challen∣ged for Tyrannical, in matters Criminal? Allowing all due respect to Tindals memory, his Judgement much failed him in matters of Oaths; For in the following words, he taketh away all necessary Oaths (and leaveth none but voluntary) which no wise man will de∣fend. Even Geneva it self doth sometimes proceed by Oaths, ex Officio, against such suspected Offenders, as in the two following cases will appear.

There was one Cumperel of Geneva ordained Minister for a Parish in that Territory, called Drallian, who had a secret designe under hand to place him∣self in the State of Berne, which in him was esteemed a hainous fault. The Consistory coming at some notice hereof, ministred unto him an Oath of Mere Office to answer to several Questions. But because Cumperel answe∣swered not directly to those Interrogatories (two whereof concerned the

very Cogitations of his heart) and because there were Vehementia Judicia, great presumption in the Common fame, the Consistory Z pronounced that they had just cause to depose him from his Ministry.

52. There was a wealthy widdow living in Geneva called Balthaser, in whose house there was a Dancing held, which is a grievous crime in that Church, and condemned by their last form of Discipline. Amongst these dancers one was a Syndick (one of the foure chief Magistrates of the City) the other an Elder (Henrith by name) of the Church for that yeare. The matter coming to Calvins ear, they were all convented before the Consistory with∣out any Accuser or Party, and therefore of Mere Office put to their Corporal Oaths to confess the Truth. Thea Elder pleaded for himself the words of S. Paul, receive not an Accusation against an Elder under two or three Witnesses; which would nothing bestead him, so that he was deposed from his Elder∣ship, and the Syndick from his Magistracy, until he should shew some publick Testimony of his Repentance.

53. But enough of this unwelcome subject, only I must add that some there were, not offended with the Oath it self, which took exceptions at the Injurious manner of offering it. They complained (how justly God knows) of some created-fames on no grounds, and pretended suspitions of Crimes against those persons to whom they bare ill affection, and then ten∣dered this Oath (the Picklock of Conscience) unto them, merely to finde matter to insnare them.

54. Secondly, they complained, that to discover their Complices (in their disciplinary Assemblies,) Children were on their Oaths interrogated a∣gainst their own Fathers, contrary to the Rule in Civil Law, Filius non tor∣quetur in caput Patris, a Child ought not to be tortured in point of peril to his Fathers life. And although these Accusations were not Capital, yet because their Parents Credit was so deeply concerned therein, such proceedings had a strong tong of Tyranny.

55. Thirdly, the party to whom the Oath was given, might not before hand be acquainted (a favour usually afforded in the Star Chamber) with the particulars whereon they were to be examined. And if by the Rule of Solomon, He that answereth a matter before he heareth it, it is shame and folly unto him: much more is it indiscreet, to swear to answer a matter, before a man hear it.

56. Fourthly, they complained this Oath ex Officio (like what is said of black Witches) had only power to do mischief, not to heal and help any. For none were cleared by the taking thereof, if denying what was charged upon them: but the Judges Ecclesiastical oft times proceeded to a further in∣quiry by examination of Witnesses, on the points denied by the Parties.

57. The Nonconformists who refused to take this Oath, may be ranked into foure forms. First, such as would answer neither, yea, nor nay, what they would resolve to do concerning the Oath; but returned, if our faults be hidden, tarry til the Lord Come, and make the counsels of our hearts manifest. But if they be manifest, let our Accuser, and the Witnesses come forth be∣fore us.

58. A Second sort refused not the Oath in a Cause Criminal, but did it with this limitation and Protestation, that they intended not to be bound there∣by, to accuse either themselves or their Brethren.

59. A Third sort conceived themselves bound to reveal their own and Brothers Crimes and offences to remove evil from the land as they said, but as for such Actions of their Brothers falsely reputed offences, which were none in the Judgement of the Party examined, these they held themselves not bound to reveal.

60. The last sort, though they took the Oath as to other things, yet protested, they counted not themselves bound to answer to any such things,

whereon witnesses may be had; but if the crime was so hidden and secret that witnesses may not be had, they thought they might lawfully be charged. ••or Instance, they held a Preacher might not be examined on Oath, con∣cerning any thing he had preached in publick, alledging the words of our Saviour, Why askest thou me? ask them that heard me, they know what I said. It is hard to make the opinion of the first and last forme to dwell peaceably together.

61. We take our leave of this Subject, when we have told the Reader, that some twenty years since, one being urged by Arch-Bishop Laud to take the Oath ex Officio, refused it on this reason, An Oath saith he by the words of the Apostle is an end of all strife, whereas this saith he is the beginning of strife, yeelds matter for the Lawyers to molest me: But since the High Commission and this Oath are taken away by Act of Parliament, it is to be hoped, that (if such swearing were so great a grievance) Nihil analogum nothing like unto it, (which may amount to as much) shall hereafter be substituted in the room thereof.

62. Let it not here be forgotten, that because many did question the legality and Authority of the High Commission; Arch-Bishop Whitgi••t so contrived the matter, that the most sturdy and refractory Non-confor∣mists (especially if they had any visible Estates) were brought into the Star-Chamber, the power whereof was above dispute. Where some of them, besides imprisonment, had very heavie fines imposed upon them. And because most of the Queens Councel were present at the Censures, This took off the Odium from the Arch-Bishop (which in the high Com∣mission lighted chiefly, if not only upon him, and fell almost equally on all present therein.

63. John Fox this year ended his life, to whom in some respect, our History of him may resemble it self. For he in his lifetime was so large a reliever of poor people, (to, and above his estate) that no wonder, if at his death (with some Charitable Churles) he bequeathed no Legacies unto them. Thus have we been so bountifull in describing the life, and tran∣scribing the Letters of this worthy Confessor, that the Reader will excuse us, if at his death we give no farther Character of his piety and painfulness. Only let me adde, that whereas there passeth a Tradition (grounded on good Authority) that M^r Fox fore-told the ruine and destruction of the Invincible (so called) Armado in the eighty eight. The story is true in its selfe, though he survived not to see the performance of his own pre∣diction.

64. Nor will it be amiss to insert his Epitaph, as we finde it on his Monument in S. Giles nigh Cripple-Gate in London.

Christo S. S.

Johanni Foxo Ecclesiae Anglicanae Martyrologo fidelissimo, Antiquitatis Historicae Indagatori sagacissimo, Evangelicae veritatis propugnatori acer∣rimo, Thaumaturgo admirabili, qui Martyres Marianos, tanquam Phoenices, ex cineribus redivivos praestitit.

65. His dear friend D. Laurence Humfrey, may be said to die with him, (though his languishing life lasted a year longer) so great his grief, to be parted from his fellow-Collegue bred together in Oxford, and banished toge∣ther into Germany. But see more of his character in the year 1596, where by mistake, (which here I freely confess) his death is inserted.

66. About this time M^r William Lambert finished his Hospital at Green∣vich, founded and endowed by him for poor people. He was the first Protestant, who erected a charitable House of that nature, as our Antiquary

observeth, though I cannot wholly concur with his observation, seeing King Edward the sixt founded Christ-Church and S^t. Thomas Hospital.

67. Indeed now (pardon a short digression) began beautifull Build∣ings in England, as to the generality thereof, whose Homes were but homely before, as small and ill-contrived, much Timber being needlesly lavished upon them. But now many most regular Pieces of Architecture were erected, so that (as one saith) they began to dwell latiùs and lautiùs, but I suspect not Laetiùs, Hospitallity daily much decaying.

68. Amongst other Structures Wimbleton House in Surrey was this yeer begun (and finished the next, as appeareth by an inscription therein) by S^t. Thomas Cecil afterward Lord Burghley. On the self same token that many years after Gondomar (treated therein by the Lord with a plentiful feast) was highly affected with his entertainment, and much commended the uniformity of the fabrick, till the DATE thereof, shewed unto him, dashed all, as built when the Spanish Armado was defeated.

69. Indeed at this time there was more uniformity in the Buildings, than conformity in the Church-behaviour of men, the sticklers against the Hierarchy appearing now more vigorous, though for a time they had concealed them∣selves.

SECTION VII.

To M^r. Hamond Ward, and M^r. Richard Fuller of London Merchants.

IT is usuall for the Plaintiffe, to put two or three names upon the same Writ taken out of the Upper-Bench (alwayes provided the persons dwell in the same Coun∣ty and this is done to save Charges. My thanks doth here imbrace the same way of thrift. That so, the small stock of my History, may hold out the better amongst my many Friends and Favourers. And this my Ioynt-Dedi∣cation is the more proper, because you live in the same City, are of the same profession, and (if not formerly this may minister the welcome occasion of your future acquaintance.

BUt now a Session of Parliament was held at Westminster, wherein the House of Comm••ns pre∣sented to the Lords Spirituall and Temporall a Petition. Complaining how many Parishes, espe∣cially in the North of England and Wales, were destitute of Preachers, and no care taken to supply them. Sixteen were the particulars, whereof, the six first were against insufficient Mi∣nisters, very earnestly pressing their taking the same into their serious consideration, for speedy redress of the grievances therein contained.

• 7. That no oath or subscription might be tendered to any at their enterance into Ministry, but such as is expressely prescribed by the statutes of this Realm, except the oath against corrupt entring.
• 8. That they may not be troubled for omission of some rites or portions prescri∣bed in the Book of Common-Prayer.
• 9. That they may not be called and urged to answer before the officials, and Com∣missaries, but before the Bishops themselves.
• 10. That such as had been suspended or deprived for no other offence, but only for not subscribing, might be restored; and that the Bishops would forbear their Excommunication, ex officio mero, of godly and learned Preachers, not detected for open offence of life or apparent errour in doctrine.
• ...

• 11. That they might not be called before the High-Commission, or out of the Dio∣cess where they lived, except for some notable offence.
• 12. That it might be permitted to them in every Arch-Deaconry, to have some common exercises and conferences amongst themselves, to be limited and prescribed by the Ordinaries.
• 13. That the High censure of Excommunication, may not be denounced or execu∣ted for small matters.
• 14. Nor by Chancellours, Commissaries, or officials, but by the Bishops themselves with assistance of grave persons.
• 15. 16 That Non-residency may be quite removed out of the Church, or at least that according to the Queens Injunctions (Artic. 44.) No Non-resident having already a licence or faculty may enjoy it, unless he depute an able Curate, that may weekly preach and catechize, as is required in her Majesties in∣junctions.

Of all these particulars the house fell most fiercely on the Debate of Plurali∣ties, and (the effect thereof) Non-Residents.

2. Arch-Bishop Whitgift pleaded, that licences for Non-Residency, were at the present but seldome granted. And yet in way of recovering health by chang∣ing of Aire, of study for a time in th•• Vniversity, of mortall enmity borne by some in the parish, of prosecution of Law, or of being imployed in publick Affairs, they cannot be wholy abrogated. That there were in England foure thousand five hundred Benefices with Cure, not above ten, and most of them under eight pounds in the first fruits-book, which cannot be furnished with able Pa∣stors, as the Petitioners desire, because of the smallness of their livings. Moreover he affirmed, that what ever was pretended to the contrary, Eng∣land at that time flourished with able Ministers more then ever before, yea had more then all Christendome besides.

3. The Lord Grey rejoyned to this Assertion of more learned Ministers in the Church of England then ever heretofore, nay then in all the reformed Churches in Christendome, this, That it was not to he attributed to the Bishops or their acti∣ons, but to God, who now opened the hearts of many to see into the truth, and that the Schools were better observed.

4. The Lord Treasurer Burghley seeming to moderate betwixt them, after a long and learned oration concluded, that he was not so scrupuleus, as absolutely to like of the bill against Pluralities without any exception: for he did favour both learning, and wished a competent reward to it. And therefore could like, and allow a learned man to have two Benefices, so they were both in ene parish, that is to say, in one Diocess, and not one in the Diocess of Winchester, and ano∣ther in the North, where the severall Diocesans would have no regard of them, whereas being both in one Diocess, the Bishop would look unto them.

5. Here it was signified that her Majesty was acquainted with the matter, and that she was very forward to redress the faults, and therefore required the Bishops, not to binder her good and gracious purpose, for that her Majesty would conferr with them.

6. The Lord Gray again said, he greatly wondred at her Majesty that she would make choice to conser with those who were all enemies to Reformation; for that it meerly touched their freeholds, and therefore he thought it good, the house should make choice of some to be joyned with them; Also he wished the Bishops might be served as they were in in King Henry the 8^th dayes, when as in the case of praemunire they were all thrust out of doores.

7. Then the Lord Treasurer said, that the Bishops if they were wise would themselves be humble suiters to her Majesty, to have some of the Temporall Lords joyned with them.

8. The Lord Chamberlain utterly disliked the Lord Grayes motion, alledg∣ing that it was not to be liked of, that the Lords should appoint her Majesty any to confer withall, but that it should be left to her own election.

9. Matters flying thus high, the Arch-Bishop, with the rest of the Clergy, conceived it the safest way to apply themselves by Petition to the Queen, which they presented as followeth.

To the Queens most excellent Majesty.

THe wofull and distressed state whereinto we are like to fall, forceth us with gri••f of heart in most humble maner, to crave your Majesties most soveraign Protection. For the pretence being made the maintenance and increase of a learned ministry, when it is throughly weighed, decryeth learning, spo••leth their livings, taketh away the s••t form of prayer in the Church, and is the means to bring in confusion and Barbarisme. How dangerous innovations are in a setled estate, whosoever hath judgeme••t perceiveth Set dangers apart, yet such great inconviniences may ensae, as will make a state lamentable and miserable. Our n••ighbours miseries might make us fearfull, but that we know who tales the same. All the reformed Churches in Europe, cannot compare with England in the num∣ber of learned Ministers. These benefits of your Majesties most sacred and are fall Government with hearty joy we feel, and humbly acknowledge; senceless are they that rep••ne at it, and careless w••o lightly regard it. The respect hereof made the Prophet to say; Dii estis. All the faithfull and discreet Clergy say, ô Dea certè. Nothing is impossible with God. Re∣quests without grounded reasons are lightly to be rejected. We therefore not as directors, but as humble Remembrancers beseech your Highness favou∣rable beholding of our present state: And what it will be in time to come, if the Bill against Pluralities should take any place.

To the Petition were annexed a catalogue of those inconveniences to the State present, State to come, Cathedrall Churches, Universities to her Maje∣sty, to Religion, in case pluralities were taken away, here too large, to be inserted. So that in effect, nothing was effected, as in relation to this matter, but things left in sta••u quo prius, at the dissolution of this Parliament.

10. Amongst the mortalities of this year, most remarkable the death of Richard Barn∣es Bishop of Durham, one commendable in himself, but much suffering for the corruption, and viciousness of John Barnes his brother and Chancellour. This Bishop was bred in Brasen-nose Colledge, made Suffragan of Nottingham, (the last I beleeve who wore that title,) and be∣haved himself very gravely in his Diocess. A great friend at last to Bernard Gilpin, (though at first by some ill instruments incensed against him) and seeing they were loving in their lives, their memories in my Book shall not be divided, though I confess the later died some three years before.

11. This Bernard Gilpin, born of a right worshipfull family, at Kent∣mir•• in Westmerland, had Cuthbert Tonstali Bishop of Durham for his great Vncle, he was bred first in Queens Colledgs, then Christs-Church in Oxford, and no doubt the prayers of Peter Martyr conduced to his conversion, to be a Pro∣testant. For he hearing this Gilpin dispute cordially on the Popish party, desired of God that so good affections might not be misguided, and at last obtained his desire.

12. He Weathered out the Raign of Queen Mary; partly with his travels beyond the seas, (chiefly residing at Lovain, and Paris) partly, after his return by the favour of his Uncle Tonstall. Before whom he was often cited, (chiefly about the Eucharist) but was discharged by confessing the reall presence, and that the manner thereof transcended his apprehension. Tonstall not inforcing him to the particularity of Transubstantiation, as using himself to complain on Pope Innocent, for defining, de modo to be an article of faith. However his foes so hardly beset him, that once he or∣dered his servant to provide for him a long shroud, not for his winding, but burning sheet, as expecting at last he should be brought to the stake for his religion. But men may make cloaths either for mirth or for mourning, whilst God alone orders whether or no they shall wear them.

13. After the coming of Queen Elizabeth to the Crown, he with more earnestnes refused a Bishoprick, then others affected it. His parsonage at Haughton, as it might seem a Bishops Palace for building, so was it no less for hospitality. Fourteen Villages belonging to that mother Church, the poor whereof (besides many others) were daily relieved at his door, twen∣ty Scholars he commonly boarded in his house, which seemed a little Colledge. In a word, he was commonly called Father Gilpin, and well deserved it, for his paternall affections to all. Making his yearly progress into Rheadsdale, and Tinsdale in Northumberland, (where people sat in dark∣ness of ignorance, and shaddow of death) and instructing them by his hea∣venly preaching.

14. Now began that fatall yearl generally foretold that it would be wonderfull as it proved no less. Whence the Astrologers fetcht their intelli∣gence hereof; whether from Heaven, or Hell, from other Stars, or from Lucifer alone, is uncertain: this is most sure, that this prediction, though hitting the mark, yet miss'd their meaning, who both first reported, and most believed it. Out comes their invincible Navie and Army, perfectly ap∣pointed for both Elements, Water, and Land, to Sail and March compleat in all warlike Equipage: so that formerly, with far less provision, they had conquered another new world. Mighty was the bulk of their ships, the sea seeming to groan under them, (being a burden to it, as they went, and to themselves, before they returned) with all manner of artillery, prodigi∣ous in number, and greatness, so that the report of their guns do stil, and ought ever, to sound in the ears of the English, not to fright them with any terrour, but to fill them with deserved thankfulness.

15. It is said of Senacherib, coming against Hierusalem with his nume∣rous army, bya the way that he came shall he return, and shall not come into this City saith the Lord: as the later part of his threatning was verified here, no Spantard setting foot on English ground, under other notion then a pri∣soner; so, God did not them the honour to return the same way, who coming by South-East, a way they knew, went back by South-West, a way they sought, chased by our ships, past the 57^th Degree of Northen Latitude, then and there left to be pursued after by hunger and cold. Thus having tasted the English valour in conquering them, the Scotch constancy in not relieving them, the Irish cruelty in barbarous butchering them, the small reversion of this great navie which came home, might be look'd upon by religious eyes, as reliques, not for the adoration, but instruction of their nation hereafter, not to account any thing invincible which is less then infinite.

16. Such as lose themselves by looking on second causes impute the Spanish ill success, partly to the Prince of Parma, who either mind-bound or wind-bound, staying himself, or stopt by the Hollander, would or could not come to their seasonable succour, and partly to the Duke of Medina's want of commission to fight with the English, (save on the defensive) till

joyned with Parma. Thus when God will have a designe defeated, amidst the plenty, yea superfluity of all imaginable necessaries, some unsuspected one shall be wanting to frustrate all the rest. We will not mention (save in due distance of helps) the industry, and loyalty of the Lord H••ward Admi∣rall, the valour of our captains, the skill of our pilots, the activity of our ships, but assigne all to the goodness of God, as Queen Elizabeth did. Leave we her in the Quire of Pauls church, devoutly on her knees with the rest of her Nobles in the same humble posture, returning their unseigned thanks to the God and giver of all victory, whilst going abroad, we shall finde some of her subjects worse employed in implacable enmity about Ecclesiasticall discipline one against another. And let not the mentioning of this deliverance be censured as a deviation from the Church-History of Britain. Silence thereof being a sin, for had the designe took effect, neither Prote∣stant Church in Britain had remained, nor History thereof been made at this present.

17. But bullets did not fly about so much at sea, as bastardly Libels by land, so fitly call'd, because none durst father them, for their issue. They are known, though not by their Parents, by their names.

• 1 The Epitome
• 2 The demonstration of di∣scipline
• 3 The Supplication
• 4 Diotrephes
• 5 The Minerals
• 6 Have you any work for the (Cooper?
• 7 Martin Seignior
• 8 Martin Junior
  • Mar∣prelate.
• 9 More work for the Cooper (&c.

The main drift and scope of these pamphlets, for know one and know all (these foule mouth'd papers, like Blackmoors, did all look alike) was to defame and disgrace the English Prelates, scoffing at them for their garb, gate, apparel, vanities of their youth, naturall defects, and personall infirmities; it is strange how secretly they were printed, how speedily dispers'd, how generally bought, how greedily read, yea and how firmly beleeved, espe∣cially of the common sort, to whom no better musick then to hear their betters upbraided.

18. Some precise men of that side thought these jeering pens well em∣ployed. For having formerly, (as they say) tried all serious and sober means to reclaim the Bishops, which hitherto proved uneffectuall: they thought it not amiss to try this new way, that whom they could not in earnest make odious, in sport they might render ridiculous. Wits will be working, and such as have a Satyricall vein, cannot better vent it then in lashing of sin. Besides, they wanted not a warrant (as they conceived) in Holy Writ, where it was no soloecisme to the gravity of Eliah to mock a Baals priests out of their superstition chiefly, this was conceived would drive on their designe, strengthen their party by working on the peoples affections, which were marvelously taken with the reading thereof.

19. But the more discreet and devout sort of men, even of such as were no great friends to the Hierarchy, upon solemn debate then resol∣ved, (I speak on certain knowledge from the mouths of such whom I must believe) that for many foul falsehoods therein suggested, such Books were altogether unbeseeming a pious spirit, to print, publish, or with pleasure peruse, which supposed true both in matter and measure, charity would rather conceal, then discover. The best of men being so conscious of their own badness, that they are more carefull to wash their own faces, then busie to throw durt on others. Any man may be witty in a bitting way, and those that have the dullest brains, have commonly the sharpest teeth to that purpose. But such carnall mirth, whilst it tickles the flesh, doth

wound the s••ul. And which was the main, these base books would give a great advantage to the generall foe, and Papists would make too much use thereof against Protestant religion especially seeing ana Arch-Angell thought himself too good to bring, and Sathan not bad enough to have railing speeches brought against him.

20. Bu•• leaving private men to abound in their own sense, how high∣ly the state (as it then stood) distasted these books, will plainly appe•• by the heavie censures inflicted on such as were but accessatie thereunto. To pass by John Henry, and John Vdall ministers, accused for making some of them, (of whom in due place) together with the Printers, and Humphry Newman, a Cohler▪ chief disperser of them: The Star••-Chamber deeply sined S^r. Richard Knightly, and S^r. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wigstow for entertaining and re∣ceiving the Press Gentlemen, whom theirb advers••rt••s allow qualified with piety, gravity, and wisdome, which made many admire how their discre∣tion could be deluded, and more bemoan that their goodness should be a∣bused••y others, who had designes upon them. Here ••rch-Bishop Whitgist be∣stirr'd himself to improve his interest with the Queen, till his importunity had angred her & till his importunity had pleased her again, that they might be de¦livered out of prison, and eased of their fines, which upon their submission was performed. Whose mildness to mediate for his adversaries, as it was highly commended by some, so there wanted not those, who imputed his moderation therein to declining of envie, gaining of applause, and remorse of his own con∣science for over rigorous proceedings: it being no charity to cure the wound he hath caused, and solicit the remitting of those fines, which he had procured to be imposed. Thus impossible it is to please froward spirits, and to make them like the best deed, who dislike the doer thereof; and if any desire to know the motions and stages of the Press, which printed these books, know it was first set up atd Moul••y near Kingston in Surrey, thence con∣veyed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fausly in Northamotonshire, thence to Norton, and afterwards to Coventry Hence it was removed to Welstone in Warwick-shire, whence the Letters were sent to another Pr••ss, in or near Manchester, and there disco∣vered by Henry Earle of Da••by, in the printing of more work for the C••oper. No wonder then if many 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were committed by this (call it as you please P••lgr••me or Vagabond) Press, when it self was ever in a wandring and stragling condition.

21. A 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Pr••shyterians, of the Warwick-shire Classes, was call'd at Coventry, ai•• oectmo, quart••; that is, on the 10^th of April: where∣in the questions, brought the last year from the Brethren of Cambridge Syn••d, were resolved in manner as followeth.

• 1. Thate private Baptisme was unlawfull.
• 2. That it is not lawfull to read Homilies in the Church.
• 3. That the signe of the Cross is not to be used in Baptisme.
• 4. That th•• faithfull ought not to communicate with unlearned Ministers, although they may be present at thei•• service, if they come of purpose to hear the sermon, the reason is, because Laymen as well as Ministers may read publick service.
• 5. Tha•• the calling of Bishops &c. is unlawfull.
• 6. That as they deal in causes Ecclesiasticall, there is no duty belonging unto, nor any publickly to be given them.
• 7. That it is not lawfull to be ordained Ministers by them, or to denounce either ••uspensions, or excommunications s••nt from them.
• 8. That it is not lawfull to rest in the Bishops deprivat on of any from the Mi∣nistry, except (upon consultation with the neighbour Ministers adjoyning

• and his flock) it seems so good unto them: but that he continue in the same untill he be compell'd to the contrary by civill force.
• 9. That it is not lawfull to appear in a Bishops Court, but with protestation of their unlawfulness.
• 10. That Bishops are not to be acknowledged either for Doctors, Elders, or Dea∣cons, as having 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ordinary calling.
• 11. That touching the restauration of their Ecclesiasticall Discipline, it ought to be taught to the people as occasion shall serve.
• 12. That (as yet) the people are not to be solicited (publickly) to the pra∣ctise of the Discipline, (till) they be better instructed in the knowledge of it.
• 13. That men of better understanding are to be allured privately to the pre∣sent embracing of the Discipline, and practise of it, as far as they shall be well able, with the peace of the Church.

Likewise in the same assembly the aforesaid Book of discipline was appro∣ved to be a draught essentiall and necessary for all times; and certain articles (devised in approbation, and for the manner of the use thereof,) were brought forth, treated of, and subscribed unto, by M^r. Cartwright, and others, and afterwards tendered far and near to the severall Classes, for a ge∣nerall ratification of all the Brethren.

22. Now if Rebeccah found her self strangely affected whena twinns strugled in her wombe, the condition of the English Church must be conceived sad, which at the same time had two disciplines, both of them pleading Scrip∣ture and Primitive practise, each striving to support it self, and suppress it's rivall. The Hierarchy commanded by authority, established by law, con∣firmed by generall practise, and continued so long by custome in this land, that had one at this time lived the age of Methuselah he could not remember the beginning thereof in Britain. The Presbytery, though wanting the stamp of authority, claiming to be the purer metall founded by some Clergie men, favoured by many of the Gentry, and followed by more of the Common sort, who being prompted with that naturall principle, that the weakest side must be most watchfull, what they wanted in strength, they supplied in activity. But what won them most repute, was their Mi∣nisters painfull preaching in populous places: It being observed in England, that those who hold the Helme of the pulpit, alwayes steere peoples hearts as they please. The worst is, that in matters of fact, all relations in these times are relations, I mean much resent of party and interest to the preju∣dice of truth. Let me minde the Reader to reflect his eye on our Quotati∣ons, (the Margin, in such cases being as materiall as the Text, as contei∣ning the authors) and his judgement may, according to the credit or refe∣rence of the Author alledged believe, or abate, from the reputation of the report. Let me add, that though it be a lie in the Clock, it's but a false∣hood in the Hand of the Diall, when pointing at a wrong hour, if rightly following the direction of the wheele which moveth it. And the fault is not mine, if ••truly cite what is false on the credit of another. The best certain∣ty in this kinde we are capable of, is, what we finde in the confessions of the parties themselves, deposed on oath, taken by publick notaries, and re∣corded in court: for such, who herein will flie higher for true intelligence, then the Starr-Chamber, must fetch it from heaven himself.

23. In that Court we finde confessed by one M^r.b Johnson, (formerly a great Presbyterian, but afterwards, it seems falling from that side, he dis∣covered many passages to their disadvantage) how that when the Book of Discipline came to Northampton to be subscribed unto, there was a generall censuring used amongst the brethren there, as it were to sanctifie themselves;

partly by sustaining a kinde of pennance and reproof for their former con∣formity to the Orders of the Church; and partly to prepare their mindes for the devout accepting of the aforesaid Book. In which course of censu∣ring used at that time, there was such a ripping up one of anothers life, even from their youth, as that they came to bitterness, and reviling tearms a∣mongst themselves; one growing thereby odious to another, and some did thereupon utterly forsake those kinds of Assemblies. O, how wofull the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the English Church, whilst her 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 her ministers, and un∣der-••owers, some tugged it one way, and others towing it another; enough almost to split her in pieces, with the violence of their contrary Disci∣pline.

24. Leave we them for a while, to behold how the Popish Clergy were employed, who in the beginning of this year, were as busie as Bees, newly ready to swarme. A Book was set forth called the admonition, dispersed amongst Catholicks, and highly cried up, consisting of severall Parts, not unfit to be here recited.

1. The Authors make their entrance into the discourse, with a most odious and shamefull declamation against her Majesty, stirring up her subjects hearts to contempt of her highness, as being one odious to God and man.

They threaten the Nobility, Gentry &c. with loss of all their goods, their Lands, their Lives, and with damnation besides; except that presently upon the landing of the Spaniards, they joyned themselves, and all their forces, men, munition, victuals, and whatsoever else they could make with their Catholick Army, (forsooth) for the words be these.

If you will avoid (say they) the Popes, the Kings, and other Princes high indignation; let no man of what degree soever, abet, aid, defend or acknowledge her &c. adding that otherwise they should incurr the Angels Curse and Malediction, and be as deeply excommunicated as any, because that in taking her Majesties part, they should fight against God, against their lawfull King, against their Countrey, and that notwithstanding all they should do, they should but defend her highness bootless to their own present destruction, and eternall shame.

2. After all those, and many other such threats, in a high and military stile, to scarr fools with, then they come to some more milde per∣swasions, and promise the noble men, that so they joyn with the duke of PARMA upon the receipt of their Admonition, they will intreat that their whole houses shall not perish. For Persons did instigate the English Cardinall to swear by his Honour, and in the word of a Cardinall, that in the fury of their intended Massacre, their should as great care be taken of every Catholick and penitent person, as possibly could be, and that he was made a Cardinall of purpose to be sent then into England for the sweet managing of those Affairs.

3. Other arguments they used drawn from the certainty of the victory, as that all the Protestants would either turn their Coats, Copies, arms, or fly away, in fear and torment of the Angel of God prosecu∣ting them; that although none of her Majesties subjects should assist the Spaniards, yet their own forces, which they brought with them were strong enough, their provision sufficient, their appoint∣ment so surpassing: that they had more expert Captains, then her Ma∣jesty had good souldiers, all resolute to be in the Cause, which they

had undertaken: that the Blood of all the blessed Bishops shed in this Land, and all the saints in heaven prayed for the Spaniards victory, that all the vertuous Priests of our Country, both at Home and A∣broad, had stretched forth their sacred hands to the same end: that many priests were in the Camp to serve every spiritual mans necessi∣ty: that their forces were guarded with all Gods Holy Angels; with Christ himself in the soveraign Sacrament, and with the daily most holy oblation, of Christs own dear body and blood: that the Spaniards being thus assisted with so many helps, though they had been never so few they could not lose, and that her Majesty and her Assistants wanting these helps, although they were never so fierce, never so proud, never so many, never so well appointed, yet they could not prevail. Fear you not (say they to such as would take their part) they cannot. And thus far out of their said Jesuiticall Admonition.

The Book goes under the name of Cardinall Allen, though the secular Priests say he was but the Cloak-father thereof, and thata Parsons the Jesu∣ite made it. Others conceive it equivocally begotten, as the result and extract of severall brains. No doubt had the Spanish Invasion succeeded, happy he who could have laid claim to so prophetical a piece: and they would have fallen out as the two Harlots about the living Child, who should have been Parent thereof. Whereas now on the miscarriage of their great Navie, all disclaimed the Book, and Parsons procured the whole impression to be burnt, (save someb few sent abroad before hand to his friends) that it might not remain a monument of their falsehood. And now the Popish Priests, some lurk't here in holes, other fled into forraign parts, their confusion being the greater for their former confidence. Thus Sisera comes off the more coldly, when stript out of the garment of di∣vers colours wherewith his mother had arrayed him, in her fancy running faster, then the wheels of her sons Charriot to his imaginary conquest.

25. This year died Edwin Sands Arch-Bishop of Yorke, born in Lanca∣shire of worshipfull Parentage, bred in Cambridge, banished to Germany, after this promoted to be Bishop of Worcester, then succeeded Grindal in London, and Yorke, an excellent and painfull preacher, and of a pious and Godly life, which increased in his old age, so that by a great and good stride, whilst he had one foot in the Grave, he had the other in Heaven. He was buried in Southwell, and it is hard to say, whether he was more emi∣nent in his own Vertues, or more happy in his Flourishing Posterity.

26. The next year produced not any great Church matters in its self, but was only preparatory to the ripening of business, and raising the char∣ges against the principall Patrons of Nonconformity. Indeed Arch-Bishop Whit∣gift according to his constant custome and manner, repaired daily to the Councell-Table early in the morning, and after an usuall apprecation of a Good-morrow to the Lords, he requested to know if there were any Church business to be debated, and if the answer were returned in the Affirmative, He stayed and attended the issue of the matter. But if no such matter ap∣peared, he craved leave to be dispensed withall, saying, Then my Lords, here is no need of me, and departed. A commendable practise clearing himself from all aspersions of civill-pragmaticallness, and tending much to the just support of his reputation.

27. On the first of September M^r. Cartwright, Batchelor in Divinity, was brought before Her Majesties Commissioners, there to take his oath, and give in his positive answer to the following Articles.

• 1. IMprimis,a We do object and articulate against him, that he, be∣ing a Minister (at least a Deacon) lawfully called, according to the godly laws, and orders of this Church of England hath forsaken, abandoned, and renounced the same orders Ecclesiastical, as an antichristian, and unlawfull manner of calling, unto the Ministry, or Deaconship.
• 2. Item, that he departing this Realm into forraign parts, without li∣cense, as a man discontented with the form of Government Ecclesi∣asticall here by law established, the more to testifie his dislike and con∣tempt thereof, and of the manner of his former Vocation, and Ordina∣tion, was contented in forraign parts (as at Antwerpe, Middeburgh, or elsewhere) to have a new Vocation, Election, or Ordination, by impo∣sition of hands unto the Ministry, or unto some other order or de∣gree Ecclesiasticall, and in other manner and form, than the laws Ecclesiasticall of this Realm do prescribe. Let him declare upon his oath the particular circumstances thereof.
• 3. Item, that by vertue or colour of such his later Vocation, Election, or Ordination, becoming a pretended Bishop, or Pastor, of such Congregation as made choice of him, he established, or procured to be established at Antwerp, and at Middleburgh among Merchants, and others, Her Majesties Subjects, a certain Consistory, Seminary, Presbytery, or Eldership Ecclesiastical, consisting of himself, being Bishop, or Pastor, (and so President thereof) of a Doctor, of certain Ancients, Sentours, or Elders for government Ecclesiastical, and of Deacons for distributing to the poor.
• 4. Item, that the said Eldership, and the authority thereof, certain English-born Subjects were called, elected, or ordained by imposi∣tion of hands, to be Ministers, or Ecclesiastical Doctors (being not of that degree before) as Hart, Travers, Grise, or some of them; and some that were also Ministers afore, according to the orders of the Church of England, as Fenner, Acton, were so called, and other English Subjects were also called, and likewise ordained Elders, and some others were ordained Deacons, in other manner and form, than the laws Ecclesiasticall of the Realm do prescribe, or allow of.
• 5. Item, that such Eldership so established, under the Presidentship of him the said Thomas Cartwright, had used (besides this authority of this Vocation, and Ordination of Officers ecclesiasticall) the Cen∣sures, and keyes of the Church, as publick admonition, suspension from the Supper, and from execution of offices ecclesiastical, and the censures of excommunication; likewise authority of making laws, degrees, and orders ecclesiastical, and of dealing with the doctrine, and manners of all persons in that Congregation, in all matters whatsoever so far as might appertain to conscience.
• 6. Item, that he the said Thomas Cartwright, in the publick administra∣tion of his Ministry there, among Her Majesties Subjects, used not the forme of liturgie, or Book of Common-Prayer, by the laws of this land established, nor in his government ecclesiasticall, the laws and orders of this land, but rather conformed himself in both to the use and form of some other forraign Churches.
• 7. Item, that since his last return from beyond the Seas, being to be placed at Warwick, he faithfully promised (if he might be but tole∣rated to preach) not to impugne the laws, orders, policy, govern∣ment, nor governours in this Church of England, but to perswade, and procure, so much as he could, both publickly, and privately, the estimation, and peace of this Church.
• 8. Item, That he, having no Ministry in this Church (other then such as

• before he had forsaken, and still condemneth as unlawful) and with∣out any license (as Law requireth) he hath since taken upon him to preach at Warwick, and at sundry other places of this Realm.
• 9. Item, That since his said return, in sundry private conferences, with such Ministers and others, as at sundry times by word, and letter, have asked his advice, or opinion, he hath shewed mislike of the Laws, and Government Ecclesiastical, and of divers parts of the Li∣turgie of this Church; and thereby perswaded, and prevailed also with many in sundry points, to break the orders and form of the Book of Common-Prayer, who observed them before, and also to oppose themselves to the Government of this Church, as himself well knoweth, or verily believeth.
• 10. Item. That in all, or most of such his Sermons, and Exercises, he hath taken occasion to traduce, and enveigh against the Bishops, and other governours under them in this Church.
• 11. Item, That he hath grown so far in hatred, and dislike towards them, as that at sundry times, in his prayer at Sermons, and namely, Preach∣ing at Banbury, about a year since, in such place as others well disposed pray for Bishops, he prayed to this, or like effect; Because that they, which ought to be pillars in the Church, do bend themselves against Christ, and his truth, therefore O Lord give us grace, and power, all as one man, to set our selves against them. And this in effect (by way of emphasis) he then also repeated.
• 12. Item, that preaching at sundry times and places, he usually reacheth at all occasions, to deprave, condemn, and impugn the manner of Or∣dination of Bishops, Ministers and Deacons; sundry points of the Po∣litie, Government, Laws, Orders, and rights Ecclesiastical, and of the publick Liturgie of the Church of England, contained in the Book of Common-Prayer; as namely, the use of the Surplis, the Interroga∣tories to God-Fathers, &c. in the name of the Infants, the Cross in Baptism, the Ring in Marriage, the Thanksgiving after Child-birth▪ Burials by Ministers, the Kneeling at Communion, some points of the Letany, certain Collects and Prayers, the reading of portions of Scripture for the Epistle and Gospel, and the manner of Singing in Cathedral Churches, and others.
• 13. Item, That preaching at the Baptizing of one of Job Throgmortons chil∣dren, he spoke much of the unlawfulness, and in derogation of the Government, Politie, Laws, and Liturgy Ecclesiastical of this Realm; and to the justification of a Government by Elderships in every Con∣gregation, and by Conference, and Synods, &c. abroad, as Divine Institutions commanded by Christ, and the onely lawful Church∣government; seeking to prove and establish such Elderships out of that word in one of the Psalms, where Thrones are mentioned.
• 14. Item, That by toleration, and impunity, he did grow so confident, and withal implacable against the Laws, Government, and Orders of this Church of England, that he could not endure M^r Bourdman, and others (preaching sundry times at Warwick) to speak in defence there∣of, but took upon him to confute in sundry Sermons there, these things which the said Bourdman had truly, and dutifully, in that behalf spoken, and delivered.
• 15. Item, That in his Sermons at Warwick, and elsewhere, within the said time, he often delivered many frivolous, strange, and undiscreet posi∣tions; as namely, that to kneel down and pray when a man comes into the Church, to pray there privately, was but to offer the sacri∣fice of fools. That it was requisite, all the hearers that were able should stand upon their feet during Sermons; and discoursing about

• women, and their child-birth, &c. did speak thereof so indiscreetly, and offensively, that sundry of them in great grief, had conspired to have mischieved him with stones in the open streets.
• 16. Item, That by his perswasions, privately and publickly delivered, sundry persons in and about Warwick, were appointed to impugn, both in words and deeds, the Laws, Orders, and rights prescribed by the Book of Common-Prayer; insomuch as both his own wife by his procurement and consent, refused after child-birth, to come, and give thanks in such place of the Church, and in that solemn manner as thereby is prescribed; and some other women also of that Town, by such perswasion, and example, did use the like contempt.
• 17. Item, That sundry times (or at least once) when he communicated at the Lords Supper there, he sate, or stood upon his feet; and di∣vers others, induced by his perswasions, and example, both then and at other times did the like. And, that at other times there, or in other places where he hath communicated, both himself and others, (as he had appointed or perswaded afore) did walk along, and receive the Sacrament of the Ministers as they passed by him.
• 18. Item, That for these, and such like disorders, he was presented to the Bishop of Wigorne, his Ordinary. Before whom being convented in the Consistory there, he spake to the justification, and upholding of such doing of his, and of others: and there very publickly, and offensively affirmed, and disputed, That the Book of Common-Prayer, &c. is not established by Law.
• 19. Item, That when by authority from the said Bishop, for his contempt he was suspended from preaching, & ab omni functione Ministerii, he appealed from the said suspension, yet did not prosecute within a year after, whereby (the cause being according to Law remitted again to the Bishop) he, the said Thomas Cartwright, according to the former proceedings, falling again into the sentence of suspension (which was also intimated, and made known unto him) nevertheless in contempt of the Authority Ecclesiastical, he hath preached at Warwick Coventry, and elsewhere since the said time.
• 20. Item, When one of his men-servants had committed Fornication, and gotten a bastard in his house, he, taking upon him the authority of the Ordinary, did appoint unto the delinquent a publick form of pe∣nance, or satisfaction, in Saint Maries-Church at Warwick, and caused him to perform the same.
• 21. Item, Since his placing at Warwick he, with others (at such times as they thought fit) have agreed to have, and so have had, divers publick Fasts, without the Queen her Authority, and have invited, and perswaded both sundry persons to be there present, and also cer∣tain to preach, to the number of three, four, or five, successively one after another, being all noted to be such, as mislike and impugn sundry points of the Laws, Government, and Liturgy Ecclesiastical of this Church of England. In which Sermons, both he the said Cartwright, and such others also as then preached, did impugn, and enveigh against the present Laws, Government, Politie, and Liturgy Ecclesiastical of this Church of England.
• 22. Item, That from time to time, since his aboad in Warwick, by his pra∣ctice and dealing, he hath nourished a faction, and heart-burning of one inhabitant there against another, severing them in his own, and his followers speeches, by the names of The Godly, or Brethren favo••∣ring sincerity, and The Profane.
• 23. Item, That he doth know, or credibly heard, who were the penners, printers, or some of the dispersers of the several Libels, going under

• the name of Martin Mar-Prelate, of the Demonstration of Discipline, of Diotrephes, and such like books, before it was known to Authority; and yet in favour of such, and contempt of good laws, did not manifest the same to any who had authority to punish it.
• 24. Item, that being asked his opinion of such books, he answered thus in effect, or somthing tending this way, viz. (meaning the Bishops, and others there touched) would not amend by grave books, and advertisements, and therefore it was meet they should thus be dealt with, to their further reproach and shame.
• 25. Item, that for, and in the behalf of the Church of England, he penned, or procured to be penned, all or some part, of a little book intituled in one part, Disciplina Ecclesiae sacra Verbo Dei descripta; and in the other part, Disciplina Synodicaex Ecclesiarumusu &c. And, after it was perused by others, whom he first acquainted therewith, he recommended the same to the censures, and judgements of moe brethren (being learned Preachers) and some others, assembled together by his means, for that and other like purposes: Which, after deliberation, and some alterations, was by them, or most of them, allowed, as the only lawfull Church government, and fit to be put in practice; and the wayes and means for the practising thereof in this Realm, were also then, or not long after, agreed or conclu∣ded upon by them.
• 26. Item, that for the better and more due practise of it within the space of these seven, six, five, foure, three, two or one year last past, the said Thomas Cartwright, and sundry others (as aforesaid according to former appointment and determinations by them made) have met in Assemblies, termed Synods, more general (as at London, at Terms, and Parliament times; in Oxford at the Act; in Cambridg at the times of Commencement, and Sturbridge-fair) and also more particular, and Provinciall Synods, and at Classes, or Conferences of certain selected Ministers, in one, or moe places of sundry seve∣rall shires, as, Warwick, Northampton, R••tland, Oxford, Leicester, Cambridge, Norfolke, Suffolke, Essex, and others.
• 27. Item, that at such Synods and Conferences, it hath been concluded, that all the Ministers, which should be received to be either of the said generall Synods, or of any more particular and Provincial, or of a Classis, or Conference, should subscribe to the said Discipline, that they did allow it, would promote it, practise it, and be govern∣ed by it. And according to the form of a schedule hereunto annex∣ed, or such like, both he the said Thomas Cartwright, and many o∣thers, at sundry, or some generall Assemblies, as at Provincial, and at several conferences, have within the said time, subscribed the same, or some part thereof.
• 28. Item, that at such Synods and all other Assemblies, a moderator of that meeting, was first by him and them chosen, according to the prescription of the said book. And at some of such meetings, and Assemblies amongst other things, it was resolved, and concluded; that such particular conferences in severall Shires should be erected; how many persons, and with what letters from every of them, should be sent to the generall Assembly; and that one of them, at their coming home to their Conference, should make known the determinations of the generall Assembly, to be by every of them followed, and put in practice: which course in sundry places of this Realm hath (within the time aforesaid) been accordingly followed and performed.
• ...

• 29. Item, that he with others in some such Classis or Conference; or in a Synod, or more generall Assembly holden, did treat, and dispute (among other points) these six Articles conteined in another sche∣dule annexed, and set down their resolution, and determination of them.
• 30. Item, that he, with others assembled in such a generall Assembly, or Synod at Cambridge, did conclude, and decree (as in another schedule annexed, or in some part thereof is conteined) which de∣crees were made known afterwards at Warwick, to sundry Classes there by his means assembled, and allowed also by them then met to∣gether in the same or like form.
• 31. Item, that all such severall meetings, Synods, and Conferences, within the said time, many other determinations, as well what should be done and performed, or omitted; as also what should be holden consonant to Gods word, or disagreeing from it, have been set down by the said Thomas Cartwright and others. As namely, that all admitted to either Assembly should subscribe the said book of Discipline, Holy, and Synodicall: that those who were sent from any Conference to a Synod, should bring letters fiduciarie, or credence: that the last Moderator should write them: that the superscription thereof should be to a known man of the Assembly then to be hol∣den: that no book made by any of them should be put in print, but by consent of the Classis at least: that some of them must be ear∣nest, and some more milde and temperate, whereby there may be both of the spirit of Elias, and Elizeus: that all admitted amongst them, should subscribe, and promise, to conform themselves in their proceedings, administration of Sacraments, and of Discipline, to the form of that Book; and that they would subject themselves to the censuring of the Brethren, both for doctrine and life: and lastly, that upon occasion, when any their brethren shall be sent by them upon affairs of the Church (as to the great meetings, Parlia∣ment &c.) they all would bear their charges in common: that there might be no superiority amongst them, and that the Modera∣torship (as it happ'ned) is not a superiority, or honour, but a bur∣den: that no profane writer, or any other, than Canonical Scrip∣ture may be alledged in Sermons: that they should all teach, that the ministry of those who did not preach, is no ministry, but a meer nullity: that it is not lawfull to take any oath, whereby a man may be driven to discover any thing penal to himself, or to his brother, especially if he be perswaded the matter to be lawfull, for which the punishment is like to be inflicted; or having taken it in this case, need not discover the very truth: that to a Bishop, or other Offi∣cer ecclesiasticall (as is used now in the Church of England) none o∣bedience ought to be given, neither in appearing before them, in doing that which they command, nor in abstaining from that which they inhibit: that in such places as the most of the people fa∣voured the cause of sincerity, Eldership should warily and wisely be placed and established, which Consistory in some places hath been either wholy, or in part erected accordingly; yea, in some Col∣ledges in the University, as he knoweth, hath heard, or verily be∣leeveth.

These Articles were tendered to M^r. Cartwright in the Consistory of Pauls, before John Almare Bishop of London, the two Lord Chief Justices, Justice Gawdy, Sergeant Puckering (afterwards Lord keeper) and Attorney-Generall Popham.

28. These Commissioners did move him to give in his answer (the rather because the chief points in the Jnterrogatories were delivered in general terms unto him) and they severally assured him on their credits, that by the Laws of the Realm, he was to take his oath, and to answer as he was required. But M^r. Cartwright desired to be born withall; pleading, that he thought he was not bound by the laws of God so to do. Hereupon he was sent to the rest of his brethren to the Fleet, where he secretly, and silently took up his lodging; many admiring at the pannick peaceableness, and so quiet a calm, where so violent a tempest was feared to arise.

29. Some soon after expected the appearance of the Presbyterian party, accounting it more valour to free, than to keep their friends from prison. The rather, because of a passage in a letter of M^r. Wigingtons to one M^r. Porter at Lancaster.

M^r. Cartwright is in the Fleet for the refusall of the oath, (as I hear) and M^r. Knewstubs is sent for, and sundry worthy Ministers are disqui∣eted, who have been spared long. So that we look for some Bickering ere long, and then a Battle which cannot long endure.

Words variously expounded, as mens fancies directed them. Some con∣ceived that this Bickering, and Battle did barely import a passive conflict, wherein their patience was to encounter the power of their adversaries, and to conquer by suffering. Parallel to the Apostlesa words Without were fightings, meaning combats to wrastle with in many difficulties opposing their proceedings. Others expounded the words literally (not of a tame, but wilde Battle) and of some intended violence, as if shortly they would muster their (hitherto invisible) forces to storm the Fleet, and rescue their friends therein. A third sort beheld Wigington the writer of these words, as one, but of the soberer sort of distracted men, and therefore in vain do stai'd heads make serious comments on light mens random-expressions, where the knot is neither to be untied, nor cut, but east away.

30. Now the principall pillars of the Presbyterian party, being some in restraint, more in trouble, all in fear; applied themselves by their secret solicitors to James King of Scotland, and procured his letter to the Queen in their behalf, seconded with another to the same effect. They conceived so potent a Petitioner must needs prevail, especially in this juncture of time; the Queen having lately (since she put his mother to death) Adulced him with fair language, and kind carriage. This Letter was sent to one M^r. Johnson a Scotch Merchant in London, by him presented to the Queen, per∣used by her Majesty, and remitted to her Privie-Councell; but behold the Tenour thereof.

RIght Excellent, high and mighty Princess, our dearest Sister and Cousin in our heartiest manner, We recommend us unto you. Hearing of the apprehension of M^r. Vdall and M^r. Cartwright, and certain other Mi∣nisters of the Evangel within your Realm; Of whose good erudition and faithfull travels in the Church, we hear a very credible commendation, howsoever that their diversity from the Bishops and others of your Clergy, in matters touching them in conscience hath been a mean by their dilation, to work them your misliking; at this present we cannot (weighing the duty which we owe to such as are afflicted for their conscience in that profession) but by our most effectuous and earnest Letter interpone us at your hands to stay any harder usage of them for that cause. Requesting your most earnestly,

that for our cause and intercession it may please you to let them be relieved of their present strait, and whatsoever further accusation or pursuit de∣pending on that ground, respecting both their former merit, in setting forth the Evangell, the simplicity of their conscience in this defence which can∣not well be, their let by compulsion, and the great slander which could not fail to fall out upon their further streighting for any such occasion. Which we assure us your zeal to Religion, besides the expectation we have of your good will to pleasure us, will willingly accord to our request, ha∣v••ng such proofs from time to time of or like disposition to you in any mat∣ters which you recommend unto us, and thus right excellent, right high, and mighty Princes, our dear sister and Cousin, we commit you to Gods protection.

Edenburgh June 12. 1591.

This letter prevailed little with the Queen, nor do I finde that the king of Scotland was discontented thereat. Princes politickly understanding their mutual secret language (not to say silent signs) whose desires to for raign Princes for private persons carry this tacite reservation, if it may stand with the conveniency and pleasure of him to whom it is written. Besides, they know by their own experience, that often there is the least of themselves in their own letters, as granted meerly for quietness sake to satisfie the importu∣nity of others.

31. One word from Arch. BP. Whitgift befriended M^r. Cartwright more then both the letters from the King of Scotland. This Prelate reflecting on his abilities, and their ancient acquaintance in Trinity College: and re∣membring (as an honorable Adversary) they had brandished pens one against another, and considering that both of them now were well stricken in years, and (some will say) fearing the success in so tough a conflict, on M^r. Cartwrights generall promise to be quiet, procured his dismission out of the Starr-Chamber, and prison wherein he was confined. Henceforward M^t. Cartwright became very peaceable, not that he began to desert the cause, but the cause him. The Original state of the point of Non-conformity being much altered and disguised from its self, and many state businesses (which M^r. Cartwright disclaimed) by turbulent spirits shuffled into it.

32. Next followeth the just death of Hacket for his damnable Blasphe∣my, and I am sensible of a sad dilemma concerning the same. For not rela∣ting the story, will be interpreted favouring of him, and wronging the truth. Relating it, may be accounted gracing his impieties by recording them. And seeing it hard for one soul to attend two things at once, some will say, no Author can write and detest, nor Reader peruse and detest these his blasphe∣mies so at the same instant, but that there will be a short intervall betwixt them, yet long enough to have Piety wounded therein. However arming our selves and others with caution premised, we enter on this sorrowfull subject. The rather because the best may be bettered by the worst of men. When considering that naturall corruption in their hearts, is not less head••rong, but more bridled. Think not that Hacket and his two Companions were worse by na∣ture then all others of the English nation. I tell you nay, for if Gods restraining grace be taken from us we shall all runn unto the same excess of riot.

33. This William Hacket was born it Oundale in Northampton-shire, of so cruel and fierce a nature, that he is reported to have bit off, and eat down

the nose of his Schoolmaster. A Maulster by trade, which calling being too narrow for his active soul; He undertook to be a Discoveror of, & Informer against Recusants. An imployment which often procured his admittance into the presence of great persons, when his betters were excluded. One of a bold and confident nature, who though but an invited guest where many Clergie men were present, would allwayes presume to say grace and pray before them. A great stickler for the Geneva discipline, being very great with Wigginton and other the most violent of that faction. Always inculca∣ting that some extraordinary course must be presently taken with the obstru∣ctors thereof. Once he desperately took his dagger and violently struck the same into the picture of the Queen, aiming at her heart therein by pro∣portion. He pretended also to revelations, Immediate Raptures and dis∣courses with God, as also to buffetings of Satan, attesting the truth thereof, with most direfull oaths and execrations.

34. One Argument Hacket used to alledge to prove his own Invulnera∣bility, Because he profered leave to any one to kill him that would. The cunning Imposter knowing full well that it was death for any to do it, being secured from such violence, not by any secret quality in himself, but by the good laws of the Queen, against whom he so bitterly enveighed. He railed also against the Arch-Bishop Whitgift and Chancellour Hatton, with other of the Privie Councellors, pretending himself sent from Heaven to reform Church and State, and bring in a new discipline into both by extraordinary means.

35. Afterwards he gave it out, that the principall spirit of the Messias rested in him, and had two Attendants. Edmund Coppinger (the Queens servant and one of good descent) for his prophet of mercy. And Henry Arthington a York-shire Gentleman for his prophet of Judgment. These pro∣claimed out of a Cart in Cheap-side, that Christ was come in Hacket, with his fan in his hand, to purge the godly from the wicked, with many other pre∣cedent, concomitant and consequent impieties. For who can otherwise con∣ceive but such a prince-principall of Darkness must be proportionably attended with a black guard of monstrous Opinions and expressions. They cryed also, Repent England, Repent. Good counsell for all that heard, but best for them that gave it. With much adoe (such the press of people) they got home to broken-wharf where Hacket lay, and next day all three were sent to Bridewell, though some conceived Bedlam the more proper place for them. And some dayes after, Hacket being solemnly arraigned before the Judges at Westminster, demeaned himself very scornfully, but was found guilty on a double inditement and condemned.

36. During his imprisonment in Bridewell, one D^r. Childerly Rector of S^t. Dunstans in the East repaired unto him, and proffered to gripe arms with him and try the wrists, which Hacket unwillingly submitted to do. Though otherwise boasting himself invulnerable and impenetrable. The Doctor (though with some difficulty, Hacket being a foul strong lubber, yet) fairly twisted his wrists almost to the Breaking thereof, but not to the bowing of him to any confession or remorse. Whilst the other presently hasteth home to his house, lock'd himself up in his Study, and with fasting and prayer beg'd pardon of God for his pride and boldness, that having neither pro∣mis'd precept, or precedent for his practise in scripture, he should adven∣ture on such a triall wherein justly he might have been worsted for his pre∣sumption, and discreet men will more commend the relenting tenderness of his heart, then the slight and strength of his hands.

37. Hacket was brought to the Gibbet near to the Cross in Cheap-side, and there 〈◊〉〈◊〉 forth most blasphemous execrations, till the halter stopped his breath. I know what one Lawyer pleadeth in his behalf, though it be little credit to be the Advocate of such a Client, That the Bishops had made 〈◊〉〈◊〉 m••dd with persecuting of him. Sure it was, if he were madd, not any 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but overmuch pride made him so, and sure it is, he discovered no distemper in other particulars, personating at least wise, if not performing all things with a composed gravity. But there is a madness which Physicians count most uncurable, and call it Modesta Insania, when one is mad, as to one particular point alone, whilst serious and sober in all other things. Whether Hacket were not toucht with this or no, I will not decide, but leave him to stand or fall to his own master. Coppinger died in Bridewell, starving him∣self (as it is said) by wilfull abstinence. Arthington (the prophet of judg∣ment) lived to prove the object of Gods and the Queens mercy, and printed a plain book of his hearty repentance. Happy herein that he met with a generall belief of his serious sorrow and sincere amendment.

38. This businesse of Hacket happened very unseasonably for the Presbyterians. True it is, they as cordially detested his blasphemies as any of the Episcopall party. And such of them as loved Hacket the Nonconformist, abhorred Hacket the Heretick, after he had mounted to so high a pitch of Impiety. But (besides the glutenous nature of all aspersions to stick where they light) they could not wash his odium so fast from themselves, but their Adversaries were as ready to rub it on again. This rendred them at this time so hated at Court, That for many moneths together no Favourite durst present a petition in their behalf to the Queen, being loath to lose himself, to save others, so offended was her Majesty against them.

39. The same day wherein Hacket was executed, Thomas Stone, Parson of Warkton in Northampton-shire (by vertue of an Oath tendered him the day before by the Queens Atturney, and solemnly taken by him) was examined by the Examiner for the Starr-Chamber in Grayes Inne, from six of the clock in the morning, till seaven at night, to answer unto thirty three Articles, but could only effectually depose to these which follow, faithfully by me transcribed out of a confession written with his own hand, and lately in my Possession.

1. Interrog.

Who and how many assembled and met together with the said Defendents, T. C. H. E. E. S. &c. all or any of them where, when, how often &c?

The answer of T. S. to the Inter∣rog. touch∣ing the Cir∣cumstances of

• 1 Places of meeting
• 1 Greater
• 2 Lesse,
• 1 In London
• 2 In Cambridge S^t Johns College
• 1 Travers
• 2 Egertons
• 3 Gardeners
• 4 Barbers
• Houses
• 1 In Northampton
• 1 Johnsons
• 2 Snapes
• Houses
• 2 In Kettering or near it
• 1 Dammes
• 2 Stones
• Houses
• 2 Times.
• 1 Since the beginning of the last Parliament.
• 2 Sundry times at London, how oft he remember'd not.
• 3 Sundry times at Northampton, how oft not re∣membred.
• 4 Sundry times at Kettering, how not remem∣bred.
• 5 Once at Cambridge, about Sturbridge fair time was 1. or 2. years.
• 6 Once at London, a little before M^r Cartwright was committed at M^r Gardeners house.
• 7 Once at this Deponents house, the certain time not remembred.
• 3 persons
• 1 Meeting in London joyntly or severally.
• M^r Travers
• M^r Chark
• M^r Egerton
• M^r Gardener
• M^r Barber
• M^r Brown
• M^r Somerscales
• M^r Cartwright
• M^r Chatterton
• M^r Gyfford
• M^r Allen
• M^r Edmands
• M^r Gyllybrand
• M^r Culverwell
• M^r Oxenbridge
• M^r Barbon
• M^r Fludd••
• This Depo∣nent.
• 2 Meeting in Camb.
• M^r Chatterton and o∣thers of Cambridge
• M^r Cartwright
• M^r Gyfford
• M^r Allen
• M^r Snape
• M^r Fl••dde
• This Deponent.
• 3 persons
• 3 Meeting in Nor∣thampton joyntly or severally.
• M^r Johnson
• M^r Snape
• M^r Sybthorpe
• M^r Edwards
• M^r Fludde
• This Deponent
• M^r Spicer
• M^r Fleshware
• M^r Harrison
• M^r Littleton
• M^r Williamson
• M^r Rushbrook
• M^r Baxter
• M^r Barbon
• M^r King
• M^r Proudtome
• M^r Massie
• M^r Bradshaw
• 4 Meeting at Kette∣ring or nere to it.
• M^r Dammes
• M^r Pattison
• M^r Okes
• M^r Baxter
• M^r Rushbrook
• M^r Atkinson
• M^r Williamson
• M^r Massie.
• This Depo∣nent.

2 Interrog.

Who called these Assemblies, by what Authority, how, or in what sort?

Answer.

That he knew not by whom they were called, neither knew he any other Authority therein, saving a voluntary, or free motion, one giving another Intelligence as occasion served, sometimes by letters, and sometimes by word of mouth.

3 Interrog.

Who were Moderators in them, and what their Office?

Answer.

That he remembred not who where Moderators in any meeting particularly, saving once at Northampton, when M^r Johns••n was admonished, and that was either himself, or M^r Snapes, he knew not well whether.

4 Interrog.

What things were debated in those meetings or Assemblies?

Answer.

That the things Chiefly and most often considered of in those Assemblies were these. First, The subscription to the Book of Common-Prayer; how farr it might be yielded unto, rather then any should forgoe his Mini∣stery. Secondly, The Book of Discipline was often perused, discussed &c. Thirdly, Three petitions or supplications were agreed upon to be drawn. First, to her Majesty Secondly, to the Lords of the Councell. Thirdly, to the Bishops. The things debated of in particular, he remem∣bred not more then these. First, the p••rfecting of the Book of Discipline, and purpose to subscribe to it at Cambridge. Secondly, this question dispu∣ted, whether it were convenient for M^r Cartwright to reveal the Circumstan∣ces of the Conference, a little before he was committed. Thirdly, The admonishing of M^r Johnson once at Northampton. Fourthly, The deba∣ting of this question, whether the Books called Apocrypha were warranta∣ble to be read publickly in the Church as the Canonical Scriptures.

5 Interrog.

Whether any Censures were exercised, what kinds, when, where, upon whom, by whom, for what cause?

Answer.

That he never saw any Censure exercised, saving admonition once upon M^r Johnson of Northampton, for miscarrying himself in his conversation, to the Scandall of his Calling, neither was that used with any kinde of Au∣thority, but by a voluntary yielding unto it, and approving of it, as well in him that was admonished, as in him which did admonish.

6 Interrog.

Whether any of the said Defendents had moved or perswaded any to refuse an Oath, and in what case &c?

Answer.

That he never knew any of the Defendents to use words of perswasion to any to refuse an Oath; only M^r Snape sent him down in writing certain reasons drawn out of the Scripture, which moved him to refuse the generall Oath, ex officio, which I stood perswaded, that he sent to none other end, but to declare that he refused not to swear, upon any contempt, but only for Conscience sake.

I have insisted the longer on this Deposition, because the first and fullest that I finde in the kinde thereof, conteining their Classes more formally set∣led in Northampton-shire, then any where else in England. For as the west part of that shire is observed to be the highest place of England, as appeareth by the Rivers rising there, and running thence to the four winds; so was that County a probable place (as the middest of the land) for the Presby∣terian Discipline, there erected, to derive it self into all the quarters of the kingdom.

40. But when the news of Mr. Stones answer was brought abroad, he was generally censured by those of his party, as well such as were yet at liberty, conceiving themselves endangered by his discovery, as by those already in prison, complaining that he added affliction to their bonds. Yea his embracing a different course from the rest, cast an Aspersion on others of his side, as less sound in Judgement, or tender in conscience, because peremptorily concealing, what he thought fitting to confess. Many that highly esteemed him before, hereafter accounted him no pretious but a counterfet stone: So that he found it necessary in his own vindication to im∣part the reasons of his Confession to such as condemned him, if not for a Traytor, at least for a Coward in the Cause.

• 1.a He judged it unlawfull to refuse an oath, limitted and bounded within the compass of the conferences, being required before a lawfull Magistrate in a Plea for the Prince to a lawfull end. 1. to trie out the truth in a doubtfull fact, suspected and feared to be dan∣gerous, both to Church and Common-Weal, but such was that oath which was tendered to him, ergo.
• 2. He being lawfully sworn, judged it unlawfull to be mute, much more to speak any untruth.
• 3. If he had not been urged by oath to reveal, yet did he judge that silence unlawfull, which justly causeth suspition of evill, as of Treason, Rebellion, Sedition. &c.
• 4. He judged that concealment unlawfull which was not only scanda∣lous, but also dangerous, as this that might occasion and incourage wicked persons to hide their Complices in their worst attempts.
• 5. He judged that the clearing of a doubtfull fact, requireth the clear∣ing of the Circumstances, which cannot be cleared till they be known.
• 6. He judged that silence unlawfull, which leaveth the truth friendless, or few friends when she hath need of many.
• ...

• 7. He judged it a point or note of Puritanisme for any to stand so upon the integrity of their own Actions, as that they should not be doubt∣ed of, suspected, examined, censured, &c.
• 8. He saw no probability nor possibility in reason to have the circum∣stances longer concealed. 1. Because many of them are already made known, partly by the letters and writings of the B. in Bonds, which have been intercepted, partly also by certain false brethren, and lastly by certain faithfull, but weak brethren, whose confessions are to be seen under their own hands. 2. Because the Magistrate is resolutely set to search them out, and lastly, because divers are to be called and to answer upon Oath, which approve not the con∣cealing of them.
• 9. He judged the inconveniences which come by the concealing, to be (if not moe in number) yet greater in weight, and nore inevita∣ble then those that come by revealings, which as it may appear in some of the former Reasons alledged to prove the unlawfulness of concealing: so may it further appear in these that follow.
• 10. The good name and credit of any (of a Minister much more) ought to be dearer to him, and to all those that love him then his liberty &c. but by this concealing the credit of many good Ministers is eclipsed.
• 11. This concealing hath caused the continuance of some in bonds and imprisonment hitherto, would cause others to be committed, and withall causeth suspition of evills, Treason, Rebellion, Sedition, &c. and thereby also evill report, slander &c.
• 12. As by concealing the aforesaid suspition and slander lieth still upon us all which have been in these actions: so doth the same grow every day more grievous by the wicked attempts of hypocrites, and pro∣phane persons, which carry the name of Puritans, Precisians &c. as those of late in Cheap-side.
• 13. Although it be very like, that the revealing will bring punishment upon the rest, yet is it not certain nor necessary, but the concealing doth certainly cause suspition, slalnder &c.
• 14. The concealing argueth either some guiltiness, or at the least some faintness and fear to be seen or known in these Actions.
• 15. It leaveth the truth (which now travaileth) poor, naked, destitute, and void of friends, it casteth the care, credit, countenance, de∣fence and maintenance of it upon those few which are in prison, which ought to be supported and maintained by all.
• 16. It leaveth the burden upon eight or nine mens shoulders, which ought to be eased by many.

What satisfaction this gave to his party I know not, sure I am the Bi∣shops till his dying day beheld him as an ingenuous man, carrying his con∣science with the reason thereof in his own brest, and not pinning it on the president of any other: whereupon they permitted him peaceably to possess his parsonage, (being none of the meanest) though he continued a stiffe Non conformist, only quietly enjoying his own opinion. Indeed he was a down-right Nathanael, if not guilty of too much of the dove in him: faulty in that defect, wherein more offend in the excess, not minding the world so much, as became a provident parent. But we leave him when we have told the Reader, that he was bred a Student in Christ-Church, and was a Proctor of Oxford, Anno 1580, and died quietly an old man Anno 1617 at Warkton in Northampton-shire.

41. Thus one link being slipp'd out, the whole chain was quickly bro∣ken and scattered. Stone his discovery marr'd for the future all their formal meetings, as Classically, or Synodically methodized. If any of these Ministers hereafter came together, it was for visits, not visitations; to enjoy themselves, not enjoyn others orders to be observed by them.

42. Whereas M^r Stone confesseth their meeting in Cambridge, with M^r Chatterton and others, I finde some of these othersa elsewhere specified, namely M^r Perkins, and M^r Thomas Harrison, afterwards the reverend Vice-Master of Trinity-Colledge, both of them concurring, though neither of them very active in this cause. M^r Perkins, whatsoever his judgement was in point of Church-discipline, never publickly medled with it in his preaching; and, being pressed by others about the lawfullness of subscripti∣on, he declined to manifest his opinion therein, glad to enjoy his own quiet, and to leave others to the liberty of their own consciences. Solomons obser∣vation found truth in him,b When a mans wayes please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him; whose piety procured freedom to his preaching, and fair respect to his person, even from those who in affecti∣ons differed, and in opinion dissented from him: for all held Perkins for a Prophet; I mean for a painfull, and faithfull dispenser of Gods will in his word.

43. But I am weary of writing these sad dissentions in our Church, and fain would pass over to some more pleasing subject: from the renting of Gods Church, to the repairing of it, from the confounding thereof, to the founding, and building, of some eminent place for learning, and religion. But finding none of that nature this very year in England, I am fain to seek one beyond the seas, and at last have lighted on the University, and Colledge of Dublin, which now began to be erected.

44. Anciently Ireland was the Seminary of Saints, people from all parts of Christendome repairing thither, there to finde, and thence to fetch the perfect pattern of Monastical devotion. Many hundred years after, namely, in the Reign of King Edward the Second, Alexander Bickner, Arch∣Bishop of D••blin, obtained licence of the Pope, to erect an University in Dublin; but the designe succeeded not according to his desire, and others expectation. Now at the last the same was effected by Royall Authority, and a Colledge there erected, and dedicated to the Holy Trinity. This mindeth me of a pleasant passage: In the Reign of King Henry the eighth, it was enjoyned, that all Churches dedicated to S^t Thomas Becket, should be new named, and consigned over to some real Saint. Now whilest country people sate in consultation, what new Saint such Churches should assume, being divided in their opinions, to whom the same should be dedicated, an old man gave this advice. Even dedicate it to the Holy Trinity, which will last and continue, when all other Saints may chance to be taken away.

45. Many eminent persons concurred to advance so worthy a work. And because we are to speak of a Colledge, wherein seniority takes place, we will rank these persons, not according to their dignity, but time of their benefaction.

• 1. Henry Vsher, then Arch-Deacon of Dublin, bred in Cambridge (after∣ward Arch-Bishop of Armagh, and uncle to James Vsher the present Arch-Bishop thereof) took a journey with much danger into Eng∣land, and with more difficulty procured the Mort-main from
• 2. Queen Elizabeth, who graciously granted it, naming the Corpora∣tion, Collegium Sanctae ac Individuae Trinitatis, ex fundatione Reginae Elizabethae, juxta Dublin.
• ...

• 3. William Cicill Baron of Burleigh, and treasurer of England, is ap∣pointed in the Mort-main first Chancellour of the University, as being an active instrument to procure the same.
• 4. S^r William Fitz-Williams, Lord Deputy of Ireland (whose Arms are deservedly graven over the Colledge gate) issued out his letters for collection to all the Counties in Ireland, to advance so good a designe; and the Irish (though then generally Papists) were very bountifull thereunto.
• 5. M^r Luke Chaloner, Fellow of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge, received, and disbursed the monies, had the oversight of the fabrick, which he faithfully procured to be finished, meriting that verse inscribed on his fair monument in Dublin Colledge Chappel, built by his daughter.

  Conditur hoc Tumulo Chaloneri triste Cadaver, Cujus ope, & precibus, conditur ista domus.

  This Tomb within it here contains, Of Chalnor the sad Remains. By whose prayer, and helping hand, This House erected here doth stand.

• 6. The Major, and Aldermen of Dublin, bestowed on the Colledge the sight thereof (with some accommodations of considerable grounds about it) being formerly a Religious house, termed Allhal∣lows, which at the suppression of Abbies was bestowed on their Cor∣poration.
• 7. Adam Loftus, Fellow of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge, at this present Arch-Bishop of Dublin, and Chancellour of Ireland, was the first Master of the Colledge, holding it as an honorarie title, though not so much to receive credit by, as to return lustre to the place.
• 8. S^r Warham Saint-Leger, was very bountifull in paying yearly pensi∣ons, for the maintenance of the first students thereof, before the Col∣ledge was endowed with standing revenues.
• 9. S^r Francis Shane, a mere Irish man, but good Protestant, was a principal Benefactor, and kept this infant-foundation from being strangled in the birth thereof.
• 10. Robert D'eureaux Earl of Essex, Lord Lievetenant of Ireland, and se∣cond Chancellour of this University, bestowed at the intreaty of the Students of this Colledge, a Cannoneers pay, and the pay of certain dead places of Souldiers, to the value wellnigh of foure hundred pounds a year, for the Scholars maintenance, which continued for some years.
• 11. King James, that great Patrone of learning, to compleat all, con∣firmed the revenues of this Colledge in perpetuum, endowing it with a great proportion of good land in the Province of Vlster.

Thus thorough many hands this good work at last was finished, the first stone whereof was laid May 13. 1591. and in the year 1593. Schollars were first admitted, and the first of them James Vsher, since Arch-Bishop of Ar∣magh, that mirrour of learning, and religion, never to be named by me, without thanks to him, and to God for him. Nor must it be forgotten, that, what Josephusa reports of the Temple built by Herod, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

during the time of the building of the Tem∣ple, it rained not in the day time, but in the night, that the showrs might not hinder the work; I say, what by him is reported, hath been avouched to me by witnesses above exception, that the same happ'ned here from the founding, to the finishing of this Colledge; the officious Heavens always smiling by day (though often weeping by night) till the work was completed.

46. The whole Species of the University of Dublin, was for many years preserved in the Individuum of this one Colledge. But since this instru∣ment hath made better musick, when (what was but a monochord before) hath got two other smaller strings unto it, the addition of New-Colledge, and Kildare-Hall. What remaineth? but that I wish that all those worthy Divines bred therein, may have theira Doctrine drop as the rain; and their speech distill as the dew, as the small rain upon the tender herb, and as the showers upon the grass.

47. Let none censure this for a digression from our Church-History of England. His discourse that is resident on the Son, doth not wholy wander from the Father, seeing none will deny, but that proles is pars parentis, the childe is part of the parent. Dublin University, was a Colonia deducta from Cambridge, and particularly from Trinity Colledg, therein (one motive per∣chance to the name of it) as may appear by the ensuing Catalogue of the Pro∣vosts thereof.

1. Adam Loftus, Fellow of Trinity Colledge, first Provost.

2. Walter Travers, Fellow of the same Colledge, second Provost,

3. Henry Alva, Fellow of S^t Johns Colledge in Cambridge, third Provost.

4. S^r William Temple, who wrote a learned Comment on Ramus, Fellow of Kings Colledge, fourth Provost.

5. Joseph Mede, Fellow of Christ-Colledge in Cambridge, chosen Provost, but refused to accept it.

6.

7. William Chapel, Fellow of the same Colledge, seventh Provost.

Know also that this University did so Cantabrize, that she imitated her in the successive choice of her Chancellours, the daughter dutifully approving, and following the judgement of her mother therein.

48. This year was fatall to no eminent Protestant Divine, and I finde but one of the Romish perswasion dying therein; Arthur (shall I say?) or Laurence Faunt, born of worshipfull parentage at Folston in Leicester-shire, bred in Merton-Colledge in Oxford, whence he fled (with M^r Pots, his Tu∣tor) to Lovain, and never more returned into England. From Lovain he removed to Paris, thence to Minchen, an University in Bavaria (where Willi∣am the Duke exhibited unto him) thence to Rome, where he was admitted a Jesuite. Hence Pope Gregory the thirteenth sent him to be governor of the Jesuits Colledge at Posna in Poland, newly erected by Sigismund King there∣of. Yea, so great was the fame of this Faunt, that (if his own letters may be beleeved) three Princes courted him at once, to come to them. He altered his Christian name of Arthur, because (as hisb kinsman tells us) no Kalender-Saint was ever of that name, and assumed the name of Lau∣rence, dying this year at Vilna in Lituania, leaving books of his own making, much prized by those of his own profession.

49. Now began the heat, of the sad contest betwixt M^r Richard Hooker Master, and M^r Walter Travers Lecturer of the Temple. We will be the larger in the relating thereof, because we behold their acti∣ons not as the deeds of private persons, but the publick Champions of their

Party. Now as an Army is but a Champion diffused, so a Champion may be said to be an Army contracted. The Prelaticall Party wrought to the height in and for Hooker, nor was the Presbyterian power less active in assisting M^r Travers, both sides being glad they had gotten two such eminent Leaders, with whom they might engage with such credit to their cause.

50. Hooker was born in Devon-shire, bred in Oxford, Fellow of Corpus Christi Colledge; one of a solid judgement, and great reading. Yea, such the depth of his learning, that his Pen was a better Bucket than his Tongue to draw it out. A great defender both by preaching and writing of the Discipline of the Church of England, yet never got (nor cared to get) any eminent dignity therein, conscience, not covetousness engaging him in the contro∣versie. Spotless was his conversation, and though some dirt was cast, none could stick on his reputation. M^r Travers was brought up in Trinity Colledge in Cambridge, and because much of Church matter depends upon him, I give the Reader the larger account of his carriage.

51. Travers meeting with some discontents in the Colledge after the death of D^r Beomond (in whose time he was elected fellow) took occasion to travail beyond Seas, and comming to Geneva, contracted familiarity with M^r Beza, and other forraign divines, with whom he by letters conti∣nued correspondency till the day of his death. Then returned he and com∣menced Batchelor of Divinity in Cambridge, and after that went beyond sea again, and at Antwerp was ordained minister, by the Presbytery there, whose Testimoniall I have here faithfully transcribed out of the Originall.

QVam multis de causis sit & aequum & consultum unumquemque eorum qui ad verbi Dei ministerum asciscuntur, vocationis suae testimonium habere, Asserimus, coacta Antuerpiae ad 8. Maij 1578. duodecim Ministrorum verbi cum totidem fere senioribus Synodo, praest n∣tissimum pretate & eruditione virum ac fratrem reverendum Doctorem Gualterum Traverseum, omnium qui aderant suffragiis ardentissimis{que}, votis, consueto ritu fuisse in sancto verbi Dei ministerio institutum, pre∣cibusque ac ma••uum impositione confirmatum. Postero autem die post sabba∣tum b••llo in frequenti Anglorum coet•• concionem, rogante eo qui a Synodo delegatus erat Ministro, propensissimisque totius Ecclesiae animis acceptum fu∣sse. Quod quidem Domini ac fratris nostri celendi apud Anglos Mini∣sterum, ut benignitate sua Deus omnipotens donorum suorum incremento & amplissimo functionis ejus fructu ornare dignetur, enixè precamur per Iesum Christum Amen.

Dat. Antwerpiae 14. Maij. 1578.

Det Logelerius Vilerius verbi Dei Minister & Johannes Hochelcus verbi Dei minister. Johannes Taffinus Verbi Dei Minister.

Thus put in orders by the Presbytery of a forrain Nation, he continued there some years, preached (with M^r Cartwright) unto the English factory of Merchants at Antwerpe, untill at last he came over into England, and for seven years together became Lecturer in the Temple (refusing all presenta∣tive preferment to decline subscription) and lived domestick chaplain in the house of the Lord Treasurer Cicel, being Tutor for a time to Robert his son, afterwards Earl of Sarisbury. And although there was much heaving and shuffing at him (as one disaffected to the discipline) yet Gods goodness, his friends greatness, and his own honesty, kept him, (but with much difficulty) in his ministeriall imployment.

52. Yea now so great grew the credit and reputation of M^r Travers, that (by the advice of M^r Andrew Meluin) he and M^r Cartwright were so∣lemnly sent for, to be Divinity professors in the University of S^t Andrews, as by this autograph (which I have in my hands, and here think fit to exem∣plfie) may plainly appear.

MAgno quidem, fratres charissimi, gaudio nos afficit constantia vestra, & invicta illa animi fortitudo, quâ contra Satanae imperium & reluctantem Christi imperio mundi fastum armavit vos domini spiritus, in asserenda apud populares vestros Ecclesiae suae disciplina. Sed permelesium tamen nobis semper fuit, pertinaci inimicorum odio & violentia factum esse, ut cum latere & solum subinde vertere cogimini, minus aliquanto fructus ex laboribus vestris ad pios omnes perveniat, quam si docendo pub∣licè & concionando destinatam ecclesiae Dei operam navare licuisset. Hoc quia in patria vobis negatum videbamus, non aliud nobis magis in votis erat, quàm ut exulanti in vobis Christo hospitium aliquod in ultma Scotia praeberatur. Quod ut fieri non incommodè possit, speramus longo nos conatu perfecisse.

Vetus est & non ignobilis apud nos Academia, Andreana; in quâ cùm aliae artes, tum philosophia imprimis ita hucasque culta fuit, ut quod ab exteris nationibus peteretur, parum nobis, aut nihil in eo genere deesset. Verum divina ilia sapientia, quam vel solam, vel praecipuam colere christi∣anos decet, neglecta diu in scholis jacuit; quod à prima statim religionis instauratione, summus omnium ardor exstaret in erudienda plebe; in aliis ad sacrum verbi ministerium instituendis paucissimi labor aerent: non leve ut periculum subesset, n•• (quod propitius nobis Deus avertat) concionato∣rum aliquando inopia periret, quod tanta cum spe in hominum animos con∣jectum est verae pietatis semen.

Animadvertit hoc tandem ecclesiasticus Senatus, & cum rege regnique proceribus diligenter egit, ne hanc officij sui & solicitudinis partem deside∣rari amplius paterentur. Placuit & summo omnium applausu in proximis ordinum comitiis decretum est, ut quod amplitudine ceteris & opulentia collegium praestat theologiae perpetuo studiis consecretur: utque ad verbi Dei ministerium nemo admittatur, nisi linguarum, utriusque testamenti & locorum communium curriculo prius consecto: confiti autem quadriennii spacio à quinque professoribus posse. Ex hoc numero adhuc desunt Thomas Cartwrigtus & Gualterus Traversus: reliquos nobis domi ecclesia nostra suppeditabit. Messem hic videtis singulari vestra eruditione & pietate non indignam. Ad quam pius vos princeps & proceres nostri; ad quam boni vos omnes & fratres vestri; ad quam Christi vos ecclesia & Christus ipse operarios invitat. Reliquum est, ut humanissimè vocantes sequi velitis; & ad docendi hanc provinciam, vobis honorificam, eccle∣siae Dei salutarem maturetis; magnas à principe, majores à Christi ecclesia, maximas & immortales à maximo & immortali Deo gratias inituri. Quod ut sine mor a facere dignemini, per eum ipsum vos etiam atque etiam obtesta∣mur, cui acceptum ferri debet, quod ecclesiae filii sui prodesse tantopere possi∣tis.

Valete.

Edinburgi.

• Ja Glasgney Academiae Cancelarius. Alaynus Rector.
• Thomas Smetonius Decanus
• Andreas Melvinus Collegij praefectus
• Mr David Wems minister Glascoviensis.

This proffer both joyntly refused, with return of their most affectionate thanks, and such who know least are most bold in their conjectures, to ad∣venture at the reasons of their refusall. As that they would not leave the Sun on their backs, and remove so far North, or they were discouraged with the slenderness of the salary assigned unto them. In plain truth they were loath to leave, and their friends loath to be left by them, conceiving their pains might as well be bestowed in their native Country; and Travers quiet∣ly continued Lecturer at the Temple till M^r Hooker became the Master thereof.

53. M^r Hooker his voice was low, stature little, gesture none at all, standing stone-still in the Pulpit, as if the posture of his body were the emblem of his minde, unmoveable in his opinions. Where his eye was left fixed at the beginning, it was found fixed at the end of his Sermon: In a word, the doctrine he delivered, had nothing but it self to garnish it. His stile was long and pithy, driving on a whole flock of severall Clauses before he came to the close of a sentence. So that when the copiousness of his stile, met not with proportionable capacity in his auditors, it was unjustly censu∣red, for perplext, tedious, and obscure. His sermons followed the incli∣nation of his studies, and were for the most part on controversies, and deep points of School Divinity.

54. M^r Travers his utterance was gracefull, gesture plausible, matter profitable, method plain, and his stile carried in it indolem pietatis a Genius of grace flowing from his sanctified heart. Some say, that the congregation in the Temple, ebb'd in the fore noon, and flowed in the afternoon, and that the auditory of M^r Travers was far the more numerous, the first occasion of emulation betwixt them. But such as knew M^r Hooker, knew him to be too wise to take exception at such trifles, the rather because the most judicious is always the least part in all auditories.

55. Here might one on Sundayes have seen, almost as many writers as hearers. Not only young students, but even the gravest Benchers (such as S^t Edw, Cook and S^t James Altham then were) were not more exact in taking instructions from their clients, then in writing notes from the mouths of their Ministers. The worst was, these two preachers though joyned in affinity (their nearest kindred being married together) acted with different princi∣ples, and clashed one against another. So that what M^r Hooker delivered in the forenoon, M^r Travers confuted in the afternoon. At the building of Solomons Temple 1 King. 6. 7. neither hammer, nor axe, nor tool of iron was heard therein. Whereas, alass in this Temple, not only much knocking was heard, but (which was the worst) the nailes and pins, which one master∣builder drave in, were driven out by the other. To pass by lesser differences betwixt them about Predestination.

Hooker maintained. The Church of Rome, though not a pure and perfect, yet is a true Church, so that such who live and die therein upon their re∣pentance of all their sins of igno∣rance may be saved.

Travers defended. The Church of Rome is no true Church at all, so that such as live and die therein, holding Justifi∣cation in part by works, cannot be said by the Scriptures to be saved.

Thus much disturbance was caused to the disquieting of peoples consciences, the disgrace of the ordinance, the advantage of the common enemy, and the dishonour of God himself.

56. Here Arch-Bishop Whitgift interposed his power, and silenced Travers from preaching either in the Temple or any where else. It was lai'd to his charge: 1. That he was no lawfull ordained Minister according to the Church of England. 2^ly. That he preached here without licence. 3^ly. That he had broken the order (made in the 7^th year of her Majesties reign. Wherein it was provided, that erroneous Doctrine, if it came to be publickly taught, should not be publickly refuted, but that notice thereof should be given to the Ordinary, to hear and determine such causes, to prevent publick disturbance.

57. As for Travers, his silencing, many which were well pleased with the deed done, were offended at the manner of doing it. For all the Con∣gregation on a Sabbath in the after noon were assembled together, their attention prepared, the Cloath (as I may say) and napkins were laied, yea, the guests set, and their knives drawn for their spirituall repast, when sud∣denly as M^r Travers was going up into the pulpit, a sorry fellow served him with a letter, prohibiting him to preach any more. In obedience to Authority, (the milde and constant submission whereunto won him respect with his adversaries) M^r Travers calmly signified the same to the Congre∣gation, and requested them quietly to depart to their chambers. Thus was our good Zacheus struck dumb in the Temple, but not for infidelity, unpartial people accounting his fault at most but indiscretion. Mean time, his Audi∣tory (pained that their pregnant expectation to hear him preach, should so publickly prove abortive, and sent sermonless home) manifested in their variety of passion, some grieving, some frowning, some mur∣muring, and the wisest sort, who held their tongues, shaked their heads, as disliking the managing of the matter.

58. Travers addressed himself by petition to the Lords of the privie Councell (where his strength lay, as Hookers in the Arch-Bishop of Cant, and high Commission) grievously complained that he was punished before he was heard, silenced (by him apprehended the heaviest penalty) before sent for, contrary to equity and reason. Thea Law condemning none before it hear him, and know what he hath done.

1. To the exception against the lawfulness of his Ministry, he pleaded that the communion of Saints allows Ordination legall in any Chri∣stian Church, Orders herein are like degrees, and a Doctor graduated in any University, hath his title and place granted him in all Chri∣stendome.

2. For want of licence to preach, he pleaded that he was recommen∣ded to this place of the Temple by two letters of the Bishop of London the Diocesan thereof.

3. His Anti-preaching in the afternoon against what was delivered be∣fore; he endeavoured to excuse by the example of S^t Paul,b Who gave not place to Peter, no not an hour, that the truth of the Gospell might continue amongst them.

But we are too tedious herein, especially seeing his petition is publickly ex∣tant in print, with M^r Hooker his answer thereunto, whither we referr the reader for his more ample satisfaction.

59. By the way, it must not be forgotten, that in the very midst of the Paroxisme betwixt Hooker and Travers, the latter stil bare (and none can challenge the other to the contrary) a reverend esteem of his adversary. And when an unworthy aspersion (some years after) was cast on Hooker, (if Christ was dasht, shall Christians escape clean in their journey to heaven) M^r Travers being asked of a private friend, what he thought of the truth

of that accusation, In truth, (said he) I take M^r Hooker to be a holy man. A speech with coming from an adversary, sounds no less to the commendation of his charity who spake it, then to the praise of his piety of whom it was spoken.

60. The Councell table was much divided about Travers his petition. All Whitgists foes were ipso facto made Travers his favourers, besides he had a large stock of friends on his own account. But Whitgifts finger moved more in Church matters, then all the hands of all the privie Councellers besides, and he was content to suffer others to be beleeved (and perchance to beleeve themselves) great actors in Church-government, whilst he knew, he could and did do all things himself therein. No favour must be afforded Travers on any terms. 1. Dangerous was his person, a Cartwright junior, none in England either more loving Geneva, or more beloved by it. 2^ly. Dangerous the place, the Temple being one of the Jnns (therefore a pub∣lick) of Court (therefore a principall) place, and to suffer one opposite to the English discipline, to continue Lecturer there, what was it but in effect to retain half the Lawyers of England to be of Councell against the ecclesiastical government thereof. 3^ly. Dangerous the Precedent this leading case would be presumed on for others to follow, and a ranks breaking, may be an armies ruining.

61. This was the constant custome of Whitgift, if any Lord or Lady sued to him to shew favour for their sakes to Non-conformists, his answer to them was rather respectfull to the requester, then satisfactory to the re∣quest. He would profess how glad he was to serve them, and gratifie them in compliance with their desire, assuring them for his part all possible kind∣ness should be indulged unto them; but in fine, he would remit nothing of his rigour against them. Thus he never denied any great mans desire, and yet never granted it, pleasing them for the present with generall promises, and (in them not dissembling, but using discreet and right expressions) still kept constant to his own resolution. Hereupon afterwards the nobility surceased making more sutes unto him, as ineffectuall, and even left all things to his own disposall.

62. Thus M^r Travers, notwithstanding the plenty of his potent friends, was overborn by the Arch-Bishop, and (as he often complained) could ne∣ver obtain to be brought to a fair hearing. But his grief hereat was some∣thing abated, when Adam Loftus, Arch-Bishop of Dublin, and Chancellor of Ireland, (his ancient Collegue in Cambridge) invited him over, to be Provost of Trinity-Colledge in Dublin. Embracing the motion, over he went, accepting the place, and continued some years therein; till discom∣posed with the fear of their civil wars, he returned into England, and lived here many years very obscurely (though in himself a shining light) as to the matter of outward maintenance.

63. Yet had he Agurs wish, neither poverty, nor riches, though his enough seemed to be of shortest size. It matters not whether mens means be mount∣ed, or their mindes descend, so be it that both meet as here in him in a com∣fortable contentment. Yea, when the right Reverend, and Religious James Vsher (then Bishop of Meath, since) Arch-Bishop of Armagh (brought up, under him, and with him agreeing in doctrine, though discenting in Disci∣pline) profered mony unto him for his relief, M^r Travers returned a thankfull refusall thereof. Sometimes he did preach, rather when he durst, than when he would, debarred from all cure of souls by his non-conformi∣ty. He lived, and died unmarried, and though leaving many nephews (some eminent) Schollars, bequeathed all his books of Oriental languages (wherein he was exquisite) and plate worth fifty pounds to Ston-Colledge in London. Oh! if this good man had had an hand to his heart, or rather a purse to his hand, what charitable works would he have left behinde him?

But in pursuance of his memory. I have intrenched too much on the mo∣dern times. Only this I will adde, perchance the Reader will be angry with me for saying thus much, and I am almost angry with my self for saying no more of so worthy a Divine.

64. Return we to the year 1592, which we finde in London fill'd with funeralls, so that within twelve moneths, moe than ten thousand were swept away therein of the plague; And amongst them, reverend M^r Richard Greenham, the reason why we finde not the exact date of his death. In contagious times, the corpses of those who living were best beloved, are rather hurried, than carried to the grave; and in such confusions, those Parishes who have the best memories, prove forgetfull, their Registers be∣ing either carelessly kept, or totally omitted. Thus our Greenham was mortally visited with the plague (whereof we finde Munster, Franciscus Ju∣nius, Chimidontius, and other worthy Divines formerly deceased in Germany) that patent of preservation against the pestilencea A thousand shall fall at thy side, and ten thousand at thy right hand, but it shall not come nigh thee, running (as all other temporall promises) with this secret clause of revocation, if God in his wisdome were not pleased otherwise to countermand it.

65. It may be said of some persons in reference to their history, that they were born men, namely such of whose birth, and youth, we finde no particular account. Greenham is one of these, for, for want of better in∣telligence we finde him full grown at the first, when Anno Domini, he was admitted into Pembroke Hall in Cambridge. In which House some years af∣ter, the youth of M^r Lancelotb Andrews (afterwards Bishop of Winchester) was well acquainted with M^r Greenham: and I dare boldly say, if Greenham gained any learning by Andrews, Andrews lost no religion by Greenham. He afterwards left the University, and became Minister three miles off at Drie-Draiton.

66. Drie-Draiton indeed, which though often watered with M^r Green∣hams tears, and oftner with his prayers, and preaching, moistened the rich with his counsel, the poor with his charity, neither produced propor∣tionable fruitfulness. The generality of his Parish remained ignorant, and obstinate, to their Pastours great grief, and their own greater damage and disgrace. Hence the Verses,

Greenham had pastures green, But sheep full lean.

Thus God alone is the good shepheard, who doth feed, and can fat his sheep, and can make them to thrive under his keeping.

67. He used often, at the intreaty of some Doctors to preach at S^t Maries in Cambridge, where sometimes so great his zeal in pressing impor∣tant points, that he hath lost himself in the driving home of some applicati∣on, even to the forgetting of his text (as himself would confess) till he re∣covered the same on some short recollection. He alwayes bitterly inveigh∣ed against Non-Residents; professing, that he wondered how such men could take any comfort in their wealth. For, me thinks (saith he) they should see written on every thing which they have, Pretium sanguinis, this is the price of blood. But his master-piece was in comforting wounded conscien∣ces. For, although Heavens hand can only set a broken heart, yet God used him herein as an instrument of good to many, who came to him with wee∣ping eyes, and went from him with chearefull souls. The breath of his gracious counsel blew up much smoking flax, into a blazing flame.

68. Hereupon the importunity of his friends (if herein they proved so) perswaded him to leave his Parish, and remove to London, where his publick parts might be better advantaged for the general good. They pleaded the little profit of his long pains to so poore and peevish a Parish. Pitie it was so good a fisher-man should cast his nets elsewhere, than in that ocean of peo∣ple. What was Drie-Draiton but a bushel to hide, London an high candle-stick to hold up the brightness of his parts? Over-intreated by others (even almost against his own judgement) he resigned his Cure to a worthy suc∣cessour, and repaired to London. Where, after some years preaching up and down in no constant place, he was resident on no Cure, but the curing of consciences. I am crediblya informed, he in some sort repented his removall from his Parish, and disliked his own erratical, and planetary life, which made him fix himself Preacher at last at Christ-Church in London, where he ended his dayes.

69. He lived Sermons, and was most precise in his conversation; a strict observer of the Lords-day, and a great advancer thereof thorough the whole Realm, by that Treatise which he wrote of the Sabbath. No book in that age made greater impression on peoples practice, asb one (then a great wit in the University, now a grave wisdome in our Church) hath in∣geniously expressed.

On M^r Greenhams book of the Sabbath.

While Greenham writeth on the Sabbaths rest, His soule enjoyes not, what his penn exprest: His work enjoyes not what it self doth say, For it shall never finde one resting day. A thousand hands shall toss each page, and line, Which shall be scanned by a thousand eine; That, Sabbaths rest, or this Sabbath's unrest, Hard is to say whether's the happiest.

Thus godly Greenham is fallen asleep: we softly draw the curtains about him, and so proceed to other matter.

SECTION VIII.

To the Lady Anne Archer of Tanworth in Warwickshire.

Madam,

YOu, beeing so good a Houswife, know, far better then I, how much strength and handsomness good hem∣ming addeth to the end of a cloath. I therefore being now to put a period to this long and important Century, as big as the whole Book besides (but chiefly containing her Reign, the Honour of your Sex and our nation) have re∣solved (to prevent the unraveling thereof,) to close and con∣clude it, with this Dedication to your Ladiship. On which account alone you are placed last in this Book, though other∣wise the first and freest in incouraging my weak endeavours.

1. OF M^r Vdals death come we now to treat, thorough some defect in the ^a Records (transposed, or lost) we cannot tell the certain day of M^r Vdals condemnation, and death. But this appears in the office, that two years since (viz. 32. of Eliz. July 23.) he was indicted and ar∣raigned at Craydon for defaming the Queen Her government in a book by him written, and in∣tituled, A Demonstration of the Di∣scipline which Christ hath prescribed in his Word for the government of his Church, in all times and places, untill the worlds end. But the mor∣tal words (as I may terme them) are found in tho preface of his book, written to the supposed governors of the Church of England, Arch-Bishops, Bishops &c. and are inserted in the body of his Indictment as followeth.

Who can without blushing deny you to be the cause of all ungod∣liness? seeing your government is that which giveth leave to a man to be any thing, saving a sound Christian. For, certainly it is more free in these dayes to be a Papist, Anabaptist, of the Family of love, yea any most wicked whatsoever than that which we should be. And I could live these twenty years any such in England (yea in a Bishops house it may be) and never be much molested for it; so true is that which you are charged with in a Dialogue lately come forth against you, and since burned by you, that you care for no∣thing but the maintenance of your dignities, be it to the damna∣tion of your own soules, and infinite millions moe.

To this indictment he pleaded not guilty, denying himself to be the Au∣thor of the Book. Next day he was cast by the Jurie, and submitted himself to the mercy of the Court, whereby he prevailed that judgement against him was respited till the next Assises, and he remanded to the Marshalsey.

2. March following (the 33^d of Queen Elizabeth) he was brought again to the Bar before the Judges, to whom he had privately presented a petition with all advantage, but it found no entertainment. Insomuch, that in this moneth of March (the day not appearing in the Records) he, at the Assises, held in Southwark, was there condemned to be executed for a felon.

3. Various were mens censures on these proceedings against him. Some conceived it rigorous in the greatest (which at the best is cruel in the least) degree, considering the worth of his person, and weakness of the proof against him. For he was a learned man, blameless for his life, powerfull in his praying, and no less profitable, than painfull, in his preaching. For as Musculus in Germany (if I mistake not) first brought in the plain, (but effectual) manner of preaching by Vse and Doctrine: so Vdal was the first who added reasons thereunto, the strength and sinews of a Sermon. His English-Hebrew-Grammar he made whilst in prison, as appears by a sub∣scription in the close thereof. The proof was not pregnant, and it is gene∣rally believed that he made only the preface (out of which his indictment was chiefly framed) and not the body of the book laid to his charge. Be∣sides, it was harsh to inflict immediate, and direct death, for a consequential, and deductory felonie, it being pen-housed out beyond the foundation, and intent of the Statute to build the indictment thereupon. Others thought that some exemplary severity was necessary, not only to pinion the wings of such pamphlets from flying abroad, but even thereby to crush their eggs in the nest. Surely the multitude of visits unto him, during his durance, no whit prolonged his life. For, flocking to popular prisoners in such cases, is as ominous a presage of their death, as the flying, and fluttering of Ravens, near, and about the house, and chamber of a sick body.

4. But an higher Judge had formerly passed another sentence on Vdals death, that his soul and body should not by shamefull violence be forced a∣sunder, but that they should take a faire farewell each of other. How long he lived after his condemnation we know not, (there being a tradition that S^r Walter Rawleigh procured a Reprieve in a fair way to his pardon:) this is certain, that without any other sickness, save heart-broken with sorrow, he ended his dayes. Right glad were his friends, that his death prevented his death; and the wisest of his foes were well contented therewith, estee∣ming it better, that his candle should goe, than be put out, lest the snuff should be unsavoury to the survivers, and his death be charged as a cruel act on the account of the procurers thereof.

5. The Ministers of London flocked to his funeralls, and he was de∣cently interred in the Church-yard of S^t George's in Southwark, not far from Bishop Bonners grave. So near may their bodies, when dead, in positure be together, whose mindes, when living, in opinion were farr asunder. Nor have I ought else to observe of him, save that I am informed, that he was father of Ephraim Vdal a solid and pious Divine, dying in our dayes, but in point of discipline of a different opinion from his father.

6. And now the Sword of Justice being once drawn, it was not put up again into the Sheath, before others were executed For Henry Barrow Gentleman, and John Greenwood Clerk, (who some dayes before were in∣dicted of felony at the Sessions Hall without Newgate, before the L^rd Major, and the two chief Justices, for writing certain Seditious Pamphlets) were hanged at Tyburn. And not long after John Penry a Welchman, was appre∣hanged at Stebunhith by the Vicar thereof, arraigned and condemned of felo∣ny at the Kings-Bench at Westminster, for being a principal penner and pub∣lisher of a libellous Book called Martin-mar-prelates, and executed at S^t Thomas Waterings, Daniel Studely Girdler, Saxio Billot Gentleman, and Robert Bowley Fishmonger were also condemned for publishing scandalous Books, but not finding their execution, I beleeve them reprieved and pardoned.

7. About this time, if not somewhat sooner, (for my enquiry cannot arrive at the certain date) Queen Elizabeth took her last farewell of Oxford, where a Divinity Act was kept before her, on this question, Whether it be lawfull to dissemble in matters of Religion? One of the opponents endeavoured to prove the affirmative by his own example, who then did what was lawfull, and yet he dissembled in disputing against the Truth, the Queen being well pleased at the wittines of the Argument. D^r Westphaling, (who had divers years been BP of Hereford) coming then to Oxford, closed all with a learned determination wherein no fault, except somewhat too copious, (not to so say tedious) at that time her Highness intending that night to make a Speech, and thereby disappointed.

8. Next day her Highness made a Latin oration to the Heads of Houses, (on the same token she therein gave a check to D^r Reynolds for his non-con∣formity) in the midst whereof perceiving the old Lord Burileigh stand by, with his lame legs, she would not proceed till she saw him provided of a stoola, and then fell to her speech again, as sensible of no interruption, having the Command as well of her Latin tongue, as of her loyal Subjects.

9. John Pierce Arch-Bishop of York ended his life, Dean of Christ-Church in Oxford, Bishop of Rochester, Sarisbury, and Arch-Bishop of York. When newly beneficed a young man in Oxford-shire, he had drowned his good parts in drunkenness, conversing with his country parishioners, but on the confession of his fault to a grave Divine, reformed his conversation, so ap∣plying himself to his studies, that he deservedly gained great preferment, and was highly esteemed by Queen Elizabeth, whose Almoner he continued for many years, and he must be a wise and good man whom that thrifty Princess would intrust with distributing her mony. He was one of the most grave and reverent prelates of his age, and after his reduced life, so abstemi∣ous, that his Physitian in his old age could not perswade him to drink wine. So habited he was in sobriety, in detestation of his former excess.

10. The same year died John Elmar Bishop of London, bred in Cam∣bridge, well learned, as appeareth by his Book, titled the Harborough of Prin∣ces. One of a low stature, but stout spirit, very valiant in his youth, and witty all his life. Once when his Auditory began at sermon to grow dull in their attentions, he presently read unto them many verses out of the Hebrew Text, whereat they all started, admiring what use he meant to make there∣of. Then shewed he them their folly, that whereas they neglected English, whereby they might be edified, they listened to Hebrew, whereof they

understood not a word. He was a stiff and stern champion of Church Disci∣pline, on which account, none more mocked by Martin Mar-Prelate, or hated by Non-conformists. To his eldest son he left a plentiful estate, and his second, a D^r of Div••nity was a worthy man of his profession.

11. But of the Romanists, two principal Pillars ended their lives beyond the Seas. First William Reginald, alias Rose, born ata Pinho in Devon-shire, bred in Winchester School, then in New-Colledge in Oxford. Forsaking his Country he went to Rome, and there solemnly abjur'd the Protestant Religi∣on, and thereupon was permitted to read, (a favour seldome or never be∣stowed on such novices) any Protestant Books, without the least restriction, presuming on his zeal in their cause. From Rome, he removed to Rhemes in France, where he became professor of Divinity and Hebrew, in the English Colledge, where (saith myb Author) with studying, writing, and preach∣ing against the Protestants, perchance he exhausted himself with too much labour, and breaking a vein almost lost his life with vomiting of blood. Recovering his strength, he vow'd to spend the rest of his life in writing a∣gainst Protestants, and death at Antwerp ceased on him (the 24^th of August the 50^th year of his age) as he was a making of a book, called Calvino-Tur∣cismus. which after by his dear friend, William Gifford, was finished, set forth and dedicated to Albert Duke of Austria.

12. William Allen, (commonly called the Cardinall of England) fol∣lowed him into another world, born of honest Parents, and allied to noble Kindred in Lancashire: Brought up at Oxford in Oriall Colledge, where he was Proctor of the University, in the dayes of Queen Mary, and afterwards Head of S^t Mary-Hall, and Canon of Yorke. But on the change of Religion, he departed the land, and became Professor of Divinity at Doway in Flanders, then Canon of Cambray, Master of the English Colledge at Rhemes, made Cardi∣nall 1587. August the 7^th by Pope Sixtus Quintus, the King of Spain bestowing on him anc Abby in the Kingdom of Naples, and nominating him to be Arch-Bishop of Machlin; But death arrested him to pay the debt to Nature d October 16^th, and he was buried in the Church of the English Colledge at Rome. This is that Allen whom we have so often mentioned, conceived so great a Ch••mpion for their Cause, that Pope Gregory the 13^th said to his Car∣dinalls. e Venitè ••ratres mei, Ostendam vobis Alanum: which the Author thus translates, or rather Comments on, Come my brethren, and I will shew you a man, in England born, to whom all Europe may give place for his high pru∣dence, reverend Countenance and purport of Government. His loss was much lamented by the Catholicks, not without cause, whose Gravity, and Autho∣rity had done many good offices, in composing the Grudgings which began to grow betwixt Secular Priests and Jesuits; which private heart-burnings soon after his death blazed out in the prison of Wisbich, into an open Scandal, as now we come to Report.

13. Here I protest (though uncertain how far to finde belief,) that I take no delight in relating these discontents, much less shall my pen widen the wound betwixt them: for though I approve the opinions of neither, yet am I so much friend to the persons of both parties, as not to make much to my self of their Discords: The rather because no Christian can heartily laugh at the factions of his fiercest enemies, because that sight at the same time pincheth him, with the sad remembrance that such divisions that have for∣merly, do at the present, or may hereafter, be found amongst those of his own profession; such is the frailty of humane Nature in what side soever. However hereafter let not Papists without cause or measure vaunt of their unity, seeing their pretended Ship of S^t Peter, is not so solidly compacted, but that it may spring a Leake. Nor let them boast so confidently of their sufferings, and blame our severity unto them, as if enduring such hard usage in their imprisonment: Surely likef Joseph their feet were not hurt in

the Stocks, the Iron did not enter into their Soul; neither withg Jeremy, were they cast into a dirty dungeon, where they sunk in mire: nor withh Peter were they bound with two Chains; nor withi Paul and Silas were they thrust into the inner prison, and made fast; but had in their Durance, Liberty, List, and Lea∣sure, to begin, foment, and prosecute, this violent Schisme betwixt them∣selves.

14. Untill this time the prime Catholicks in Wisbich Castle, had lived there in restraint, with great Unity and Concord. And the Papists do brag that then and there the English Church was most visible, until one Father Weston alias Edmonds, a Jesuite, coming thither, erected a government amongst them, making certain Sanctions and Orders, which all were bound to ob∣serve; secretly procuring subjects to himself, and claiming a Superiority over all the Catholicks there. Yet so cunningly he contrived the matter, that he seemed not ambitiously to affect, but religiously to accept this Authority profered unto, yea seemingly forced upon him. For one of his friends writes to Father Henry Garnet, Provincial, then living in England, to this effect.

Good Father Weston in the humility of his heart, lies on his bed, like the man sick of the Palsie, in the Gospel. Nor will he walk confidently before others in the way of the Righteous, except first he be let down through the Tiles, and it be said unto him from the Provinciall, arise, take up thy Bed and walke.

Yet if the Seculars may be beleeved, he did not only arise but run, before that word of Command given him by Garnet, and put his Jurisdiction in exe∣cution. Besides those of his own society, many of the Secular Priests sub∣mitted themselves unto him, seduced (sayk some) by the seeming sanctity of the Jesuits, and having their Judgements bribed to that side by unequal proportions of mony received, besides promising themselves that in case the land was invaded, by the activity of the Jesuits, all power and prefer∣ment would be at their dispose, and so they should be sooner and higher advanced.

15. But the greatest number, and learned sort of the Secular Priests stoutly resisted his superiority, affirming how formerly it had been offered to Thomas Watson Bishop of Lincolne, (late prisoner amongst them) and he refused it, as inconsistent with their present Condition, affliction ma∣king them equalls and a Prison putting a parity betwixt them; if any order might pretend to this Priority, it was most proper for the Benedictines, extant in England above a thousand years agoe: that the Jesuits were Punies, and if all Orders should sit down as Jacobs children, at the Table of Joseph,l the eldest according to his Age, and the yongest according to his Youth; the last and least place of honour was due unto them; That the Secular Priests had borne the heat of the day, in preaching and persecution; some of them having en∣dured above twenty years imprisonment for conscience sake, (as M^r Bluet form one) before some of the Jesuits knew what durance meant. That Weston was not eminent for Learning, Religion, or any prime quality, save only the affecting that place, which his betters had declined. That it was monstrous, that he being a Jesuite, and so a member of another society, should be made a head of their body. The Lay-Catholicks were much of∣fended

with the Schisme some withheld, others threatning to withhold their charity from both parties, conceiving it the ready means, when maintenance was detained from both sides, to starve them into agreement

16. One might admire why father Weston should so earnestly desire so silly a dominion, having his power, as well as his own person confin'd with∣in the walls of Wisbich Castle, a narrow Diocess, only to dominere over a few Prisoners. The Goaler, yea the very Turnkey being his superior to controll him, if offering to exceed that compass. But Oh the sweetness of Superema∣cy, though in never so small a Circuit! It pleased his pride to be Prior of a Prison, butn Agent was the Title, wherewith he stiled himself; Indeed the English Jesuits both abroad in England, and beyond the Seas, made use of Westons forwardness to trie the temper of the Secular Priests, and to make this bold Jesuite, to back and break a Skittish Colt for further designes. If Weston were unhors'd, his fall would be little lamented, and he might thank his own boldness in adventuring, and the ill managing of his place: if he sat the beast, and it proved tame, then others would up and ride: and Father Garnet Provincial of the Jesuits, intended in like manner to procure from the Pope a Superiority over all the Secular Priests in England. Wisbich Prison would be enlarged all over the kingdom, and the Precedent would reach farr in the consequence thereof, which encreased the Secular Opposition against this leading case of Jurisdiction.

17. About this time came to Wisbich an aged Priest, who had given great Testimony of the Ability of his judgement, and ardency of his affecti∣ons to the Catholick Cause, being the Generall Collector of the charitable con∣tributions unto the Prisoners. In which place he had been so diligent in ga∣thering, secret in conveying, faithfull in delivering, unpartiall in dispensing such sums committed unto him, that deservedly he had purchased reputa∣tion to himself: Who as he had been a Benefactor to both Parties, so now he was made an Arbitrator betwixt them; with promise of both sides to rest satisfied with his decision. He condemneth the Jesuits guilty of a scanda∣lous separation, and that Weston ought to desist from his Supriority. But the Jesuits would not stand to his sentence, confessing their separation Scan∣dalous, but only per accidens, and therefore not to be left off. And where∣as the aforesaid Priest had determined, that that separation could not be con∣tinued without sin, the Jesuits in derision demanded of him, whether he meant a venial sin or a mortall; and so the whole business took no effect.

18. Some moneths after, two reverend Priests often sent for by both sides, were by joynt consent made Judges in this Cause, who resolved that Westons Agency should be abolished as the original of evill, and seminary of much discord: and because Weston refused to obey their order, these two Priests posted up to London, (where Garnet the Jesuits Provincial did lodge) and from him with much adoe, obtained peremptory letters to Weston, pre∣sently to leave off his pretended superiority. A message which went to the proud Jesuits heart, who was formerly heard to say, that heo had rather throw himself headlong from the Castle wall, then desist from his office. But now there was no remedy but he must obey, desiring only he might make a speech to his society, exhorting them to unity and concord, and in the midst of his Oration, as if he would have surrendred his soul and place both together, he fell speechless into ap swoond and hardly recovered again; so mortall a wound it is to a proud heart to part with Authority. Thus ended Westons Agency, the short continuance whereof was the best commen∣dation of his command.

19. But this was but a palliate cure to skin the sore over, which festered within: the enmity still continued, Seculars complaining, that the Jesuits traduced them to Lay-Catholicks, as cold and remiss in the cause, only dull to follow beaten paths, not active to invent more compendious wayes, for

the advance of Religion. The Jesuits also boasted much of their own me∣rit, how their order though last starting, had with its speed overtook, and over-run all before them. Indeed they are excellent at the art of self-praising, not directly, but by certain consequence, for though no man blazed his own praise, (for one to be a herauld to commend himself, the same on the same is false blazon, as well against the rules of modesty as prudence) yet every one did praise his partner, laying an obligation on him to do the like, who in justice must do as much, and in bounty often did more gratefully repaying the commendations lent him with interest. And thus mutually arching up one another, they fill'd the ears of all Papists with loud relations, of the transcendent Industry, Piety, Learning, of the men of their society, to the manifest derogation of all other orders. But more of these discords in the year following.

20. About this time thorowout England, began the more Solemne and strickt observation of the Lords day, (hereafter both in writing and preaching, commonly called the Sabbath) occasioned by a Book this year set forth by one P. Bound Doctor of Divinity (and enlarged with Additions Anno 1606.) wherein these following opinions are maintained.

1. That the commandement of Sanctifying every seventh Day, as in the Mosaicall Decalogue, is morall and perpetual.

2. That whereas all other things in thea Jewish Church were taken away, (Priesthood, Sacrifices and Sacraments) this Sabbath was so changed that it still remaineth.

3.b That there is a great reason why we Christians should take our selves as streightly bound to rest upon the Lords day, as the Jews were upon their Sabbath, it being one of the morall Commandements, where all are of equall Authority.

4.c The rest upon upon this day must be a notable and singular rest, a most carefull exact and precise rest, after another manner then men are accustomed.

5.d Schollers on that day not to study the liberall Arts, nor Lawyers to consult the case, nor peruse mens evidences.

6.e Sergeants, Apparitours and Sumners to be restrained from executing their offices.

7.f Lustices not to examine Causes for the conservation of the peace.

8.g That ringing of more bell's then one that day is not to be justified.

9.h No Solim•• feasts, nor wedding dinners to be made on that Day [with permission notwithstanding of the same toi Lords, Knights, and Gen∣tlemen of Quality,] which some conceive not so fair dealing with him.

10.k All honest recreations, and pleasures lawfull on other dayes (as shooting, fencing, bowling,) on this day to be forborn.

11.l No man to speak or talk of pleasures, or any other worldly matter.

It is almost incredible how taking this Doctrine was, partly because of it's own Purity, and partly for the eminent piety of such persons as maintained it; so that the Lords Day, especially in Corporations, began to be precisely kept, people becoming a Law to themselves, forbearing such sports, as yet by statute permitted; yea many rejoycing at their own restraint herein. On this day the stoutest fencer laid down the buckler, the most skillful Archer unbent his bow, counting all shooting besides the Marke; M••y-games and Morish∣dances grew out of request, and good reason that Bells should be silenced from gingling about mens leggs, if their very Ringing in Steeples were ad∣judged

unlawful: some of them were ashamed of their former pleasures, like children which grown bigger, blushing themselves out of their rattles, and whistles. Others forbear them for fear of their Superiors, and many left them off out of a Politick Compliance, least otherwise they should be accoun∣ted licentious.

21 Yet learned men were much divided in their judgements about these sabatarian Doctrines, some embraced them as ancient truths consonant to Scrip••ure, long difused and neglected, now seasonably revived for the en∣crease of piety: Others conceived them grounded on a wrong bottome, but because they tended to the manifest advance of Religion, it was pitty to oppose them, seeing none have just reason to complain, being deceived into their own good. But a third sort flatly fell out with these positions, as galling mens necks with a jewish yoak, against the liberty of Christians: That Christ as Lord of the Sabbath had removed the Rigour thereof, and allowed men lawfull recreations: That this Doctrine put an unequall Lustre on the Sunday on set purpose to eclipse all other Holy dayes to the deroga∣tion of the authority of the Church: That this strickt observance was set up out of Faction to be a Character of Difference, to brand all for libertines who did not entertain it.

22. However for some years together in this controversie, D^r Bound alone carried the Garland away, none offering openly to oppose, and not so much as a feather of a quill in print did wag against him. Yea as he in his second edition observeth, that many both in their Preachings, Writeings, and Disputations, did concurr with him in that argument: and three several profitable treatises, (one made by M^r Greenham,) were within few years successively written, by three godly learneda Ministers. But the first that gave a check to the full speed of this doctrine, was Thomas Rogers of Hornin∣g••r in Suffolk; in his preface to the Book of Articles. And now because our present age begins to dawn, and we come within the view of that Truth, whose footsteps heretofore we only followed at distance, I will interpose nothing of my own, but of an historian only turn a Notarie, for the behoof of the Reader, faithfully transcribing such passages, as we meet with in order of time.

Notwithstanding what theb Brethren wanted in strength, and learning, they had in wiliness, and though they lost much one way in the general, and main point of their Discipline, yet recovered they not a little advan∣tage another way by an odde and new device of theirs in a special Article of their Classical instructions. For while worthies of our Church were employ∣ing their engins and forces, partly in defending the present Government Ecclesiastical, partly in assaulting the Presbyterie, and new discipline, even at that very instant the Brethren, (knowing themselves too weak either to overthrow our holds, and that which we hold, or to maintain their own) they abandoned quite the Bulwarks which they had raised, and gave out were impregnable, suffering us to beat them down without any or very small resistance; and yet not careless of their affairs, left not the Warrs for all that, but from an odde corner and after a new fashion which we little thought of, (such was their cunning set upon us a fresh again, by dispersing in Printed Books which for tenn years space before they had been in hammering among themselves to make them compleat) their Sabbath speculations and Presbyterian, (that is more then either kingly or Popely, Directions for the observation of the Lords day.

And in the next page hec proceedeth. It is a comfort unto my soule, and will be till my dying hour, that I have been the man and the means that the Sabatarian errors, and impieties are brought into light and knowledge

of the state, whereby whatsoever else, sure I am this good hath ensued, namely, that the said Books of the Sabbath, comprehending the above-men∣tioned, and many moe such fearfull, and heretical assertions,) hath been both called in, and forbidden any more to be printed and made common. Your Graces predecessor Arch-Bishop Whitgift, by his letters and officers at Synods and Visitations Anno 1599. did the one, and S^r John Popham Lord chief Justice of England at Bury S^t Edmonds in Suffolk Anno 1600. did the other.

But though both Minister and Magistrate joyntly endeavoured to suppress Bounds Book, with the Doctrine therein contained, yet all their care did but for the present make the Sunday set in a cloud to arise soon after in more brightness. As for the Arch-Bishop his known opposition to the procee∣dings of the Brethren, rendered his Actions more odious, as if out of en∣vie he had caused such a pearl to be concealed. As for Judge Popham, though some conceived it most proper for his place to punish fellonious Doctrines (which robbed the Queens subjects of their lawfull liberty) and to behold them branded with a mark of Infamie, yet others accounted him no compe∣tent Judge in this controversie. And though he had a dead hand against offenders, yet these Sabbatarian Doctrines (though condemned by him) took the priviledge to pardon themselves, and were published more gene∣rally then before. The price of the Doctors Book began to be doubled, as commonly Books are then most called on, when called in, and many who hear not of them when printed, enquire after them when prohibited: and though the Books wings were clipt from flying abroad in print, it ran the faster from friend to friend in transcribed Copies; and the Lords day in most Places was most stricktly observed. The more liberty people were offered the less they used it, refusing to take the freedom Authority tendered them. For the vulgar sort have the Actions of their Superiors in constant jealousie, suspecting each gate of their opening to be a Trap, every Hole of their Dig∣ing to be a Mine, wherein some secret train is covertly conveyed, to the blowing up of the Subjects liberty, which made them almost afraid of the recreations of the Lords day allowed them; and seeing it is the greatest pleasure to the minde of man to do what he pleaseth, it was sport for them to refrain from sports, whilst the forbearance was in themselves voluntary, arbitrary and elective, not imposed upon them. Yea six years after Bounds Book came forth, with enlargements publickly sold, and scarce any comment, Catechism, or controversie, was set forth by the stricter Divines, wherein this Doctrine (the Diamond in this Ring) was not largely pressed and proved; so that as one saith, the Sabbath it self had no rest. For now all strange and unknown writers, without further examination passed for friends and favou∣rites of the Presbyterian party, who could give the word, and had any thing in their Treatise tending to the strict observation of the Lords day. But more hereof God willing in the 15^th year of K. JAMES.

23. Now also began some opinions about Predestination, Freewill, Perseverance &c. much to trouble both the Schools and Pulpit. Where∣upon Arch-Bishop Whitgift, out of his Christian care to propagate the truth, and suppress the opposite errours, caused a solemn meeting of many grave and learned Divines at Lambeth; where (besides the Arch-Bishop) Richard Bancroft, Bishop of London, Richard Vaughan, Bishop elect of Bangor, Hum∣phry Tyndall, Dean of Ely, D^r Whitaker Queens professor in Cambridge, and others were assembled; these after a serious debate, and mature deliberati∣on, resolved at last on the now Following Articles.

1. Deus ab Aeterno Praedestinavit quosdam advitam: quosdam re∣probavit ad mortem. 2. Causa movens aut efficiens Praede∣stinationis ad vitam non est praevi∣sio Fidei, aut Perseverantiae, aut bonorum Operum, aut ullius rei quae insit in personis praedestina∣tis, sed sola voluntas beneplaciti Dei. 3. Praedestinatorum praefinitus, & certus est numerus, qui nec augeri nec minui potest. 4. Qui non sunt praedestinati ad salu∣tem, necessario propter peccata sua Damnabuntur. 5. Vera, viva & justificans fides, & spiritus Dei justificantis, non extin∣guitur, non excidit, non evanescit in Electis, aut finaliter, aut totali∣tor. 6. Homo vere fidelis, id est, fidei justificante praeditus, certus est ple∣rophoria Fidei de remissione pecca∣torum suorum, & salute sempiter∣na sua per Christum. 7. Gratia salutaris, non tribuitur, non excommunicatur, non conceditur universis hominibus, qua servari possint si velint. 8. Nemo potest venire ad Christum, nisi datum ei fuerit, & nisi pater eum traxerit, & omnes homines non trabuntur à Patre ut veniant ad filium. 9. Non est positum in arbitrio, aut Po∣testate unius cujus{que} hominis serva∣ri.

1. God from eternity hath predesti∣nated certain men unto life, certain men he hath reprobated. 2. The moving or efficient cause of Predestination unto life, is not the foresight of faith, or of Perseve∣rance, or of good works, or of any thing that is in the person prede∣stinated, but only the good will and pleasure of God. 3. There is predetermined a cer∣tain number of the predestinate, which can neither be augmented or diminished. 4. Those who are not predestinated to Salvation, shall be necessarily damned for their sins. 5. A true, living, and justifying faith, and the spirit of God justifying, is not extinguished, falleth not a∣way, it vanisheth not away in the elect, either finally or totally. 6. A man truly faithful, that is, such an one who is endued with a justi∣fying faith, is certain with the full assurance of faith, of the remission of his sins, and of his everlasting salvation by Christ. 7. Saving grace is not given, is not granted, is not communicated to all men, by which they may be sav'd if they will. 8. No man can come unto Christ un∣less it shall be given unto him, and unless the Father shall draw him; and all men are not drawn by the Father, that they may come to the Son. 9. It is not in the will or power of every one to be saved.

Matthew Hutton, the right Reverend Arch-Bishop of Yorke, did also fully and freely in his judgement Concurr with these Divines, as may appear by his Letter here inserted.

ACcepi jam pridem literas tuas (Reverendissime Praesul) veteris illius Benevolentiae, & amoris erga me tui plenas, in quibus effla∣gitas opinionem meam de Articulis quibusdam nuper Cantabrigiae agitatis, non sine aliqua piorum offensione, qui graviter, molestéque ferunt Ma∣trem Academiam, jam multitudine liberorum & quidem doctissimorum florentem, ca dissentione filiorum nonnihil contristatem esse, Sed ficri

non potest, quin veniant Offendicula, neque desin••t immicus homo i••ter triticum Zizanta Seminare, donec cum Dominus sub pedibus contriverit. Legi Articulos & relegi, & dum parerem aliquid de singulis dicerc, visum est mihi multo potius de ipsa Electione & Rep••obatione, (unde i••la dissentio orta esse videtur) meam sententiam & opinionem pau is verbis explicare, quam singulis sigillatim respondens sratrum forsitan quorundum animas, (Quos in veritate diligo (exacerbare. Meminisse potes (ornatissime Antistes) cum Cantabrigiae unà essemus et sacras literas in Scholis publicis interpreta∣remur, eandem Regulam seculieam semper fuisse inter nos Consensionem in omnibus Religionis Causis, & ne minima quidem vel dissentionis, vel simultatis suspicio unquam appareret. Igitur hoc tempore si judicio Domi∣nationis tuae, id quod pingui Minerva scripsi probatum ire intellexero, mul∣to mihi minus displacebo. Deus te diutissime servet in••lum••m, ut tum Reginae serenissimae & toti Regno fidelissimus Consilitarius, tum etiam Ecclesiae huic nostrae Anglicanae pastor Vtilissimus multos adhuc ••nnos esse possis. Vale, è Musaeo meo apud Bishop-Thorp. Calend: Octob. Anno Dom. 1995.

24. But when these Articles came abroad into the world, mens Brains and tongues, as since their pens were employed about the Authority of the same, and the obedience due unto them; much puz'led to finde the new place, where rightly to rank them in reputation; how much above the re∣sults, and resolutions of private Divines, and how much beneath the Au∣thority of a Provincial Synod. Some there, that almost equalled their Authenticalness with the Acts a Synod, requiring the like Conformity of mens judgements unto them. They endeavoured to prove that those Divines, met not alone in their private capacities, but also representing others, alledging this passage in a publicka letter from Cambridge, subscri∣bed with the hands of the Heads of that University. We sent up to London by common Consent in November last, D^r Tyndall, and D^r Whitakers (men especially chosen for that purpose) for conference with my Lord of Canterbu∣ry, and other principal Divines there &c.

25. Others maintain the contrary. For grant each man in this confe∣rence at Lambeth, one of a thousand for Learning and Religion, yet was he but one in Power and Place: and had no Proxie or deputation (the two Cambridge Doctors excepted) to appear in the behalf of others: and there∣fore their determinations, though of great use to direct, could be but of little Authority to conclude and command the consent of others.

26. But a third sort offended with the matter of the Articles, thought that the two Arch-Bishops, and the rest at this meeting, deserved censure for holding an unlawfull Conventicle. For they had not express command from the Queen, to meet, debate, and decide such controversies. Those of the opopsite party, were not solemnly summoned and heard, so that it might seem rather a design to crush them, then clear the truth. The mee∣ting was warranted with no legall Authority, rather a private action of Doctor John Whitgift, Doctor Matthew Hutton &c. then the publick act of the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury and Yorke.b One goeth further to affirm, that those Articles of Lambeth, were afterwards forbidden by publick Au∣thority; but when, where, and by whom he is not pleased to impart un∣to us. And strange it is, that a publick prohibition should be whispered so softly, that this Author alone should hear it, and none other to my know∣ledge take notice thereof.

27. As for forrain Divines, just as they were biased in judgement. so on that side ran their Affections, in raising or decrying the esteem of these

Articles; somea printed, set forth, andb cited them, as the sence of the Church of England, others, as fast slighted them, as the narrow posi∣tions of a few private and Partial persons. As for Corvinus, as we know not whence he had his intelligence, so we finde no just ground for what he reporteth, that Arch-Bishop Whitgift for his pains incurred the Queens dis∣pleasure, andc a Praemunire. We presume this forrainer better acquaint∣ed with the Imperial Law, and locall customes of Holland, then with our municipal Statutes, and the nature of a Praemunire. Indeed there goes a tradition that the Queen should in merriment say jestingly to the Arch-BP. My Lord I now shall want no mony, for I am informed all your goods are forfeited unto me by your calling a Councel without my consent; but how much of truth herein God knows. And be it referred to our learned in the Law, whether without danger of such a censure, the two Arch-Bishops by vertue of their place had not any implicite leave from the Queen to assemble Divines, for the clearing, declaring and asserting of difficult Truths, provided they inno∣vate or alter nothing in matters of Religion.

28. And now I perceive, I must tread tenderly, because I goe not (as before) on mens graves, but am ready to touch the quick of some yet alive. I know how dangerous it is to follow Truth too nere to the heels: yet bet∣ter it is that the teeth of an Historian be struck out of his head for writing the the Truth, then that they remain still and rot in his Jaws, by feeding too much on the sweet-meats of flattery. All that I will say of the credit of these Articles is this. That as Medalls of Gold and Silver, though they will not pass in payment for currant coyne, because not stamped with the Kings Inscription, yet they will goe with Goldsmiths for as much as they are in weight: So though these Articles want Authentick Reputation to pass for Provinciall Acts, as lacking sufficient Authority, yet will they be readi∣ly received of Orthodox Christians, for as far as their own purity bears con∣formity to Gods word. And though those learned Divines be not acknow∣ledged as competent Judges to pass definitive Sentence in those Points, yet they will be taken as witnesses beyond exception; whose testimony is an infallible evidence, what was the generall and received doctrine of England in that Age, about the forenamed controversies.

29. This year ended the life, First of Doctor William Wickam, bred in Kings Colledge in Cambridge, first Bishop of Lincoln, after of Winchester, whose namesake William Wickham in the Reign of King Edward the third, sat in the same See more years then this did weeks. Indeed we know little of his life, but so much of his death, as we must not mention it without some pitty to him, (whil'st in pain) and praise to God for our own health, such was his torture with the stone before his death, that ford 14 days together, he made not water. Secondly, Worthy Doctor William Whittakers, whose larger character we reserve God-willing for our History of Cambridge. And amongst the Romanists, Daniel Halseworth, who ase Pitzaeus describes him (Papists give no scant measure in praising those of their own Party) was well skill'd in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and Elegant Poet, Eloquent Ora∣tor, acute Philosopher, expert Mathematician, deep-studied Lawyer, and excellent Divine: flying from England, he lived successively in Savoy, Rome and Millain, having too many professions to gather wealth, and with all his Arts and Parts, both lived in Poverty, and died in Obscurity. More eminent, but more infamous, was the death of Robert Southwell a Jesuite, born inf Suffolk, bred beyond the Seas, where he wrote abundance of Books, who returning into England, was executed March the third for a Traitor at London, and honoured for a Martyr amongst men of his own Religion.

30. The Secular Priests continued their complaints, as against Jesuits in general, so particularly against Robert Parsons. This Parsons about 18 years since was in England, where by his statizing, and dangerous activity, he had so incensed the Queens Councell, that the Secular Priests, made him a main occasion why such sharp laws were so suddenly made against a Catholicks in England. But no sooner did danger begin to appear, but away went Parsons beyond the Seas, wherein some condemned his cowar∣liness, and others commended his policy, seeing such a commander in chief, as he was in the Romish cause, ought to repose his person in safety, and might be never the less vertually present in the fight, by the issuing out of his orders to meaner officers. Nor did Parsons like a wheeling Cock turn aside, with intent to return, but ran quite out of the Cockpit, and then crowed in triumph, when he was got on his own dunghil, safely resident in the City of Rome. Here he compiled, and hence he dispatched many let∣ters and libels into England; and amongst the rest, that Book of the successi∣on to the English (entit'ling the Spaniard thereunto) setting it forth under the false name ofb Dolman, an honest harmless Secular Priest and his professed Adversary. And surely Parsons was a fit fellow to derive the pe∣digree of the Kings of England, who might first have studied to deduce his own descent from a lawfull Father, being himself (otherwise called Cow∣back) c filius populi et filius peccati, as Catholicks have observed. Many let∣ters also he sent over full of threats, and assuring his party, that the land would be invaded by forrainers; writing therein not what he knew or thought was, but what he desired and endeavoured should be true. Some of these letters being intercepted, made the Queens officers (as they had just cause) more strick in searching, as her Judges more severe in punishing the Papists. Hereupon the Seculars complained, that such proceedings against them (tearmed persecution by them, and justice by our State) was caused by the Jesuits, and that Parsons especially, though he had kindled the fire, left others to bear the heat thereof. Yea, which was more, he was not himself contented to sleep in a whole skinn at Rome, but lashed others of his own Re∣ligion, and having got his neck out of the collar, accused others for not draw∣ing weight enough, taxing the Seculars as dull and remiss in the cause of Re∣ligion: and to speak plainly, they differed as hot and cold poison, the Jesuits more active and pragmatical, the Seculars more slow and heavie, but both maintaining treacherous principles, destructive to the common-Wealth.

31. If we look now on the Non-Conformists, we shall finde them all still and quiet. After a storm comes a calm wearied with a former blustering, they began now to repose themselves in a sad silence, especially since the execu∣tions of Vdal and Penry had so terrified them, that though they might have secret designes, we meet not their open and publick motions, so that this Cen∣tury affordeth little more, then the mortalities of some eminent men.

32. We begin with Richard Fletcher Bishop of London, bred in Bennet Colledge in Cambridg, one of a comly person, and goodly presence, (qualities not to be cast away in a Bishop, though a Bishop not to be chosen for them,) he lov'd to ride the great horse, and had much skill in managing thereof, con∣demned for very proud, (such his natural stately garb) by such as knew him not, and commended for humility by those acquainted with him, he lost the Queens favour because of his second unhappy match, and died suddainly more of grief then any other disease: with him let me couple another heart∣broken Bishop, John Coldwell of Salisbury D^r of Physick (S^t Luke we know was both an Evangelist and Physician) who never enjoyed himself, after he had consented (though little better then surprised thereunto) to the alienation of Sherborn Manor from the Bishoprick.

33. Here I am at a loss for the date of the death of Laurence Humphry, but confident I hit the but, though miss the mark, as about this time. He

was a consciencious and moderate Non-conformist, (condemned for luke∣warm by such as were scalding-hot,) Dean of Winchester and Master of Magda∣len Colledge in Oxford, to which he bequeathed a considerable Summ of Gold, left in a chest, not to be opened, except some great necessity urged thereun∣to. But lately whilst D^r John Wilkinson was President of the Colledge, this Gold was shar'd between him and the fellows. And though one must chari∣tably beleeve the matter not so bad as it is reported, yet the most favourable relation thereof gave a general distast.

34. Sure I am, a great Antiquarie lately deceased, (rich as well in his state, as learning) at the hearing hereof quitted all his intentions of bene∣faction to Oxford or any place else, on suspition it would be diverted to other uses. On the same token that he merrily said, I think the bestway for a man to perpetuate his memory, is to procure the Pope to Can••nize him for a Saint, for then he shall be sure to be remembred in their Calender: Whereas otherwise I see all Protestant charity subject to the covetousness of posterity to devour it, and bury the donor thereof in oblivion.

35. M^r Baltazer Zanches a Spaniard, born in Sherez in Estremadura, foun∣ded an alms-house at Totnam high-cross in Middlesex for eight single people, allowing them competent maintenance. Now seeing Protestant Founders are rare, Spanish Protestants rarer, Spanish Protestant Founders in England rarest, I could not pass this over with silence, nor must we forget, that he was the first confectioner or comfit-maker in England, bringing that mystery to London, and (as I am informed) the exactness thereof continues still in his family, in which respect they have successively been the Queens and Kings confectioners.

36. A Parliament held at Westminster, wherein the deprivation of Popish Bishops in the first of this Queens Reign, was declared legall. Some will wonder what need is of this Statute at so many years distance, but the Preface intimates the necessity thereof. The Legality also of our Bishops and their Officers, were again by act of Parliament confirmed. And whereas there was a pretended concealment of some lands of the Bishoprick of Norwich, the same by act of Parliament were setled on that See, and the Exchange of Lands ratified, made in the Reign of King Henry the Eight. The contemporary con∣vocation did nothing of moment.

37. Thomas Stapleton this year ended his life, and was buried at S^t Peters Church in Lovain, it is written in his Epitaph, qui Cicestriae in Anglià nobili loco natus, where Cicestriae is taken not for the City, but Diocess of Chicester, having otherwise good assurance that he was born at Hemfield in Sussex, the same year and moneth wherein S^r Thomas Moore was beheaded, obser∣ved by the Catholicks as a grand providence, he was a most learned assertor of the Romish Religion, wanting nothing but a true cause to defend. On one account I am beholding unto him, viz. for disswading Pitzaeus from being a Souldier to be a Scholler, whose History of our English writers hath so often been usefull unto me.

38. Richard Cosine D^r of the Law and Dean of Archeys this year ended his life; One of the greatest Civilians which our Age or Nation hath produced, a most moderate man in his own nature, but most earnest assertor of the Ecclesiastical discipline, as by his printed works doth appear.

39. Robert Turner his death was now much bemoaned by the Papists, he was born at Barstable in Devon, bred for a while in Oxford, whence fly∣ing beyond the Seas, he became Canon of Breslaw in Silesia, and at the same time Privie Councellor to the Duke of Bavaria, falling afterward into his dis∣pleasure, probably because more pragmatical then became a forrainer; how∣ever Ferdinand of Gratz (afterwards Emperor) took him from the Duke to be his own Secretary for the Latine tongue, wherein he excelled, as by his printed Orations doth appear, he lieth buried at Gratz under a handsom Monument.

40. Great was the grief of Protestants for the decease of Richard Hooker, Turners Country-man, as born also in Devon-shire, and bred in Corpus-Christi Colledge in Oxford, living and dying a single man, of whom largely before. His innocency survived to triumph over those aspersions which the malice of others (advantaged by his own dove-like simplicity) had cast upon him I am informed S^r Edwin Sands hath erected a monument over him, in his Parish-Church in Kent, where he lieth interred.

41. I cannot omit what I finde in this year in M^r Camden his manu∣script-life of Queen Elizabeth. A report was cast out by our polititians in the midst of Harvest of the danger of a present forrain invasion, done out of de∣signe, to prevent the Popularity of the Earl of Essex, and to try the peoples inclinations. Instantly all were put into a posture of defence, mowers, rea∣pers, all harvest folke left their work, to be imployed in musters. This af∣terwards appeared but a Court-project, whereat the country took much distast, so ill it is to jest with edged tools, especially with Sythes and Sickles. My Author addeth, that people affirmed that such May-games had been fitter in the spring (when sports were used amongst the Romans to Flora) and not in the Autumn when people were seriously imployed to fetch in the fruits of the earth. But by his leave these Expressions flow from Criticks, and fly far above the capacities of Country-men.

42. This Century Concluded the lives of two eminent Roman Catholicks John Sanderson born in Lancashire, bred in Trinity Colledge in Cambridge, where he set forth an excellent Logick, called Sandersons Logick, fourty years anci∣enter then that, which his worthy name-sake of Oxford, (of a different judge∣ment in religion) hath since printed on the same subject. From Cambridge he fled to Cambray in Artois, where he lived with good comfort, and died with great credit with those of his own perswasion. The other Thomas Case of S^t Johns in Oxford, D^r of Physick, it seems always a Romanist in his heart, but never expressing the same, till his mortal sickness seized upon him.

The end of the sixteenth Century.

Notes

• Anno. Regin Eliza. 1.
• Anno. Dom. 1559
• Her slow but sure pace of Reformation.
• a

  Mar. 11. 11.
• b

  Holinshed 1. year of Q. Elizabeth pag. 1172.
• The forward∣ness of pri∣vate men in publique re∣formation va∣riously censu∣red.
• c

  See ••6. Cent. 2 part. •• pa∣ragraph.
• Anno. Dom. 1558.
• 〈…〉〈…〉.
• a

  It was dated Decem. 15. but not recei∣ved till about Ianu••r the second, see 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at Frankford pag. 162.
• Alteration of Beligion en∣acted by the Parliament.
• Jann. 25.
• Papists ex∣ceptions against the Queens Su∣premacy.
• a

  Sanders de Schismate An∣glicano lib. 3. pag. 316.
• b

  Hart against Rai∣nolds pag. 673.
• c

  In Praefat. centur. 7.
• d

  Upon the 7. of Amos 3. The same how defen∣ded by Prote∣stant Divines.
• e

  Rainolds against Hart pag. 38.
• f

  Ephes. 1. 22.
• Col. 2. 19.
• h

  2 Chr. 26. 19
• How Dr. Rai∣nolds answe∣reth the ex∣ceptions to the contrary.
• i

  against Hart pag. 673.
• Anno Dom. 1557.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 1.
• a

  Idem ibidem.
• Sunders 〈…〉〈…〉
• b

  〈…〉〈…〉 pag. 329.
• c

  Idem pag. 303.
• d

  Camdens Elizabeth in this year pag 19.
• The acts of this years Convocation.
• e

  Liber Synod. Anno Dom. 1559. folio 15.
• f

  Ib. fol. 6.
• g

  fol. 8.
• Feb. 18.
• To the Bps. that they might present them to the Parli. &c.
• Copied by me out of the Original.
• Anno Dom. 1558
• Anno Dom. 1457.
• Marc. 3.
• 10.
• The Disputa∣tions betwixt the Papists and Prote∣stants at Westminster.
• There is some diffe∣rence in the Number and Names of Both Parties Mr. Fox nei∣ther agreeth with Mr. Cam∣den, nor with himself.
• Anno Dom. 1458.
• The Papists complain of partial usage.
• The Prote∣stants tri∣umph on the other side.
• Nine Bishops now dead.
• Three fled beyond the Seas.
• 〈…〉〈…〉
• The rest re∣strained.
• Some living in their own Houses,
• 1 King. 2. 26.
• Cruelty causelessly complain••d of.
• De Schism Ang. pag. 335.
• Camdens Eliz. in hoc Anno.
• One Bishop continued.
• Godwin in the Bps. of Landaffe
• A list of per∣sons deprived
• Matthew Par∣ker designed Arch-Bishop, his due com∣mendation.
• Counted from Pooles death to Par∣kers consecra∣tion.
• Anno Dom. 1559.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 2.
• a

  Mr Selden of Tithes cap. 9. pag. 256.
• The Queen Her letter, for his consecra∣tion.
• July 18. Aug. 1.
• b

  Registrum Parker 1. Iom. 1 fol. 3.
• Dece. 6.
• The manner thereof.
• c

  Regist. Par∣ker. Tom 1. fol. 9.
• d

  Ibid. fol. 10.
• e

  1 Pet. 5. 1.
• Dece. 17.
• The legality of his conse∣cration.
• a

  Anno Regin. 25.
• b

  26. of Hen∣ry 8 cap. 14.
• The impu∣dent lie of the Naggs-head.
• Neale's testi∣mony (the sole witnesse thereof) confuted.
• A silent wit∣ness pretend∣ed in vain
• a

  Champuius pag. 5••1.
• b

  〈…〉〈…〉
• c

  Luisprandus lib. 6. cap. 7.
• Sees supplied with Prote∣stant Bishops.
• This the Lord Chan∣cellour Eger∣ton assumed to Bishop Williams.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 1.
• Anno Dom. 1558.
• Mr. Gilpin re∣fuseth the Bishoprick of Carlile.
• a

  Found a∣mongst Mr. Gilpins papers after his death.
• Anno Dom. 1557.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 1.
• a

  B. Carleton in Gilpins life pag. 80.
• b

  Idem. pag. 81.
• Why Barlow and Scory were not re∣stored to their former Bishopricks, conjectured.
• Why Cover∣dale resumed not his Bisho∣prick of Exeter.
• c

  Amos 4. 11.
• Anno Dom. 1558.
• a

  1 Sa. 26. 12.
• b

  Psal. 90.
• Meane Mi∣nisters in this age, as ap∣pears by Mr. Tavernours Sermon.
• c

  In the pre∣face to St. Iohn Cheeks book called the true Sub∣ject to the Rebell, prin∣ted at Oxford 1641.
• A Proclama∣tion against defaeers of Monuments in Churches.
• Anno Dom. 1559.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 2.
• This Procla∣mation was printed at London in Pauls Church∣yard, by Rich. Jagg, and John Cawood 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the Queen.
• The death and character of Bp. Bale.
• a

  De Scriptor. Britan Cen∣tur. 8.
• The persecu∣tions which in his life he suffered.
• Bales passion endeavoured to be excu∣sed.
• The Pope tampereth to reconcile the Queen to the Church of Rome.
• 1560.
• 3. May. 5.
• Anno Dom. 1562.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 4.
• The contents of Scipio his Letter to Mr. Iewell.
• Anno Dom. 1563.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 5.
• The sum of Mr. Jewels answer.
• a

  See it at large at the end of the History of the Councell of Trent.
• Westminster Col. Church re-sounded by Q Eliz.
• 1561
• The Pope trieth again in ••am to reduce the Queen.
• Anno Dom. 1562.
• The death of Sr. Edward Carne.
• Pauls Steeple burnt down.
• Papists stic∣kle in Merton Colledge.
• a

  Manuscript Records of Cant. in Mat∣thew Parker. pag. 322.
• Are curbed by the Arch-Bishop his visitation.
• May 26.
• Cranmets children re∣stored in blood.
• b

  Parliament. Roles: quinto Elizabethe.
• Anno Regin 5. Janu. 11.
• 2. 156. 3.
• I have read that he was condemned of treason [Cromptons ju∣ris. courts fol. 2. b.] which Treason was released unto him, & yet he, saith Holinsh. excepted out of the general pardon, intri∣cacies I un∣derstand nor. An Act for translating the Bible into Welsh.
• Anno Dom. 1563.
• a

  Godwin in his catalogue of Bishops p. 641.
• Janu. 29.
• The 39 Arti∣cles compi∣led in Convo∣cation.
• Why favou∣rably drawn up in general terms.
• Most confes∣sors who com∣posed the Ar∣ticles.
• b

  2 Sam. 24. 24.
• English Arti∣cles and Trent Decrees con∣temporaries.
• The 39 Arti∣cles confirm∣ed by Parlia∣ment.
• c

  See the Sta∣tutes in deci∣mo tertio, E∣liz. cap. 12.
• But only im∣posed on Clergy-men.
• Querie, a∣bout the 20 Article, whe∣ther shufled in, or no.
• a

  Pag. 98.
• b

  Mr Burton in his Apolo∣gie.
• The accuser his first mi∣stake.
• The dubious appearing of this clause.
• Anno Dom. 1563.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 5.
• Arch-Bishop Land his opi∣nion in the point.
• In his speech made Iune 14. 1637. pag. 65.
• An Article to confirme the Homilies made in King Edward his reign.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 4.
• As also those in Q Eliz.
• The use of Homilies.
• Their authen∣ticall necessi∣ty questioned.
• Mr. Mountu∣ga in his appel∣lo Caesarem.
• 2 Sam. 17.
• Rastall writes against Bp. Jewel.
• Pitzaeus de Ang. Scriptor pag. 764.
• See Sr. Henry Spelm••n his gl••••sary in Indic.
• The death of Dr. Smith.
• Pitzaeus de Ang. Script. pag. 761.
• Amo Regin Lliza. 5.
• The Original of Puritans.
• The Homony∣mie of the tearm.
• 1564
• 6.
• Mr. Fox a mo∣derate Non∣conformist.
• And Dr. Law∣rence Humfrey.
• Cambden Elizabetha in Anno 1589.
• Anthony Gilby a fierce Non∣conformist.
• a

  pag. 150.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 8.
• Anno Dom. 1566.
• And William Whittingham.
• a

  Bale Cent. nona pag. 731.
• And Christo∣pher Goodman
• b

  pag 203, 20••, & 207.
• Note that these three were active in the separation from Frank∣ford vide supra 9. Book. p. 9.
• c

  Godwin his catalogue in the Bishop of Oxford.
• Aug. 31.
• The Queens entertain∣ment at Ox∣ford.
• d

  S••ow his Chron. p. 660.
• Her Highness speech to the University. This speech was taken by D. Laurence Humfrey, and by him print∣ed, in the life of B. Jewell pag. 244.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 7.
• Sept. 6.
• The suit be∣twixt Bp. Horne and Bonner.
• Bonner his Councell
• Their 1. Plea. 2. Exception.
• Main matter debared by the Judges.
• a

  Dyer fol. 234 Mich. 6. & 7. El. z. pla••••to 15.
• Divided by the Parlia∣ment.
• Eliz. 8. Sept. 30.
• 1567.
• A favourable proviso.
• Their suit. superseded.
• 〈…〉〈…〉
• b

  〈…〉〈…〉 pag. 449. Cu••on. 17.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 8.
• Anno Dom. 1567.
• The Ring leader, of the second set of Nonconfor∣mi••••s.
• Their judge∣ments of the Queen.
• a

  The Regist∣er of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pag. 33.
• The death of Dr. Wotton.
• 9.
• 1568
• Harding and Saunders Bishop it in England.
• b

  Camdens Eliz. in this year.
• 10. May 17.
• Q of Scots comes into England.
• Anno Dom. 1568.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 10.
• Her letter to Pope Pius Quintus. (hi her••o ne∣ver printed) the Copy whereof was as with many other rarities bestowed on me by James Arch-Bishop of Armagh.
• Nove 30.
• a

  The Lord Scroop his house in Yorke shire, where Sr. Fra. Knowls was her keeper.
• June 26. Anno Regin 11.
• The death of T 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Arch 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of York.
• a

  S. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ha∣rington in his addition to Bp. Godwins catalogue.
• Nove. 14. Mond
• 1569
• The Rebelli∣on of the Earls of Nor∣thumberland and Westmer∣land.
• 16. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Anno Regin 12. Dece. 10.
• More super∣sti••ous th••n valiant.
• b

  S••ws Cron. 663.
• Routed ••y the Queen her forces.
• An Italian Authour reckoning without his Hoast.
• Northumber∣land with ma∣ny more of th•• Rebels executed.
• Anno Dom. 1569.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 12.
• a

  S••ow his Chronicle. p. 663.
• The executi∣on of Dr. Story.
• * Fox Acts & Mon. p. 2152.
• Fox Acts & M••n. ut prius.
• The original of the English Colledges be∣yond the seas.
• a

  Extant the continuation of Sanders de Schis. Angl. pag 119. Image of ••oth Churches pag. 330. Sanders de Schism. Angl. pag. 365.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 8.
• Anno Dom. 1566.
• a

  See this for∣gery at large in Lewes Owen his Running Register. p. 59 to whom I am much be∣holding for my instructi∣ons in this subject.
• Cunning conveyances to pass over the seas.
• The bounty of English Catholicks.
• The oath ta∣ken by Eng∣lish Fugitives at their ad∣mission.
• a

  In the con∣tinuation of Sanders de schismate Ang∣licano p. 116.
• The Pope excommuni∣cateth the Queen.
• Anno Dom. 1570.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 13.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 12.
• Anno Dom. 1569.
• The different opinions of English Ca∣tholicks, con∣cerning this excommuni∣cation.
• a

  Watsons Q••••dlibets pag. 262.
• b

  Watsons Quodlibets pag. 260.
• a

  Acts 28. 6.
• b

  De Schism. Anglicano pag. 372.
• An Italian in the life of Pius Quintus.
• The death of Bp. Barlow, and Bourn.
• Popish expe∣ctation de∣feated.
• 1570
• July 13.
• c

  Camdens Eliz. in Anno 1570.
• Aug. 8.
• The founda∣tion of Jesus Col. in Oxford.
• a

  Pitz. de Ang. Ox. pag. 37.
• Anno Dom. 1570
• This Coll. hath had ten Principals, whereas Trin. Coll. in the same Univer∣sity, founded 14. years be∣fore, hath had but five Presi∣dents.
• The first be∣ginning of Recusancie.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 13.
• Papists their own persecu∣tors.
• A Parliament cut••••g with three edges.
• a

  See the sta∣tutes 13 Eliz.
• Covetous Clergie men bridled.
• b

  Cant. 5. 7.
• Covetousness creeps in at a small cranie.
• c

  Vide 1604. Secundo Reg. Jacobi.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 14.
• Anno Dom. 1571
• The second letter of Ma••y Q of Scots to the Pope.
• Octob 31.
• This is meant of the Turke, and not (as some may suspect) of Q. Eliza∣beth.
• This letter to the Pope was written in Latine, then translated in∣to Italian, then retran∣slated into English. Wonder not therefore if it lose some native lustre thereof.
• The death of the Bps. of Exeter and Salisbury.
• * Vide supra in the first year of Queen Mary.
• The praise of Bp. Jewell.
• Anno Dom. 1572.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 15.
• Laurence Humfrey in the long life of Bp Jewell.
• Subscription why now more rigo∣rously urged.
• a

  Bp. Bancrost in his English Scottizing, 3. Book 1. Cap.
• b

  Tho. Cart∣wrights se∣cond reply Pag. 38.
• The true no∣tion of a Con∣venticle.
• T. C. presents to the Parlia∣ment an [di∣strasted] ad∣monition.
• Bandying of books be∣twixt two learned men chief of their parties.
• Severall rea∣sons of Mr. Cartwrights not replying again.
• The first Pres∣bytery in England, set up at Wands∣worth, in Sur∣rey
• a

  Bp Bancrost English Scot∣tizing 3. Book. cap. 1.
• The chief non-consor∣mitis in. London.
• The massacre in Paris.
• Camdens Eliz. in hoc anno.
• Two impestres∣ses discover∣ed.
• 1573
• 16.
• a

  Stows Chro∣nicle pag. 678. & alijs.
• Aug. 15.
• Anabaptists discovered.
• 1575
• 18. April 3. May 15.
• a

  Staw his cronicle pag. 679.
• b

  Idem p. 680.
• Eleven of them con∣demned.
• A Divines letter to the Queen to for∣bear burning them.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 18.
• Anno Dom. 1575.
• As to the saving of their lives, if after a moneths re∣prieve and conference with Divines, they would not recant their errours.
• July 22.
• a

  Stow ut prius
• Another use∣full 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the same Au∣thor.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 17.
• The occasion thereof.
• This I saw carefully 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of the originall.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 18.
• The violence of rigid Non∣conformists.
• The death and praise of Matth. Parker.
• May 17.
• His memory causelesly aspersed.
• a

  Mr. Prince in his book of the treason of Prelites pag. 149.
• His exempla∣rie wise.
• b

  In D Par∣kers life, ex∣tant in Trin: Hall Library in Cambridge.
• Priviledges obtained by Sr F. E. for English Ca∣tholicks.
• 18.
• 1576
• Anno Regin Eliza. 19.
• Anno Dom. 1576.
• June 6.
• The death of B. Pilkington.
• And of Mr. Deering.
• 20. July 4. 5. 6.
• 1577.
• A strange mortality at Oxford.
• a

  Camden his Eliz. in hoc an.
• b

  Stows Chro. pag. 681.
• Improved by Papists to their advan∣tage.
• De schismate pag. 375.
• Sr. Fra: Bacon his judgement of infectious smells.
• De schisinate pag. 375.
• Anno Dom. 1577.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 20.
• Sr. Fra. Bacon his judgement of infectious smells.
• a

  Naturall Hist. Cent teath, Num. 914.
• Many a Priest executed.
• Nove. 30.
• The vivacity of English Protestant Bishops.
• We account in this num∣ber not any Popish Bps. nor Scory and Barlow, Pro∣testants made in the reign of K Edward. The death of P. Bullingham.
• b

  Sr. I. Haring. his addition to B. Godwin.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 21.
• Anno Dom. 1578.
• Bp. Cheyney a great Lu he∣ran wrong∣fully accused to die a Pa∣pist.
• Camd. in his Eliz. 1559.
• In his Cata∣logue of the Bishops of Glocester.
• Jun. 27. Feb. 28.
• His vindicati∣on.
• All my search cannot finde out such an Instru∣ment in any office.
• Mr. Langley the worthy Schoolmaster of St. Pauls.
• Eliz. 22. June 1.
• 1579.
• Camdens Eliz. in Anno 1559.
• Followed by Bp. Bentham.
• Feb. 21.
• The death of Bishop Cox.
• Said to seed his servants with poude∣red venison (shrewdly hurt) to save other meat, St. I. Harring. in his additi∣ons to B. G.
• Gresham Col. founded by St. T. Gresham.
• Anno Dom. 1580.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 23.
• In his Atlas pag 66.
• The obscure Original of the Familists.
• a

  Jude 4.
• b

  Isa. 30. 6.
• Hen. Nicholas their first founder.
• c

  John 17. 21, 22, 23. &c.
• His ••••ck Apo∣stolick stile.
• d

  In his E∣vangelium Regni, or the joyfull message of the kingdom.
• a

  Gal. 6. 10.
• b

  Rev. 2. 6.
• c

  Acts 6. 5.
• The Familists worse in pra∣ctice than opinion.
• d

  Deut. 22. 27.
• e

  Rom. 6. 1.
• Octo. 10.
• Their abjura∣tion.
• a

  See Ru∣therfords sur∣vey of the Spirituall An∣tichrist pag. 11.
• Persons and Campian come into England Their severall characters
• b

  Camdens Eliz. Anno 1580.
• c

  A good wind which blows a traitour to Ti∣burne.
• a

  Ominous that his soot should stumble at the thre∣shold, newly landed in the Kingdom. Ti•• probable, he that was suspected at his coming in, will be detected before his going out.
• b

  See how a crafty equivo∣cating Jesuite, is an over∣match for a country well meaning Magistrate.
• c

  Caiphas. Truly prophesi∣ed, if truly applyed.
• d

  Heu, quanta patimur? Oh pitifull persecution enough almost to make an Epicure complain of hard usage.
• e

  Lest the world should know, how simple people give, and shamless Jesuits take so much honour, where so little is due.
• f

  With fair tongues, false hearts, cunning heads and bold faces Campian is the copie, and the rest must be like him.
• g

  His Predictions were in∣dited from his guiltiness. Offenders fear what they de∣serve.
• h

  His often Changing speaks him but a valiant coward in the cause.
• i

  Homo multorum nominum, non boninominis.
• a

  Would the Catholicks would themselves pay the twenty pound a moneth which they owe to the King for their Recusancy.
• b

  Thus when the herneshaw cannot beat the hawk with strength, she dungs upon him. ••••iling must help where reason wants.
• c

  Good affections ill im∣ployed. God send them le••s heat, or more light.
• d

  Bart challenging. They that long most for duells, first surleit of them.
• e

  So my printed copie wherein I suspect some mi∣stake.
• a

  Not one Popish Bishop put to death. (nor Peer of the Realm, five for actuall rebellion) in all the Queens Reign. Whereas in the Ma∣rian dayes, we had an Arch-Bishop, and foure Bishops burnt, for meer matters of conscience.
• Campian catcht by Walsinghams setters.
• Pretended cruelty in racking Pa∣pists.
• Sanders De Schis. Anglica∣no pag. 409.
• Excused in some degree.
• a

  Ribadeneira his continu∣ation of Sanders de Schis. Ang. in his Diarie An. 1581 Moneth of March.
• b

  Camb. Eliz. in this year.
• Persons his three wonder∣full escapes.
• c

  Continuatio Sanderi De Schis. Ang. pag. 404.
• d

  Vide Sheld. of Mirac. pag. 25. & Gee his One soot out of the snare 71.
• Our observa∣tion on his fourth escape.
• e

  Acts 12. 7. & Acts 16. 26.
• Persons poli∣tickly return∣eth to Rome.
• A. B. of Armagh.
• A petition in the name of the whole convocation for the resti∣tution of Arch-Bishop Grindal.
• a

  1 Cor. 14. 13.
• The model and method of prophesy∣ings.
• Anno Dom. 1580.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 23.
• The inconve∣••••••••s of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••e yings 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or suspected.
• To the day and moneth being confi∣dent this was the year.
• The most re∣markable let∣ter of Arch-Bishop Grin∣dall, in de∣fence of Pro∣phesies and Church juris∣diction.
• The word nor being ea∣sily legible, I have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••ink, (as sometimes before and after) prefer∣ing to refer the sence to the Judicious Readers own coniecture, then to im∣pose my guess upon him.
• a

  Plutarch. Morals.
• Lambeth house Grindals guilt.
• b

  In Grindals character at his death.
• c

  S••. Francis Bacon.
• The death of Cope and Bul∣lock.
• Pepish Iecusis swarme iuto England.
• Necessary se∣verity of the Parliament against them.
• Jan. 16.
• Many against 〈◊〉〈◊〉 m••lcts for 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• a

  Rev. 18. 13.
• Others con∣ceive the pro∣portion of the fine uncon∣scionable.
• Arguments pro, and con, whether Je∣suites are to be put to death.
• Anno Dom. 1580
• Anno Regin Eliza. 23.
• Anno Dom. 1581.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 24.
• The executi∣on of this law moderated.
• Worst of es∣senders scape best.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 23.
• Anno Dom. 1580.
• The acts of a silent Convo∣cation.
• Jan. 17.
• So called by mistake in Records, otherwise his name was William.
• Marc. 25.
• 1581
• Quere, on whom the law was first hanselled.
• 31.
• May 28.
• The death of Bp. Berkelay.
• 25. May 8.
• 1582
• A meeting of the Presby∣terians at Cockfield.
• a

  Mr. Pigg in his letter to Mr. Field dated May 16.
• Another at Cambridge.
• Iuly 2.
• b

  Idem Ibidem
• The activity of the Pres∣byterian.
• Beza's letter to Travers in the behalf of Geneva.
• Anno Dom. 1582.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 25.
• The figure of the day not legible.
• Geneva's suit was coldly resented.
• a

  Vide pag. 1602. parag.
• Why the ri∣gorous press∣ing of sub∣scription was now remitted
• A forme of Discipline considered of by the Bre∣thren in a so∣lemn Synod with the seve∣rall Decrees thereof.
• a

  Under Mr. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hand (〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the ••spand) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Bancrofi his dangerous positions. pag. 46.
• Several ob∣servations on these De∣crees.
• a

  In his Admonitions pag 163. Section 2.
• A blasphe∣mous Here∣rick reclai∣med.
• a

  See Mr. Smiths Ser∣mon of the lost sheep found.
• The Character of Mr. Henry Smith.
• b

  About the year 1500, as I am inform'd by his bro∣ther.
• The death of Rich. Bristow.
• ••itzaeus de illustribus Argl. scrip∣tor.
• The death of Nicholas Harpsfield.
• The death of Gregory Mar∣tin.
• Letter Histo∣ry best Histo∣ry.
• Objection against Let∣ter want of Date answe∣red.
• Anno. Dom. 1583.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 26.
• The petition of the Kentish Ministers.
• The Arch-Bishops letter in answer thereof.
• The character of Mr. Beal, who brought the Bills.
• a

  Camden in his Elizabetha pag. 359.
• Arch Bishop Whi••gift his Letter com∣plaining of Beals insolent carriage to∣wards him.
• a

  Robert Beal Esabque; Stow his survey of London pag. 183.
• The Privie Councellers Letter to the Arch Bishop in favour of the noncom∣formists.
• The Arch-Bishops an∣swer to the Privy Coun∣cellours Let∣ter.
• Peter Rihade∣neira in his Appendix to Sanders pag. 41.
• The Arch-Bish••ps gra∣tulatory let∣ter to Sr. Christopher Hatton.
• The Treasu∣••ers Letter to the Arch-Bishop, for some Indul∣gence to the Ministers.
• The return of the Arch-Bishop of Cant. to the L. Treasurers Letter.
• The L. Trea∣surers smart Letter to the Arch-Bishop.
• a

  Eccles. 7. 9.
• The Arch-Bishops calm Letter to the half-angry Treasurer.
• Sr. Fra. Wal∣singham a good friend to nonconfor∣mists.
• St. Francis Walsinghams Letter to the Arch. Bishop in favour of non-confor∣mists.
• Anno Dom. 1583. Anno Regi•• Eliza. 26.
• The Arch∣Bishops an∣swer to secre∣tary Walsing∣••a••s Letter.
• A transition to other matter.
• Good Grindal his death.
• 〈…〉〈…〉
• a

  •• Rom. 1. 13.
• Pro. 23. 23.
• Warning to Sabbath∣breakers.
• Jan. 13. 1583.
• a

  Holinshed pag. 1••53.
• b

  Dr. Bound.
• Robert Brown first appears.
• a

  Camdens Brit. in Lin∣coln-shire.
• Brown his opinions.
• Extraordina∣ry favour in∣dulged unto him.
• The authors observation on him.
• The occasion of his late death.
• June 4. 6. July 6.
• Two Brow∣nists execu∣ted.
• a

  Stow Chro∣nicle pag. 697.
• Sept. 24.
• Whitgift suc∣ceedeth him.
• b

  Sr. George Paul in his life pag. 28.
• c

  Idem p. 29.
• d

  Camdens Eliz. in hoc Anno.
• Death of San∣ders.
• e

  De scriptor. Anglican aetate 16. pag. 773.
• Lewes burnt at Norwich.
• f

  Stows Chron. pag. 697.
• g

  Rev. 2. 17.
• 27.
• 1584.
• Popish libels.
• h

  Camdens Eliz. in hoc Anno.
• i

  Pitzaeus De¦script. Anglic: pag. 782.
• Anno Dom. 1584.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 27.
• The Queen Her eminent mercy.
• a

  Camdens Eliz. 1584.
• Two fruitless Conferences.
• b

  1 King. 19. 4.
• Subscription severely pressed.
• The Rhemish Translation comes forth.
• Cartwright in∣vited to an∣swer it.
• a

  See ••he pre∣face to Cart∣wrights book.
• b

  Camdens Elizabeth Anno 1590.
• Whitgift stop∣peth his book.
• Anno Dom. 1584.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 27.
• Dr. Fulke first effected it.
• A promise never perfor∣med.
• Confidence of many at last deceived.
• The death of George Ethe∣redge.
• a

  Pi••zeus de Anglic Script. pag 785.
• Mr. Rogers writeth on our Articles.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 28.
• Anno Dom. 1585.
• Three great Corporations now on foot together.
• a

  Ven••sta & elequens Con∣cio, saith the Register of Canterbury out of which I transcribed it.
• The Arch-Bishop afraid of alteration in Church Discipline writes to the Queen.
• Out of Bp. Whitgifts ma∣nuscript of his own Letters afterwards in St. Peter Manwoods, & since in my own possessi∣on.
• Mar. 24.
• Her Majesty will alter no∣thing materi∣all to church government.
• Mar. 29.
• Parliament dissolved.
• a

  Mr. Geli∣brand to Mr. Field, cited by Bp. Bancroft in his dange∣rous positions. pag 75.
• Iohn Hilton in Convocation abjoreth his hereticall opinions.
• b

  This was by me faithfully transcribed out of the re∣cords of Can∣terbury.
• Mar. 30.
• c

  Here the re∣cord is so ill written that this word is not legible.
• Pennance im∣posed upon him.
• Exchange of important Letters be∣twixt the Earl of Leicester, and the Arch-Bishop.
• Taken out of the manu∣script of Bp. Whitgifts Letters, be∣longing to Sir Peter Manwood, and since in my possession.
• July. 14.
• 17.
• Sept. 15. Anno. Regin 28. Dece. 8.
• Seminaries enlarged and transported.
• Feb. 2.
• 1585-86
• The Liturg•• supported by its opposers.
• a

  〈…〉〈…〉 164••.
• Accusations not to be be∣believed in full latitude.
• b

  Sr. John Har••••gton i•• his Character of Bp. p. 131.
• The death of John Fecknam.
• His Courtesy to Protestants.
• Made Abbot of Westminster. a Sanders de schismate Ang. in the Reign of Q. Mary.
• Q. Elizabeth send eth for him and prossers him preferment.
• b

  Reinerius in Apost. Bened. pag. 235.
• Kindly used in restraint.
• c

  ••Fox Acts & Mon.
• A recruit of English Be∣nedictines made after Fecknams death.
• 〈…〉〈…〉
• 〈…〉〈…〉
• Unto the King of Spain.
• Pretending a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Crown of England.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 30.
• Anno Dom. 1587.
• An Act with∣out prece∣dent.
• Good reason why the Non∣conformists were quiet.
• The death of Mary Queen of Scotland.
• Her Poetry.
• *So it is in the Glass I had in my hand, though it be celebra∣bere, in Cand. Brit. in Der∣by-shire.
• Her Body re∣moved to Westminster.
• Anno Dom. 1587.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 30.
• A designe propounded.
• And blasted by the Queen.
• Conformity to the height.
• Camdens Eliz. Manu∣script shortly likely to be Printed.
• Gellius. lib. 10 c••p. 15.
• Plutarch problems. 43.
• Pag. 208.
• For Act, & Mon. sol. 1512.
• For Acts, & Mon. sol. 1516.
• For Acts & Mon. sol. 1536.
• Deut. 21. 7.
• Inter Epistol. 〈…〉〈…〉 pag. 421, 422. 〈…〉〈…〉 story in Gene∣va.
• a

  Calvin in his Letter to Pharellas Pag ••4.
• First grie∣vance com∣plained of in tendering the Oath.
• Second grie∣vance.
• Third grie∣vance.
• Prov. 18. 13.
• Fourth grie∣vance.
• Foure ranks of Refusers of this Oath.
• 2 Cor. 4. 5.
• Second.
• Third.
• The last rank.
• Joh. 17. 21.
• Heb. 6. 16.
• Nonconfor∣mists perse∣cuted in the Star-Cham∣ber.
• The death of Mr. Fox.
• And of D. Humfrey.
• The first Pro∣testant Hospi∣tall.
• Camd. Brit. in Kent.
• Beautifull Buildings be∣gin in Eng∣land.
• Non-confor∣mists stirr.
• A Sixteen sold P••••••••ion presented by the Commons to the Lord in Parliament.
• The Arch-Bishops plea¦s••r Nonresi∣dents.
• The Lord Gray his re∣joynder.
• The Lord Treasurer his moderation.
• Others inter∣pret.
• The Lord Grays (quere whether of Withen, or what most probable, of Ruthen after∣wards Earl of Kent) reply∣ed.
• The Bishops providently petition the Queen.
• The death of Bp Barns.
• See the life of Bernard Gilpin p. 190.
• And of Ber∣nard Gilpin.
• Hardly esca∣ped in Queen Maries dayes.
• Anno Dom. 1587.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 30.
• A single man, yet a true fa∣ther.
• The brave coming forth of the Spanish Armado.
• 1588
• 31.
• The shameful sight and re∣turn thereof.
• a

  1 Kings 19. 33.
• This delive∣rance princi∣pally wrought by Gods arm.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 31.
• Anno Dom. 1588.
• Scurrilous Pamphlets dispersed.
• Their reasons for the law∣fulness of such pamphlets.
• a

  1 Kings 18, 27.
• These Books disclaimed by the discreet sort and why.
• a

  Jude 9.
• The instru∣ments em∣byed in ma∣king th••se Books heavi∣ly punished.
• b

  Sr. G Pa•• in the li••e of Arch Bishop Whitgist pag. 40.
• c Camdens Elizabeths in Anno 1588.
• d

  Sr. G. Paul pag. 39.
• Acts of the Synod of Coventry.
• e

  Transcribed out of Bp. Bancrofts book called Englands Scotizing for Discipline by practise p 86. and 87 who may seem have had the orignall in latin.
• a

  Gen. 25▪ 22. The English Church di∣stracted b••∣twi•••• contra∣ry disciplines.
• The success of the solemn humiliation of the mini∣sters at Northampton.
• b

  See Eng∣lands Sco••ti∣zing for di∣scipline, 3. Cap. 6. pag. 88.
• The Contents of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the Catholicks of England.
• a

  Watsons Quodlibets pag. 240.
• 1 Kings 3.
• b

  Watson ut prius.
• Judg. 5. 30.
• Aug. 8.
• The death of Edw. Sands, Arch-Bishop of York.
• 32.
• 1589.
• Arch-Bishop Whitgift, his discretion.
• 33.
• 1590. Sept. 1.
• Articles ob∣jected against Mr. Thomas Cartwright.
• a

  The copy of these Articles ••ere 〈…〉〈…〉 af∣ter his death, who as kindly communica∣ted as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••nscri∣bed them.
• Anno Dom. 1590.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 33.
• Anno Dom. 1590.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 33.
• Mr. Cartwright refuseth to answer an oath.
• Wigington his ridling words.
• Nov. 6.
• a

  2 Cor. 7. 5.
• The king of Scots writs in favour of the Non-confor∣mists.
• 34.
• 1591.
• Anno Dom. 1591.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 34.
• Mr. Cartwright discharged the Star-Chamber by the inter∣cession of Arch Bishop Whitgift.
• A preface to the ensuing discourse.
• The Chara∣cter of Hacket.
• His monstrous opinions and practises.
• Proclaimed by his two Prophets.
• July 16.
• An adventure with more boldness then discretion.
• 〈…〉〈…〉
• 〈…〉〈…〉
• Mr Stone by his confession discovereth the meeting of the Bre∣thren, with the circum∣stances there∣of.
• The reasons why Mr. Stone made this confession again•• the hope and ex∣pectation of the Breth.
• a

  Carefully by me transcri∣bed out of his own Letters to his friends.
• a

  Brian Twine in Appendice Ant. Ac. Oxon.
• Synodicall meetings fi∣nally blasted.
• Perkin's piety 〈…〉〈…〉
• a

  Dr Baner••st in his book of dangerous positions chap. 7. p. 59.
• b

  Prov. 16. 7••
• Transition to a more plea∣sant subject.
• The foundati∣on of an Uni∣versity in Dublin.
• The severall Benefactors thereto.
• Anno Dom. 1591.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 34.
• Since marri∣ed to the Arch-Bishop of Armagh.
• a

  Antiq. Jud. lib. 15. cap. 20.
• The addition of two emissa∣rie Hostells.
• a

  Deut. 32. 2.
• Dublin a Co∣lonie of Cam∣bridge.
• The death of Arthur Faunt.
• b

  Burton in Description of Leicester-shire pag. 10.
• The contest betwixt Hooker and Travers.
• Hooker his Character.
• Travers takes his ••••ders be∣yond Seas.
• He with Mr Cartwright invited to be Divinity pro∣fessors in St. Andrews.
• The character of Hooker as to his preach∣ing.
• The descripti∣on of Travers.
• They clash about matters of Doctrine.
• Being weak, ignorant, and seduced.
• Travers is si∣lenced by the Arch-Bishop.
• Many pleased with the deed, but not with the man∣ner of doing it.
• Travers his plea in his petition.
• a

  Joh. 7. 51.
• b

  Gal. 2. 5.
• A charitable adversary.
• Travers must have no fa∣vour.
• Whitgift his politick carriage.
• 1592
• 35.
• Travers goeth into Ireland, and returneth.
• His contented life, and quiet death.
• Anno Regis Eliza. 35.
• Anno Dom. 1592.
• The death of worthy Mr Greenham of the plague.
• a

  Psal 91. 7.
• Fellow of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge.
• b

  Some say he had an hand in making some of Mr Greenhams works.
• His dexterity in healing af∣flicted con∣sciences.
• He leaving his Cure cometh to London.
• a

  By my own father Mr Thomas Fuller, who was well acquainted with him. A great in∣strument of the good kee∣ping of the Lords-day.
• b

  Mr Joseph Hall.
• Anno Regis Eliza.
• Anno Dom.
• The uncertain date of Mr. Vdals death.
• o Searched by me, and my friends in the office of the Clerk of Assise for Surrey.
• 35.
• 1592.
• M^r. Vdal his supplication to the Lords of the Assises.
• V••rious cen∣sures on his condemnati∣on.
• He died peaceably in his bed.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 36.
• Anno Dom. 1593.
• His solemn buriall.
• H. B. I. G. & I. P. executed.
• Marc. 31.
• Stew his Chronicle pag. 265.
• The Queens last coming to Oxford.
• Sr I. Har∣rington in his additional supply to Bp. Godwin p. 134.
• 37.
• 1594.
• Her Latin Oration.
• a

  Idem p. 136.
• The death of Bp. Elmar.
• Anno Dom. 1594.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 37.
• The death of W••ll Reginald.
• a

  P••••zaeus de illustribus An¦gliae Scriptoribus in Anno 1594.
• b

  Idem, ibidem
• The death of Cardinal Allen.
• c

  Camd. Eliz. in hoc Anno.
• d

  Pitzaeus de illust. A••g. Script. pag. 793
• e

  Watsons Quod••••bets pag 97.
• A sad subject to write of Christian dis∣cords.
• 1595.
• 38.
• f

  Psal. 105. 18.
• g

  Ier. 38. 6.
• h

  Acts ••2 6.
• i

  Acts 16. 24.
• The beginning of the Schism betwixt the Seculars and the Iesuits.
• k

  Declaratio mo••uum ac tur∣bationum &c. ad Clem. octavum ex∣hibita pag. 12.
• The Seculars refuse to obey Weston, and why.
• l

  Gen. 34. 33.
• m

  Watsons Quodlibets pag. 4.
• Weston im∣ployed but as a Scout to dis∣cover the temper of the secular priests.
• n

  Declaratio motuum &c. pag. 17.
• He will not stand to the determinati∣on of a grave priest chosen Umpire.
• At last is for∣ced by letters from his pro∣vincial to leave off his Agency.
• o

  Declaratio motuum ac &c. pag. 20.
• p

  Ibidem.
• The Schism notwithstand∣ing continues and increases.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 38.
• Anno Dom. 1595.
• The strickt keeping of the Sabbath first revived.
• a

  Dr Bounds BOOK of the Sabbath. p. 91.
• b

  pag. 247.
• c

  pag. 124.
• d

  pag. 163.
• e

  pag. 164.
• f

  pag. 166.
• g

  pag. 102.
• h

  pag. 206. 209.
• i

  pag. 211.
• k

  pag. 102.
• l

  pag. 272. 275.
• Tho: Rogers first publickly opposeth Dr Bounds opini∣ons.
• a

  Dr Bound in his preface to the Reader 2 edition.
• b

  Rogers pre∣face to the Articles Parag. 20.
• c

  Idem Parag. 23.
• The Articles of Lambeth.
• The high opi∣nions s••me had of these Articles.
• a

  See it cited at large in our History of Cambridge Anno 1595.
• Others value them at a low∣er rare.
• Some flatly condemned both the Ar∣ticles and Authors of them.
• b

  Mr Mounta∣gue in his ap∣peal, pag 55. 56. 71. 72.
• How variously forraign Di∣vines esteem∣ed of them.
• a

  Thysias twice printed them at Hard••ovick Anno 1613.
• b

  Bogerman in his 107. & 108. notes on the second part of Grotius.
• c

  In his an∣swer to the notes of Bo∣german. 2 part. pag. 566. and so forward to pag. 570.
• These Arti∣cles excellent witnesses of the gene∣ral doctrine of England.
• Bp. Wickham, Dr Whitakers, Dan. Hals∣worth, and R••b: South∣well end their lives.
• d

  Bp Goodwin in his Cata∣logue of the Bishops of Winchester.
• e

  De Angliae scriptoribus Aetate ••6. pag. 794.
• f

  Idem ibidem.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 39.
• Anno Dom. 1596.
• The com∣plaint of the Seculars a∣gainst the Je∣suits, and principally a∣gainst Parsons.
• a

  Declaratiō motuum ad Clementein ecita••um pag. 24.
• b

  Camdens Eliz. in Anno 1594. p. 72.
• c

  Watsons Qu••••libets. p. 109 & 236.
• A general calm.
• The death of Bp Fletcher, and Bishop Coldwell.
• The death of Laurence Humfry.
• A great Anti∣quaries good intention discouraged.
• The charity of a Spanish Protestant.
• The acts in the Parlia∣ment.
• 1597.
• 40.
• The death of Tho. Stapleton.
• 1598.
• 41.
• See Pitzaeus in his life.
• Idemibidem.
• The death of Dr Cosine.
• The death of Rob. Turner.
• 1599.
• 42.
• Anno Regin Eliza. 42.
• Anno Dom. 1599.
• The death of Rich. Hooker
• An over-poli∣tick act disli∣ked.
• Which shortly will be set forth in a new edition.
• 43.
• 1600.
• The death of I. Sanderson, and T. Case.