The life of the emperour Theodosius the Great written originally in French by the famous Abbot Flechier ... ; Englished by Mr. Francis Manning.

The CONTENTS of the THIRD BOOK.

I. STate of the Eastern Empire. II. State of the West. III. Vertues and Defects of the Emperor Gratian. IV. Revolt of Maximus. V. He draws in the Pagans. VI. He intices the Troops over. VII. He passes the Sea, and renders himself Master of Gaul. VIII. Gratian is abandoned of the Army, and the People. IX. Death of Gratian. X. Maximus sends Ambassadors to Theodosius. XI. The Empress Justine sends St. Ambrose to Maximus. XII. St. Ambrose stops Maximus on t'other side of the Alps. XIII. Theodosius associates his Son Arcadius to the Empire. XIV. Education of Arcadius. XV. Qua∣lities of Arsenius, Tutor of Arcadius. XVI. Con∣duct of Theodosius in reference to the Education of his Son. XVII. Conduct of Arsenius in Relation to Ar∣cadius. XVIII. Reflections of Arsenius, upon his Condition, and his Retreat. XIX. Theodosius assem∣bles the Heads of the different Sects. XX. An easy Method to determine Ecclesiastical Differences. XXI. Theodosius disappoints the Hereticks. XXII. The∣odosius commands each Sect to give its Profession of Faith in Writing. XXIII. Theodosius tears the Forms of the Hereticks. XXIV. Confusion of the Hereticks. XXV. Edicts of the Emperor against the Hereticks. XXVI. Clemency of Theodosius. XXVII. Wise remonstrance of Amphilochus. XXVIII. The Pagans attempt to rise in the West. XXIX. Humour of Symmachus; his request for the

[An. 383] altar of Victory. XXX. Consequence of the request of Symmachus. St. Ambrose writes to Valentinian to op∣pose it. XXXI. Answer to the request of Symmacus by St. Ambrose. XXXII. The Pagans lose their cause. XXXIII. New efforts of the Hereticks. XXXIV. Edict of the Empe∣ror against the Hereticks. XXXV. The Jews prohited from keeping Christian Slaves. XXXVI. Birth of Honori••s. XXXVII. Treaty of the three Emperors. XXXVIII. Cruelties of Maximus. XXXIX. St. Martin begs the pardon of two Criminals. XL. Maximus ende••∣vours to gain St. Martin, and makes him eat at his Table. XLI. Errors of Priscillian, and his follow∣ers. XLII. An Ecclesiastical cause carried to a Sec••∣lar Tribunal. XLIII. Prudent remonstrance of St. Mar∣tin. XLIV. Condemnation of Priscillian; consequence of his death. XLV. Ordinance of Theodosius con∣cerning Ecclesiastical judgments. XLVI. Sacrificing to Idols prohibited. XLVII. Reformation of manners. XLVIII. Deliverance of Prisoners at the Feast of Easter. XLIX. Death of the Princess Pulcheria. L. Death of the Empress Flaccilla; her Vertues. LI. Aversion of the Empress Justine for St. Ambrose. LII. Edict against the Catholicks. Constancy of Bene∣volus. LIII. St. Ambrose is provoked to a Dispute before the Emperor. LIV. St. Ambrose refuses to come to a conference in the Palace. LV. Orders to deliver the Churches of the Catholicks to the Arians. LVI. The People shut themselves up in the Cathedral. St. Ambrose refuses to abandon i••. LVII. Negotia∣tion to have a Church in the Suburbs. LVIII. Vain Attempts of the Empress to reduce St. Ambrose. LIX. Deputation of Lords to the Emperor. LX. The Persecution ceases. LXI. Pretence of Maximus to enter into Italy. LXII. Irruption of the Gro••ungues; their Attempts to pass the Danube. LXIII. Vigilance, and Dexterity of Promotius. LXIV. Defeat of the

Grotungues. LXV. Theodosius arrives at the Camp; gives Liberty to all the Prisoners. LXVI. The Grotungues enrolled in the Service of the Emperor. LXVII. Rash Action of Gerontius. LXVIII. The Grotungues slain. LXIX. Theodosius cites Ge∣rontius to appear; orders him to be taken up, LXX. Theodosius writes to Maximus, and to the Empress ••uf••ine upon the subject of St. Ambrose. LXXI. Second Emhassy of St. Ambrose to Maximus. LXXII. A••dience given to St. Ambrose. Maximus perplexed. LXXIII. St. Ambrose discovers the Intentions of Maximus. He is not believed. LXXIV. Entrance of Maximus into Italy. Flight of Valentinian and Justine. LXXV. Policy of Maximus. LXXVI. Valentinian and Justine arrive at Thessalonica. Wise remonstrance of Theodosius. LXXVII. The∣odosius concludes upon War. Marries the Princess Galla. LXXVIII. New Impost. Sedition of Anti∣och. LXXIX. Resolution taken against the City of Antioch. LXXX. Desolation of the Inhabitants of Antioch. LXXXI. Descent of the Solitaries into Antioch. LXXXII. Journey of Flavian Archbishop of Antioch. LXXXIII. Discourse of the Archbishop to Theodosius. LXXXIV. Theodosius pardons those of Antioch. LXXXV. Malice of the Historian Zozimus. LXXXVI. The Widow Olympias re∣fuses to marry Elpidius, the Emperors Kinsman. LXXXVII. Persecution made to the Widow Olympias. LXXXVIII. Olympias restored to her Possessions. LXXXIX. Theodosius disposes himself to a War against Maximus. XC. Theodosius renews his Edicts against the Hereticks. XCI. Maximus prepar••s for War. XCII. Treason discovered in the Army of Theodosius. XCIII. Valentinian and his Mother embark themselves. XCIV. Theodosius surprizes Maximus in Pannonia. XCV. Passage of the Save.

Victory of Theodosius. XCVI. Theodosius marches against Marcellin, and wins a second Battle. XCVII. Death of Maximus, and Andragatius. XCVIII. Moderation and Clemency of Theodosius. XCIX. False Reports dispersed by the Arians. C. Sedition of the Arians. CI. Ordinance of Theodosius against an Eastern Bishop. CII. Remonstrance of St. Am∣brose to the Emperor Theodosius. CIII. St. Am∣brose publickly reprehends the Emperor in a Sermon. CIV. Theodosius repeals the Ordinance. CV. Description of the Altar of Victory. CVI. The seve∣ral States of this Altar under the Emperors. CVII. The Deputies of the Senate petition the Emperor for this Altar; Theodosius denies it. CVIII. Theodosius goes to Rome to receive the Honor of Triumph. CIX. The Regulation which Theodosius made in Rome. CX. Symmachus pronounces a Panegyric in Honor of Theodosius. He is in disgrace, and recalled a little while after. CXI. Divers Regulations. CXII. News of the Ruine of the Alexandrian Temples. CXIII. Conversion of several Pagans. The use which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 made of the Golden Idols. CXIV. Departure of Theodo∣sius. Death of the Empress Justine.

(Book 3)

THE HISTORY OF THEODOSIƲS the Great. BOOK III. (Book 3)

I. THeodosius reigned peaceably in the East. His people lived in quiet and abundance, and his Adversaries were become his Friends. Whilst the whole World re∣vered his greatness, or were afraid of his power, he applied himself to regulate his Dominion, and to re-establish in its purity that Religion, which his Predecessors had oppressed; and he regarded the Peace which he enjoyed, as a Reward for that he gave the Church.

II. The Empire of the Weft had been no less successful, if the weakness, or negligence of the Emperors had not afforded occasions for revolts, and Civil Wars. The young Valentinian who had * 1.1for his division Italy, Africk and Illyrium, was not yet of a capable Age to govern, and the Empress his Mother abused his name, and his Authority. * 1.2

She was an Arian, and thought it a good piece of service to her Son, to render him so too. The cares of her Regency extended no further than to the obtaining of a Bishop of her own Party, or to the depriving the Catholicks of a Church. She distributed her favours to those, who obliged her with a compliance to her passions, and she could not imagine that the State could have other Enemies, than those who opposed her error. All things were to be feared under an infant Empe∣ror, in whom were imprinted ill apprehensions of things, and under a Heretic Empress, who was more sedulous for the advancement of her Sect, than sor the peace and security of the Em∣pire.

* 1.3 III. Gratian, who reigned on this side the Alps, was in the flower of his Age, formidable to his Enemies, over whom he had obtained several victories. He had a great fund of justice, and natural goodness, which might have gained him the affection of the People: but he abandoned himself to the interessed counsels of his Ministers, * 1.4and had no manner of application to business. He was of a sweet temper, polite, modest, com∣plaisant. He was a Scholar; and whether he was to speak in public, or write in Verse and Prose, it was easie to judge that he had improved by the instructions of Ausonius, and that Ausonius had sound in him an excellent Genius. As for his inclinations, they were all generous, and disposed to good. He enjoyed in the heat of his youth * 1.5the chastity and temperance of an old man. He was not only sincere, but also liberal to his Friends. He loved to grant favours, and sought even to prevent desires. Never was Prince more

active, or more vigilant in war: he was always at the head of his Troops, and marched the first to the Enemy. After the fight▪ he took care of the wounded Soldiers, whom he went to com∣fort in their Tents: he lookt after all their neces∣sities himself, and oftentimes dressed their wounds with his own hands.

* 1.6 All Ecclesiastical Authors commend his Piety toward God, and his most ardent zeal for the pu∣rity of Faith. So many great qualities, joyned to an admirable grace in all his actions, and to the beauty of his Face, seemed as an earnest of his happiness. But he had so great an aversion for labour, and such an extream passion for hunt∣ting, and other corporal exercises, that he consum∣ed whole days in lancing the Javelin and shooting * 1.7beasts in a Park. His Governors entertained him in this idleness instead of exposing to him the inconveniences of it; and whilst this young Prince made an imployment of a Recreation, and reposed all his glory in an unprofitable dexterity, they were Masters of affairs, and applied them∣selves to their particular Interests.

* 1.8 IV. Things were in this condition, when Maximus General of the Roman Army in England, made himself to be proclaimed Emperor. Be∣sides that his Ambition had disposed him of a long time to attempt all things to Reign, and that descending from the house of Helena, the Mother of Constantine the great, he lookt upon the Empire, as his propriety, he could not dis∣pence with Gratian's preferring Theodosius before him. Nettled against one, and jealous of the other, he immediately won the cheif Officers of * 1.9the Army. He drew the most part of the Eng∣lish

Lords to his side, and afterwards made use of all the favourable conjunctures to introduce rebel∣lion into Gaul and Italy.

Gratian had attempted to ruine the Religion of the Pagans, which his Father, through Policy, had always spared. He had already weakned it * 1.10considerably, by retrenching the Revenues which the Priests enjoyed, and the Sums which the State had been obliged to furnish towards the main∣tenance of Sacrifices. He had invested the Pre∣fect of Rome with power to examin all controver∣sies relating to Idolatry. He would not even ac∣cept * 1.11of a title, which ••avoured of superstition, refusing the name and habit of Chief Priest, which his Predecessors, for reasons of State, had retained till then. So generous a zeal incensed the Pagans, and especially some Roman Senators, who were the Chief.

V. Maximus finding them disposed to favour his revolt, made them hope that he would restore to their Gods the Honor which they were just deprived of, and that he would re▪establish their Altars, their Priests, and their Sacrifices. Altho' he was a Christian, he appeared to them so much inclined to restore the Adoration of their Idols, that they respected him as their Deliverer, and began to extol him highly, as if Gratian had been the Tyrant, and Maximus ••he lawful Prince. Thus the one betrayed the Emperor by a prepos∣session of Religion, the other betrayed his Reli∣gion by a violent passion of becoming Emperor.

VI. He debauched the Army as easily as he had enticed the Senate. Gratian had not ma∣••aged the Officers of the Roman Trrops as he ought

to have done. He frequently preferred Alain Soldiers before them, and other Barbarians, whom he honored with his Confidence and Favors; and whether he found them fitter for his diversions, or was in hopes thereby to attract to his Service all their Nation, he kept them about his Person, and even took pleasure in dressing himself after * 1.12their Mode. This conduct made him odious to the Legions, who had ••erved him with so much advantage; and to obtain the affection of Stran∣gers, he lost himself in the opinion of his own Soldiers. Maximus made use of this oppor••unity: He underhand sollicited those Troops, who were already but too sensible of the contempt which was entertained of them. Some add, that he sent them advice of his secret correspondence with * 1.13Theodosius, and that he acted in concert with him.

One Empire did not suffice the ambition of this Rebel. He thought that after having ruined Gratian, he might easily compass the end of Va∣lentinian, and his Mother Justine: The age of one, the infirmity of the other, and the hatred of all good men, which they had procured by persecuting the Catholicks, made him hope to render himself Master of the two Empires, to become formida∣ble at least to Theodosius, and to enjoy without di∣sturbance the advantage of his crimes.

VII. Upon this expectation he put himself to Sea, and came to descend with his Army to∣wards the Mouth of the Rhine. The Troops * 1.14which were in Quarters about Germany, acknow∣ledged him immediately for their Emperor, and all the Garrisons received him. Gratian, asto∣nished at this Revolution, assembled that part of the Army, which he had retained near him, and

advanced towards the Rebels, with a resolution to give them Battle. The two Armies were about five days in sight of each other, without Maximus's coming to a decisive Battle. Then the Legions dissatisfied with Gratian appeared disordered. All the Moorish Horse detached it self to go and joyn the Rebels; the body of the Army followed their example; the People, who love Novelty, and are always of the strongest side, declared themselves presently after, and Maximus was absolute in Gaul, as soon as he ar∣rived there.

VIII. Gratian, upon the first noise of this Revolt, had called the Huns and Alains to his Relief; but they did not come in time. There remained only near his Person a few Troops, whose Fidelity was sus∣pected to him. Thus, being abandoned of his own men, refused of the Cities he passed by, scarce any one to defend him, nor even to ac∣company * 1.15him, he wandred in his own proper Empire. At length he fled towards the Alps, attended by Three Hundred Horse, which he had assembled with much ado, in order to assist him in his Flight: but he found all the Passages guarded by those he had reason to mistrust. He went back again, uncertain of the way he was to take to save himself. As he arrived at Lions, he had ad∣vice * 1.16from several places, that the Empress his Wife was coming to seek him, in order to accompany him in his adversity.

IX. This Prince forgetting for a time the dan∣ger he was in, more affected with the misfortunes of this Princess, than his own, recalled in his mind all his Love, and passed the Rhine with a design

to meet her. As soon as he was upon the Shore, he discerned a Litter encompassed with Guards. He hastened to it: but he saw come out, instead of his Wife, Count Andragatius General of the Horse, whom Maximus had dispatched after him in haste. This Traytor having surpriz ed him in his Snares, seized him, and most inhumanely murdered him, the Four and twentieth of Sep∣tember, in the Eight and twentieth Year of his * 1.17Age, and the Sixteenth of his Empire.

Such was the Destiny of this Emperor. He ••uffered Death with Constancy; and all the con∣cern he had upon him was for the absence of S^t. Ambrose, who might have disposed him to a holy Death. The Church, which he had always de∣fended, * 1.18bemoaned his loss; and those, who reign after him, may draw from him this instruction, that it concerns their Reputation, Peace, and even Safety, to govern by themselves those States, wherewith they are charged.

X. Maximus puffed up with so many Successes, was ready to pass into Italy, and surprize Valenti∣nian, a young Prince without Experience, and without Force. But besides ••hat, it was necessary to give some Orders in the Provinces newly sub∣dued, he judged it convenient, before he passed the Alps, to sound the intentions of Theodosius. He sent Ambassadors to him, with Instructions to offer him his Friendship, if he would associate him to the Empire, or to declare War against * 1.19him, if he refused it. Theodosius being sensibly touched at the Death of Gratian his Friend, and Benefactor, had already resolved to revenge it; but as he had reserved himself but a small number of Troops, since the general Peace throughout the

East, he was afraid lest Valentinian should be op∣pressed, before he was in a condition to defend him. He dissembled his design, and replied to the Ambassadors, that he accepted the Offers of Maximus; that he did not oppose what the Army had done for him; and since he possessed the place of Gratian, he lookt upon him as his Suc∣cessor to the Empire. The necessity of things * 1.20obliged him thus to treat him as a Collegue, till he was in a posture to declare himself his Enemy.

XI. But whilst he entred into Negotiation with him, the Empress Justine imagined every mo∣ment, that Maximus was coming to thunder upon Italy. She had neither Army to oppose him, nor expectation of Succor from her Allies. She re∣solved then to send Ambassadors to him, in order to prevail on him by her Submissions, and to stop him on t' other side of the Alps. But she found no one in her Court, who could, or would under∣take so difficult a Negotiation: insomuch that she was constrained to have recourse to S^t. Ambrose. She suspended for a time the Hatred which she had conceived against him, and conjured him on the part of the Emperor, her Son, to undertake this Embassy. The holy Bishop willingly accept∣ed of this Employment, and went away in haste, being resolved to sacrifice his Repose, and his very Life for his Prince and Country. He found Maximus in a state of enterprizing all things. His Conquests, instead of satisfying his Ambition, had incensed him. To be Master of Gaul, Spain, and England, he accounted of small importance, if he did not reign in Italy: He came from spilling the blood of one Emperor, he went to chase the other from his Empire.

XII. But this Prelat spoke to him with so much force, and performed so well by his eloquence and address, that he made him abandon the reso∣lution he had taken to pass the Alps. His Arms fell out of his hands, and whether the respect and veneration he conceived for this great man, had suggested to him some great moderation, or that he perceived his Passions to relent by his affecting free discourses, or else that God, who is the Master of Kings, and lets loose Tyrants in his an∣ger, and retains them when he pleases, had pre∣scribed his bounds to this; did, without know∣ing why, what St. Ambrose desired of him. Con∣trary to all appearance he stopt at Gaul, establish∣ed at Treves the seat of his new Dominion, and took the Title of Augustus with the consent of the two Emperors. He repented afterwards of having lost so favourable an opportunity, and * 1.21complained often that the Archbishop of Milan had enchanted him.

XIII. About this time Theodosius observing his Son Arcadius to grow up, resolved to declare him Augustus, altho he was but Seven or Eight Years * 1.22old. The Ceremony was performed in a Palace called the Tribunal, designed for the Coronation of the Emperors, in presence of all the Lords of the Court, and several Bishops. Every one testi∣fied by his Acclamations, the joy he had to see this Young Prince invested with the Imperial Habits, and wished that he might possess the Vertues of his Father, as he had received his Dignity.

XIV. Theodosius was extreamly satisfied with having made a new Emperor out of his Family▪ and with the public Approbation. But he was more intent upon his Education than his Establish∣ment, and thought it was of little importance to leave him ample Territories, if he did not leave him Wisdom to govern them. He had a long time sought for the wisest and learnedst man of the Empire, to entrust him with this Infant, who was one day to be the Master of so many People. He had sent to the Emperor Gratian concerning it▪ and Gratian had entreated Pope Damasus to make himself a choice of so much moment, and to di∣spatch him to Constantinople, whom he should esteem worthy of this Employment. This Pope, who was well versed in good literature, had an exemplary Piety, and an excellent Judgment, cast his Eyes upon Arsenius Deacon of the Roman Church, whose Vertue and Learning he was ac∣quainted with.

XV. He was a man of a very noble Family, absolute in the Greek and Latin Tongues, in Hu∣man Sciences, and the Study of the Holy Scri∣ptures. As worthy as he was of the greatest Sta∣tions, and the chief Dignities of the Church, he never had any other prospect than that of his Sal∣vation. Altho his inclination had ever disposed him to a retirement, and that he was very austere in relation to himself, yet he did not fly from an honest Society, and was troublesom to no body. Damasus proposed him as a wise man, who lived in the Court without being corrupted, and who would give not only good instructions to the Prince; but also good Examples to the Courtiers.

XVI. The Emperor received Arsenius as a Treasure sent from Heaven itself, and prayed him to be careful of the Education of Arcadius, to look upon him as his own Son, to take over him all the Authority of a Father, and to make of him by his instructions a wise and pious Emperor. He re∣commended to this Young Prince, Docility, Obe∣dience, and Respect, and repeated to him several times these words: Remember, my Son, that you will * 1.23be more obliged to your Tutor, than to my self. You have from me your Birth and an Empire; you will learn of him Wisdom, and the Fear of God, and from henceforth he will more justly claim the Title of Father, than I. He was wanting in nothing, that might conduce to authorize the Master, and render the Pupil more respectful▪ for happening one day to enter into the Chamber of the Prince in order to assist at his Lecture, and having found him seated, and Arsenius standing before him, he complained of both.

Arsenius would excuse himself upon the honor he thought himself obliged to ••ender to an Em∣peror; and upon the Respect which the Purple, wherewith he was invested, imprinted in him. But Theodosius without hearkening to his excuses, commanded him to sit down, and his Son to stand, and be uncovered during Lecture▪ and to take away all subject of Decorum, he ordered the Prince to lay aside all the marks of his Dignity, when he went to his Study; adding that he should hold him unworthy of the Empire, if he did not know how to render to every one his due, and with his Learning did not observe Acknow∣ledgment and Piety.

XVII. Arseni••s applied himself not only to teach his Pupil good Literature, but also to edu∣cate him in the Faith, and in the Exercise of Christian Vertues. He studied his inclinations, and maintained them, or redressed them as they were good or bad. This young Prince was of a lively, open-hearted Temper, of an easy and agreea••le Humor, his Sentiments all noble and generous, and had a Soul naturally inclined to Re∣ligion and Justice. But he was averse to Labor, inconstant in his Friendships▪ ready and susceptible of all ••orts of Impre••••ions, and more disposed to credit those who flattered him in his defects, than those who endeavored to reclaim him.

Arseniu•• foreseeing the fa••al consequences, that might proceed to an Emperor from these vicious Habits, after having attempted in vain to reform them by address, resolved to repress them by a discreet severity. He reproved him several times, he complained to the Emperor his Father of his ungovernable Temper; he joyned at length cha∣stisement to his complaints and reprimands. Ar∣cadius took the correction for an injury, and had a mind to rid himself of his Tutor. He communi∣cated his design to one of his Of••icers, in whom he reposed much confidence, and commanded him to deliver him from a troublesome man, wh•• misused him. This Officer promised him to exe∣cute his Orders, for fear he should charge some body else with them, and went secretly to adver∣tize Arsenius, that he might provide for his own security.

XVIII. Altho Arsenius saw well, that it was nothing but a Childish passion, which might

have no consequence, yet making Reflections upon the unhappiness of Princes, who love al∣most as soon as they are born, those who delude them, and esteem those for Enemies who correct them, he seriously considered about leaving an Employment, wherein he hazarded his Life if he persisted in his constancy, and his Safety, if he took a soft, and remiss conduct. Heaven deter∣mined him almost at the same time to a profession more quiet and more holy▪ For as he asked God in the fervency of his Prayer, what method he should take to save himself, it is reported that he * 1.24heard a Voice, which answered to him, Arsenius, avoid men, 'tis the means to secure thee.

A few days after he went out of Constantinople disguised, and took Sanctuary in the Deserts of Egypt, where he passed above Fifty years among the Solitaries of Scete, without holding any cor∣respondence with the world, living only upon Roots, scarce affording some few moments of sleep to the infirmity of Nature, employing days and nights in Prayer and Lamentation in his Cell, and fixing himself with an entire application of mind to his Salvation, till he arrived at the Age of Fourscore and fifteen years.

The Emperor received with a very sensible dis∣pleasure, the news of Arsenius's retirement, with∣out knowing the occasion of it. He made him to be searched for through the whole extent of the Empire, but God had a mind to conceal him from the world, after he had drawn him from thence, in order to make of him a perfect model of a penitent and solitary Life. Arcadius did not know the loss he had sustained; but the People felt the effects of it, when confirmed in his Passi∣ons, governed by his Women and his Eunuchs,

preferring and destroying his Favorites himself, he gave occasion for those Revolutions, which began to ruine the Roman Empire without recovery.

XIX. Theodosius, after he had established his Son, applied himself to regulate the Affairs of the Church, which were no less considerable to him, than those of his Family. To satisfy his Zeal, and to leave no cause of Division in the East, when he should be in a condition to march against Maximus; he attempted on a sudden to confound all the Heresies, and to reunite all minds in the same Belief. In order to which, he summoned to Constantinople the Heads of the different Sects, to give an account of their Faith, and their motives of separation from the Catholicks. They all re∣paired * 1.25thither, some to endeavor a re-establish∣ment in those Bishopricks which they had for∣merly usurped, the rest to sustain their opinions in a regular dispute.

The Emperor discovered his design to the Archbishop of Constantiuople, and consulted him upon those measures he should esteem most proper for the Reunion of Religions. This Prelate, who had grown old at Court without any acquain∣tance with the holy Scriptures, or Ecclesiastical Rules, and moreover very little instructed in the state of the Questions and Controversies of the time, found himself in an extream perplexity. He was afraid of Disputes and Confer••••ces, and knowing his own small Capacity, he had recourse to Agelas Bishop of the Novatians. This Prelate sent him back to Sisinnus, who was as yet but a Reader in their Church, and did not cease to be very intelligent in all kind of Learning, well versed in the reading of Church Authors▪ This man advised

him to obstruct disputes and contests in the Synod, saying, that they provoked mens minds, instead of perswading them; that the de••ire of conquest, or the shame of being overcome, carried the wisest to dangerous extremities; and that by this method Charity was almost always injured, and Truth never brought to light.

XX. After which he proposed a compendious way to terminate those differences, without en∣tring into long disputes of Learning. It was to take for the Judges of the presen•• controversies the antient Doctors of the Church, who had ex∣plained the Mi••teries of the Christian Religion; adding that if the Hereticks insisted upon the testi∣monies of the antient Fathers, it was easie to con∣vict them, and if they refused to submit thereto, they would render themselves odious to the People.

N••••tari••s made good use of this advice, and came forthwith to confer with the Emperor about it. This Prince found that it was the most concise and easy expedient to succeed in his design; and rejoycing that he was disentangled from all those fruitless subtilties, which he did not understand, and that he could reduce to one single point so easy to prove, all the questions which divided the Church, he managed the affair with abundance of Prudence. One day when the Bishops were as∣sembled, he entred into the Synod, spoke to them with much Sweetness and Gravity; and after having exhorted them to Peace, and a research after Truth, he questioned them concerning th••ir opinions of the holy Doctors, who had treated of the Faith, and Doctrine of Jesus Christ before the last Here••••es; they answered, without Haesi∣tation▪

that they acknowledged them for their Masters, and had a profound Veneration for them. Then Theodosius, Either condemn those, said he to them, whom you just now praised, or confess what they have written concerning the Divinity of Jesus Christ.

XXI. He spoke these words in so firm and ab∣solute a tone, that the most obstinate remained without reply, confounded that they had betrayed themselves by acknowledging the Authority of the Ancients. The Emperor, who saw them in dis∣order, urged them to make choice of one or t'o∣ther party: but as error is never at union with it self, there was a division amongst them. The Demi-Arians, who thought to be able to explain the Fathers in their favor, consented to a perseve∣rance in the Doctrine of Antiquity; the rest, who could not save themselves but by dispute, demanded to come to a discussion of the points contested: They grew warm insensibly one against another, as far as to upbraid each other with their opinions, either as contrary to the Testimony of the ancient Church, or as unwarrantable in Reason.

XXII. The Emperor taking the advantage of the disturbance they were in, declared to them that he would himself take care to unite them, and commanding every Sect to give him its Pro∣fession of Faith in writing, he went out of the Assembly. The most qualified amongst them were charged with the preparation of these Forms, which they concerted all together with an extream exactness, weighing all the words and syllables, and seeking all the softest methods to reconcile the Emperor to them, without doing prejudice at the ••ame time to their opinions.

Theodosius having sent for them a few days after they came to the Palace. Demophilus, who had, been chased from the See of Constantinople, declared by writing that the Son of God was but a creature; that he was not begotten of his Father, but had been created out of nothing; Eunomius Native of Cap∣padocia, a man of a busie and seditious Spirit, who had been Bishop of Cyzicum, and whom even those of his own party could not endure, brought his Pro∣fession of Faith, as impious as the other, but con∣ceived in terms more magnificent and respectful in reference to Jesus Christ. Eleusius, Chief of the Macedonians, presented his at the same time, wherein he enlarged himself upon the G••eatness and Dignity of the Son of God, but rejecting the term of consubstantial, and still adding some Blasphemies against the Holy Ghost. He was a wavering man, and of little solidity, who had ••epented twice of his error, and relapsed into it as often, and at last died in Schism. The Patriarch Nectarius, and Agelas a Novatian Bishop gave also their Confession of Faith, in which they defended ••he Doctrine of the Nicean Council, and main∣••ained the consubstantiality of the word.

XXIII. The Emperor took these Forms with ••uch civility, and retired into his Closet. He * 1.26••erused them, and after having made his Prayer •• draw the blessings of Heaven upon the Action e was going to do, he re-entred into the Hall ••here were the Arian Bishops: There, tearing in ••eir presence their Confessions of Faith, and pre∣••rving none but that of the Catholicks, he decla∣••d to them, That he was resolved to suffer no other eligion in the whole extent of his Dominions, than that ••ich acknowledged the Son of God to be Consubstantial

to his Father; That it was time for them to reunite, and to receive the wholsom Doctrine of the ancient Church; That he would use all his Authority for the glory of God, from whom he held it; and that regarding them as his Adversaries, who should be those of Jesus Christ, he should know well how to make hims••lf obeyed in a Point, wherein was concerned the safety and repose of his Subjects. Af∣ter which he dismissed them, without staying for their Answer.

XXIV. The Majesty of the Prince, their di∣vision, their surprize, the approaching ruine of their Sects, the shame of having so ill defended their Causes, caused trouble and confusion in their minds. They withdrew from Court, and soon observing themselves to be abandoned of the greatest part of their Followers, they at length assembled together the remainders of their Par∣ties, and were reduced to tell them for all their comfort, That the number of the Elect was small; that the truth was usually persecuted upon earth; and that their Faith would be so much the more agreeable to God, as Men had more Authority to oppress it: which they had not been careful to declare, when they oppressed the Church themselves by force and vio∣lence.

* 1.27 XXV. To accomplish the destruction of these Heresies, the Emperor immediately sent out an Ordinance, whereby he prohibited Hereticks to assemble together, to instruct the People either in City or Countrey, to be possessed of any building that should have any manner of likeness to a Church, in a word to say or do any thing in private or publick, that was contrary to the Catholic Reli∣gion; permitting all the good Men of his Empire

to unite themselves in order to the chasing from civil society all those who should dare to contra∣dict this Ordinance. He likewise enjoined all Officers and Magistrates to oblige the Arians to confine themselves within their Cities and Pro∣vinces, lest by a too free communication with the People, they should disperse abroad their veno∣mous Principles. And to be assured of the ex∣ecution of his Edicts, he ordered the Magi∣strates of those Cities, wherein the Arians should hold any Congregation, to be most severely punished, and the houses, wherein they should be caught, confiscated.

XXVI. There was need of an Authority like his, to repress a Sect so rebellious, so extensive, and so imperious. But notwithstanding all his vigor, he still retained much goodness. He terrified the * 1.28Hereticks, without ordaining any Punishments for them. He kept them in obedience, without exacting forced Conversions; and leaving to God the affecting their hearts by his grace, he contented himself to humble them, by the little esteem he made of them, or to attract them by the favors which he shewed to all those who returned to his communion, and never came to threatnings, till he had practised all the ways of sweetness.

This candid Behavior oftentimes disturbed the Catholicks, who, by an inconsiderate zeal, were always for extirpating their Enemies. It gave oc∣casion for a wise Remonstrance, which was made to him by Amphilochus Bishop of Iconium. Theodosius had resolved, as we have said, to abolish the mul∣titude of Religions; and in order to gain the heads of Parties, or at least not to frighten them, he had several Conferences with them, and invi∣ted

them by very pressing Considerations to hearken to a reunion. The Conducts he had with them, and the Civilities which he shewed them, gave a disturbance to several holy Bishops, who did not pierce into his designs. They were afraid of his being surprized by those artificial Men, who knew how to disguise their malice, and did not want Intrigues and Cabals in Court. They were also afflicted at his refusal to renew his Edicts against the Arians.

XXVII. As they found themselves obliged to go in a Body to wait upon this Prince, in order to the performing of their Duties to him, and to his Son Arcadius, lately created Emperor; Amphilochus a Prelate venerable for his Age, the purity of his Faith, and the knowledge of the holy Scriptures, otherwise very simple, and unpolished, followed the rest to the Palace. As soon as he came into the Hall of Audience, and appeared before Theo∣dosius, * 1.29he made him his Compliment with a very profound respect; and approaching afterwards to Arcadius, who was seated by his side, God preserve thee, my Son, said he to him, smiling faintly, and stroaking him upon the head. All the Company blushed, and the Emperor touched at this despi∣sing Behaviour, and those injurious Caresses which he made to his Son, made a sign to the Guards to take away the indiscreet old Man. Then the ho∣ly Bishop turning himself, said to him in a free and serious manner, You are offended, Sir, when your Son is not as much honoured as your self. Don't you imagine that the heavenly Father is as tenderly sensible of the injury which is done to him, by those who refuse to adore his Son, and who blaspheme against him? The Empe∣ror admired this rustical wisdom, which was of

more account than all the prudence of the chil∣dren of this world. He asked pardon of this Pre∣late, and after he had returned him thanks for his instruction, he gave him an assurance that he would make the best use thereof.

XXVIII. Whilst the Hereticks deplored their ruine in the East, the Pagans, under the conduct of Symmachus the Senator, endeavoured to raise themselves at Rome. The Conjunctures were fa∣vourable. Maximus amused them in this design, and Valentinian was afraid of incensing Maximus. They wanted nothing but an opportunity to de∣mand the re-establishment of their Religion, it was not long before they found one.

There hapned this year a great scarcity of Pro∣visions throughout all Italy, as well by reason of the Winds and Droughts, as the little foresight of the Magistrates. Rome found itself reduced to all the extremities of Famine. Bread was sold there at an excessive Rate, and was only to be had by measure; the People were constrained to live * 1.30upon Acorns and Roots; necessity encreased every day. They were obliged to discharge this great City of part of its Inhabitants, and chased away the poorer sort, as if it had been lawful to add Exile to Poverty; and to consider those as Stran∣gers, who were in the greatest want of Re∣lief.

XXIX. Symmachus at that time held the first Rank in the Senate. His Quality, his Eloquence, his Employments, and the reputation of his Pro∣bity, rendred him very considerable to the Empe∣rors. But whether it was out of a strong prepos∣session for the worship of false Gods, or out of a

vain desire to support a decaying Religion, and to govern in the Party, he became not only trouble∣som in occasions, but also unfaithful to his Ma∣sters. He honoured them more or less, according as they spared, or oppressed the Idols. All the Edicts against the Pagans appeared to him Sacri∣ledges; and all the publick Calamities passed in his mind for vengeances of incensed Heaven.

This Man always ready for new Intrigues of Complaint, or to present Petitions for the service of his Gods, supposing that the Famine, and the other misfortunes of the Empire, were divine Punishments, made up an eloquent Request, which he sent to the Emperor Valentinian. He entreated him, in the quality of Prefect of the City, and in the Name of all the Senate, to re-establish the Religion of Rome; to have regard to custom, and to the antiquity of a reasonable belief; to leave to this People accustomed to their liberty, the use of their Consciences at least; to re-establish the * 1.31Altar of Victory, that Goddess, who had never forsook the Romans in their military Expeditions; to retain the name of her, if he did not fear her power, and to be willing at least to dissemble, after the example of some of his Predecessors, what he had resolved not to permit.

He introduced Rom▪ all bathed in tears, who re∣demanded of her Emperors that Worship where∣in she had grown old, under which she had sub∣dued all the World. He remonstrated as he went along, that it was too late to correct her; That if he was unwilling to acknowledge her Gods, he should leave them at least in repose; That it was credible, that all breathing the same Air, and being covered with the same Heaven, they adored in the bottom the same thing; That there were divers

Philosophies, and that it was of no importance by what method they obtained the truth, provided they arrived there.

He added, That it was strange that magnificent Princes should reform what covetous Princes had established; That the Royal Treasury, instead of being filled with the Spoils of the Enemy, was enlarged by the retrenched Pensions of the Priests and Vestals, who made Vows for the Prosperity of the Empire; That the Famine, and other pub∣lick Misfortunes, proceeded neither from the in∣fluences of the Stars, nor the rigor of Winters, nor the droughts of Summers, but from the wrath of God, who took away Necessaries from all those People who deprived their Ministers thereof.

He concluded by the Examples of the last Em∣perors; and exhorted Valentinian to leave Men the liberty which his Father of happy memory had permitted, and to consider that Gratian his Bro∣ther had followed the counsels of others, and did not know of his disobliging the Senate, when he attempted that change in Religion. He pressed the Council to determine suddenly thereupon, as if he had had measures to take upon the Answer which was to be received, as well to terrify the Court, as to give them no opportunity of consult∣ing Theodosius.

They well foresaw that this Emperor would not be favourable to them, for they knew that * 1.32he had sent Cynegius, Praefectus Praetorio, into Egypt, with orders to shut up the Temples, to abolish Sacrifices, to prohibite the Pagans the exercise of their Religion, not only in Alexandria, but like∣wise throughout the East; which this Officer had begun to execute with much Authority, with∣out

committing at the same time any vio∣lence.

XXX. The request of Symmachus, mixed with respect and boldness, presently astonished the young Valentinian. He feared all things, and had still before his eyes the bloody image of Gratian assassinated by his own proper friends. The Em∣press, who governed, considered her security, more than her Religion; and the reason of State was going to determine her against Justice and Piety. St. Ambrose had information of it, and opposing his lively and generous exhortati∣ons to the bold entreaties of the Gentiles, he wrote forthwith to Valentinian, and represented to him; That there was but one God, whom Emperors were obliged to obey, as well as the least of their Subjects; That it was to renounce his Faith, to consent to a pro∣fane worship; That the revenues of the Pagan Priests having been confiscated, it would not be to restore them * 1.33their own, but to give them his; That they had much reason to complain of some retrenched priviledges, they, who had neither spared the Churches, nor the very blood of Christians; That it was just to have regard to the demands of persons of quality and merit, but that in affairs of Religion he ought to consider God alone; That their zeal to support falsehood was an example, which ought to encourage him to perfect the truth; That to reserve to himself the liberty of committing no Sacriledge, was not to enterprise upon the Liberty of Rome; That it was matter of astonishment, that men of parts should demand of a Christian Prince the re-establishment of Idols.

It was about two years since the Pagans had presented a like Request in the name of all▪ the Senate; but it was afterwards discovered, that

it was nothing but a Cabal of some Senators, who abused the name of their Society, whereof the greatest part disapproved of this action, and put into the hands of Pope Damasus an act of pro∣testation against the Request. St. Ambrose did not cease to alledge this example, to lessen the fear he might conceive of the Senate. He made him at length apprehend the vigour and zeal of the Bishops, and said to him with his usual liber∣ty, What will you reply to a Bishop, who shall tell you, the Church hath nothing to do with your presents, since you make them to the Pagan Gods? Go, and dispose of * 1.34your offerings elsewhere, you that raise up the Altars of Idols. Jesus Christ is not concerned to receive your ho∣mage, since you render as much to his adversaries. Has not he expressed to you in his Gospel, that one cannot serve two Masters? The Christian Virgins have no pri∣viledges, and you afford them to the Vestals. And do you think that the Priests pray for you, who prefer the prayers of Gentiles before theirs? will you cast your self upon your minority for an excuse? Every age is per∣fect for Jesus Christ, and the very Infants have con∣fessed him.

XXXI. In fine, he conjured him to decide no∣thing thereupon, without knowing the opinion of the great Theodosius, who ought to be instead of a Father to him, and whom he had been used to consult in affairs of importance. In the mean time he asked Valentinian for a copy of this wri∣ting, and a few days after he composed an answer for him full of strong and judicious reflections. He protests immediately that in the necessity * 1.35wherein he finds himself of taking his precauti∣ons, and to illustrate this affair he searcht the soli∣dity of reasoning, leaving Symmachus all the glory

[An. 384] of eloquence and politeness, because 'tis the pro∣perty of Pagan wits to dazzle the mind by colours as false as their Idols, and to say great things, being unable to express what's true. He makes Rome speak, and declare with much grace and gravity, That she has subdued the World by the va∣lour of her VVarriors, and not hy the adoration of her Gods; That she doth not blush at her alteration, since she corects herself; That she doth not ground the good∣ness of her Religion upon years, but upon manners; That she had rather hear the will of God by the word of God, than by the intrails of murdered animals. That no body can speak better of God, than God himself; and that those men, who were not sufficiently enlightned to know themselves, could never arrive at the knowledge of their Creator.

Afterwards he mocks at the Request of Symma∣chus, and represents that there is this difference between the Gentiles and the Christians, that the one entreat the Emperors to restore Peace to their Gods, and the others beg of Jesus Christ to grant Peace to the Emperors; That the one could not dispense with the least retrenchment of their re∣venues without complaint, and the others deprive themselves of their possessions, and resign their lives with satisfaction; That the Vestals wanted Priviledges and Pensions, as if they were unca∣pable of being chaste for nothing; whereas the Christian Virgins content themselves with a course Vail, which hides their Face, and renouncing for ever their Riches as well as their Pleasures, they find all the reward of Vertue in Vertue it self.

Then he remonstrated, that they were much to blame for attributing all the misfortunes of the State, to the retrenchment of the pensions of the

Priests and Vestals; That if their Gods revenge rhemselves upon the whole Empire, for the in∣jury which was done to some particulars, they are unjust, and the vengeance is worse than the crime; That it is a long time since their Temples were deprived of all their priviledges, and hitherto they have not minded to send down revenge; That nothing had been done for their pacification, and yet the Fields were covered with an abundant Harvest, and that the Plenty was universal. In a word, he laughed at the precipitation which they testified for the Altar of Victory, which was but a name and a success of battels; and he exhorts Valentinian to consider in this occasion what he owed his Faith, and the remembrance of his Brother.

XXXII. This affair having being examined in tha Emperors Council, altho this Court managed it self rather by considerations of policy, than by rulys of piety, it submitted to the reasons which St. Ambrose had alledged. The respect which they had for Theodosius, whose sentiments they were not ignorant of, prevailed over the fear which they conceived of the Tyrant Maximus, and it was judged better to afflict a small number of Senators, than to offend all the good men of the Empire. Insomuch that Symmachus carried away nothing but the glory of having exercised his Eloquence, and well enough defended his bad cause: which gave occasion for a Poet of that time to say, That Vi∣ctory must be a Goddess very blind, or very ungrateful, since she had abandoned her Defender to assist her Enemy.

XXXIII. If the single name of Theodosius stopt in the West the bold pretensions of Idolaters, his

authority compleated in the East the ruine of the Arian Sect, whose fierce and seditious humor he had feared. Gregory of Nazianzum, who then lived in solitude, did not cease to hold correspon∣dence at Constantinople; and altho he had made a resignation of the Archbishoprick of this City, he preserved still the tenderness of a Father for that Church, which he had as it were raised from the dead. He was advertised by some of his Friends, that these Hereticks had Houses of retreat in Con∣stantinople, where they secretly dispersed their er∣rors, and where they hoped by their intrigues to be able to elude the rigor of the Prince's Edicts. He learnt at the same time, that those of the Sect of Apollinaris had the confidence to make a public Profession of their Doctrine, and openly to hold Assemblies, and that if order was not suddenly taken, all that had been hitherto done would be of no importance.

XXXIV. This holy man wrote to the Arch∣bishop * 1.36Nectarius concerning it, with all the re∣spect he owed to his Dignity, but with all the Zeal he had for Religion, and revived the dor∣mant Piety of this Prelate, whose intentions were good, but who was neither resolute enough, nor sufficiently active. The Emperor having been * 1.37informed of this disorder, resolved to put an effe∣ctual remedy thereto, and ordered the publication of a solemn Edict, whereby he commanded an exact research after all those, who either taught or professed errors; that suspicious houses should be examined, and that without having regard to quality, or the protection of any one, those infa∣mous Persons should be driven from the City, and from the Society of good men; so that living

without correspondence they might be injurious to no body, but themselves.

* 1.38 XXXV. He regulated almost at the same time another disorder, which had reference to Religion. The Jews having lost all hopes of raising them∣selves, after the vain endeavors of the Emperor Julian to re-establish them, and being unable any longer to exercise their usual cruelties against the Christians, attempted to seduce some of them at least. To which end they bought Slaves that were baptized; and whether by perswasions, me∣naces, or force, they obliged them to renounce the Faith of Jesus Christ, and to embrace their Superstitions. Theodosius broke this commerce, and made an Ordinance, by which he prohibited their having any Christian Slave or Servant, pre∣serving thus the unsteady Faith of the infirm from all the snares, which domestic and foreign enemies laid for it.

XXXVI. Thus he reformed in time of Peace the disorders of the Empire, when God, to re∣compense him for the cares he took of his Church, gave him a second Son, who was named Honorius. * 1.39All the Court was extreamly joyful at the Birth of this Prince; and Theodosius observing the num∣ber of his Children to encrease, and enjoying the sincere affection of the People, acknowledged that Piety was the true cause of the repose of States, and the Prosperity of Families.

XXXVII. About this time Maximus had Am∣bassadors at Constantinople; and altho he was peaceable possessor of those Provinces, which he had usurped, he still kept up his Negotiation with

Theodosius. He had a mind to conclude a Treaty with him, in order to make appear that he was not only associated to the Empire, but also allied with the Emperors. The affair succeeded ac∣cording to his wish. Theodosius made Valentinian enter therein, and the Alliance was accomplished between these three Princes. Their prospects were of a different nature. The Empress Justine, who absolutely governed her Son, engaged him to demand a Peace, to the end that being deli∣vered from all fear, she might restore dejected Arianism, and humble the inflexible Spirit of S^t. Ambrose, who thwarted all her designs. Maximus, who watched but an occasion to throw himself into Italy, intended nothing but to honor himself by a Treaty, which he was resolved to infringe at the first opportunity. Theodosius, who feared the oppression of Valentinian, and was himself threatned with the irruption of the Grotungues▪ consented to all things. Thus it was probable a war would soon break out, since one was only retained by fear; the other lost nothing of his fierceness, or immoderate ambition; and that the last still maintained in his heart the desire of a just revenge.

XXXVIII. In the mean time each governed his Dominions according to his temper. Maximus, after having rendred himself Master of the Empire, whether he thought his Reign not secure without the destruction of the principal Friends of Gratian, or else wanted the confiscation of their Estates, in order to satisfy those Troops, who had not betrayed their Prince for nothing, put to death * 1.40Merobaudes, a man illustrious for his Prudence, for his Integrity, and for several Consulships.

He banished the Count Balion, one of the greatest Captains of his time, with orders to the Guards who conducted him, to burn him alive in the place of his Exile; which obliged him to kill * 1.41himself upon the way. He seized upon Count Narses, and Leucadius one of the most famous * 1.42Magistrates of Gaul; and making a crime of State of the fidelity they had preserved to their Empe∣ror, he destined them to the last punishment.

XXXIX. S^t. Martin Bishop of Tours, departed in haste in order to obtain their pardon. He cast himself at the feet of Maximus, and prayed him not to spill innocent bloud; but he received only an ambiguous answer. He redoubled his instances, and threatning him with the judgments of God, * 1.43he entreated him, as if he had been commanded; but still no positive assurance could be drawn from him. Yet Maximus had some difficulty to refuse his demands, and lost before this Prelate his natural haughtine•••• and brutality He call'd him oftentimes into his Closet, and heard him speak of heavenly things. He suffered his remonstrances, with his free and generous actions. He prayed him to eat at his Table; and when the Saint refused it, saying, that he would not participate of the Table of a man, who had dispossessed an Emperor of his Life and Empire; he answered to him, That the Army had raised him to the Throne against his will; that he had maintained himself therein by his Arms; that God himself seemed to have established him by so many won∣derful successes; and that if any one had lost his Life, it had been the misfortune of war, and not his fault.

XL. The Passion of obtaining this Bishop, so renowned for his Vertues, and his Miracles, the desire of sweetning the refusal which he had made him by outward Caresses, and especially the thoughts of winning, by appearances of Piety, those good Men whom he had scared by his Per∣fidiousness, obliged him to seek with so much haste the communication of the Saint, which he at length procured after long solicitations: but whatsoever Veneration he made appear for his Person, he had no regard to his Remonstrances, nor to his Prayers in the affair of Priscillian Bishop of Avila, and some of his Followers.

XLI. These Hereticks, Spaniards by Nation, joined to the Errors of Sabellius, and the ravings of the Manicheans, all the impurities of Gnostics, in their nocturnal Ass••••blies with divers Women, whom they had ••uced. They covered all their Infamies with some appearances of humility, an affected negligence in their habits, and a surprizing austerity of life. As this corruption, which an Egyptian had lately sowed in Spain, dispersed itself there, some Bishops opposed it: but their zeal not being accompanied with charity, they persecuted those whom they might perhaps have brought over by moderate Proceedings. They were cited before Councils. The Emperor Gratian had granted an Order to chase them from the Cities and Churches where they were, and even from all the Dominions of the Empire. But they found means to get themselves established again; and by Presents, or Intrigues, they won the Ministers of the Emperor, and chased their Adversaries at their turn.

XLII. These having learnt that Maximus was [An. 385] going to pass into Gaul, attended him there, went to find him at Treves, and presented to him a bloody Petition against Priscillian and his compa∣nions. They were all referred to a Council, which was to be held at Bourdeaux. Priscillian fearing to be deposed there, would not answer and appealed to the Tribunal of the new Emperor. The Ca∣tholick Prelates, by a shameful compliance, de∣murred to this Appeal, and this Cause Ecclesiasti∣cal in every Point became a Civil Cause. The Accused was brought to Court, and the Accusers followed him, being resolved to destroy him, with∣out putting themselves to the trouble of convert∣ing him.

XLIII. St. Martin, who was then at Treves, knowing that particular Passions had a greater share in this matter, than the love of Truth, re∣monstrated to them several times, That their Con∣duct was scandalous; That they lost the merit of their Zeal by their obstinate Accusations; That they subverted the whole Order of Ecclesiastical Judgments; That it was not a fitting thing to defend the Cause of God by humane Passions, nor becoming for Bishops to pursue to death any Criminal whatsoever.

They, to whom this instruction was directed, were incensed at it, instead of making an advan∣tage thereof. They were enraged to that degree, as to accuse him of being the Protector of the Hereticks, and a Heretick himself. But the Saint laughed at this Calumny, and continued to pray the Emperor to let those miserable persons live, representing to him, That he ought to stand to the

Sentence of the Council, which chased them from their Sees; and that it was a thing unheard of, for a secular Prince, such a one as he, to judge Eccle∣siastical Causes. Maximus being affected with his Reasons, promised to save their Lives; but they provoked him in such a manner, that he referred the business of Priscillian to Evodius the Praetor, and made him condemn him to be beheaded.

XLIV. This execution was the ground of seve∣ral disorders: for the punishment of this Arch-Heretick did but corroborate his Heresy. Those of his Sect made a most stately Funeral for him, and honoured him as a Martyr; and those, who caused him to be condemned, abusing their own credit, and the favor of the Court, persecuted Men of worth at their pleasure. To fast, and love retire∣ment, * 1.44was sufficient to make a Man suspected to them; it was a Crime to be wiser, and more re∣formed, than they. They, who had disobliged them, were presently Priscillianists, particularly when they might be Victims agreeable to the an∣ger of the Prince, or might encrease his Treasury with their Spoils; for they deprived of life and * 1.45possessions according to their fancy, and preserved the friendship of the Tyrant by Reproaches, Cru∣elties, and other Actions, resembling his.

XLV. Whilst Maximus enterprized upon the Rights of the Church in the West, Theodosius re∣established them at Constantinople. For some Bi∣shops having brought an Ecclesiastical Cause be∣fore a secular Tribunal, and persons, whom their Age and Characters rendred venerable, having been cited and examined, he was much displeased when he heard of it. He made an Edict imme∣diately,

whereby he prohibited all his Judges ordi∣nary or extraordinary to undertake those Causes which related to Religion; willing, that the Bi∣shops, or other persons consecrated to God, should have their particular Judges, their Laws and their Formalities of Justice apart, and that Ecclesiasti∣cal matters should be referred to the Heads of those Diocesses wherein they should happen.

XLVI. He forbid the Pagans almost at the same time to sacrifice to their Gods, and to search Futurity in the entrails of slain Beasts, as well to * 1.46stop the insolence of some, who might have pre∣vailed by their Correspondences in Italy, as to take from them the occasions of vain hopes by super∣stitious Presages and Observations, which had oftentimes caused Troubles and Seditions in the Empire.

XLVII. He applied himself also to a reforma∣tion of Manners, and repressed the liberty of cer∣tain * 1.47singing Women and Players upon Instru∣ments, who went from house to house, and by im∣modest Songs, and soft, effeminate Airs, corrupted the minds of Youth.

* 1.48 XLVIII. After he had thus restored Order and Discipline in his Dominions by severe Ordinan∣ces, he illustrated his Indulgence and his Piety by an Act of Clemency and Pardon. The Emperors * 1.49had been used to deliver Prisoners every year to∣wards Easter, in order to preserve some Criminals upon that day, wherein was accomplished the Mystery of the salvation of Mankind. Constantine * 1.50the Great had put the same in practice, his Chil∣dren had followed his example, and the young

Valentinian had made a Law of this custom. But the Piety of Theodosius went further; for he pub∣lished an Ordinance, whereby he commanded the Prisons to be set open, and the Criminals to be re∣leased, to the end that partaking of the holiness and joy of the sacred Mysteries, instead of Com∣plaints and Lamentations, they might send up to Heaven the cryes of Praises and Thanksgivings, and that every one in this day of rejoycing might address in peace his Vows and Prayers to God, without being interrupted by compassion or hea∣viness.

* 1.51 He added those words which a Pagan Emperor once said, and which St. Chrysostom esteemed so worthy of a Christian Emperor: Would to God I was capable of opening the Tombs, as well at Prisons, and to revive the dead, as I do the living, by pardoning their Crimes.

But lest a too great clemency should give occa∣sion for the commission of all kind of wicked∣ness, the Emperors made some exceptions in mat∣ters that tended to great consequences, and which deserved not to be comprehended in this Par∣don.

* 1.52 XLIX. These diligent, and so important Cares which Theodosius took to regulate the Empire, were interrupted by his affliction for the death of the Princess Pulcheria his daughter. Altho' she was but in the first years of Infancy, he was very sen∣sibly concerned at her loss. He ordered her Ob∣sequies to be very magnificent, and Gregory of N••ssa, who was then at Constantinople, pronounced the funeral discourse. Scarce had he begun to comfort himself for this first misfortune, but there arrived another which rendred him inconsolable;

for the Empress Flaccilla his Wife died suddenly in a Village of Thrace, where she was gone to take the Waters.

L. This Princess was born in Spain, of the an∣cient Family of the Aelians, from whence the Emperor Adrian was descended: but she was be∣come more illustrious by her vertues, than her birth. Her chief employments were Prayer, and the care of the Poor. She went to visit them, served them herself, and was proud of descending to the lowest Ministries of Christian Charity. She * 1.53took care of all the Sick in Hospitals and Prisons, and as horrible as their distempers were, she pro∣vided for them with her own hands. They would oftentimes remonstrate to her, that there was a devotion more conformable to her dignity, and that it was neither necessary, nor even becoming for her to condescend to those last offices of Piety, which she might entrust with some of her do∣mesticks. But she answered, That she left to the Emperor the care of distributing his Treasures, and to render the Church important services, by making the * 1.54whole majesty of the Empire serve to the glory of Re∣ligion: That as for her, it was a sufficient honour to her to offer to God her little cares, and the humble ser∣vice of her hands; and that she could not testify her acknowledgment to him, but by descending from the Throne wherein he had placed her, to serve him in the person of his Poor.

This humility did but augment the esteem which the Emperor had for her, and gave her every day more influence upon the spirit of this Prince. She made use thereof to no other advan∣tage, than to give him profitable advice, in speak∣ing to him of the Divine Law, wherein she was

perfectly acquainted, and inspiring him with that zeal for Religion wherewith she was inflamed. She often set before his eyes what he had been, for fear he should abuse what he was. Exciting thus his acknowledgment, by the recital of those Favors which he had received from God; and supporting his Piety, which the perplexity of bu∣siness, and the exaltation wherein he found him∣self, might have weakned. She was more desirous to see him holy, than she was joyful to observe him Master of the World. Altho' she had great parts, she would never know more in matter of Religion, than was necessary for her salvation. She detested the impiety of the Arians almost as much as that of Idolaters, and frequently said, That, there was but little difference between those who adored * 1.55Gods that had no existence, and those who would not acknowledge Jesus Christ to be one. So would she never entertain any Commerce with them, avoid∣ing the snares which they laid several times for her curiosity, and taking no other rule of her Faith, than the decisions of the Nicean Council. She even averted the Emperor from the design, * 1.56which had been suggested to him of going to hear Eunomius, who preached at Calcedon over against Constantinople, and whom the Arians made pass for the finest genius, and most eloquent Theologian of his Age. By this means she hindred these Here∣ticks from giving ill impressions to this Prince, and the honour he should have done to them, was of no service to encrease the reputation of their Ora∣tor, or to authorize their Assemblies. Theodosius lost this dangerous curiosity, and even chased from his Palace some of his domesticks, who had a secret correspondence with Eunomius.

All these vertues of the Empress made her loss to be lamented. As soon as the news of her death was dispersed, all the City was in mourning, the Poor melted into tears, the People run in multi∣tudes to the place where she was dead. Theodosius made her Body to be transported to Constantinople; and in the oppression he was, he could find no consolation but in rendring to this Princess all the honours which were justly her due. She left two living Children, and found again in Heaven two more, whom God had taken to himself a little after they were born. Gregory of Nyssa made her * 1.57funeral Elogy in presence of the Emperor, where he calls her the Pillar of the Church, the Treasure of the Poor, and the Sanctuary of the miserable.

LI. It was about this time that the Empress Justine incensed against St. Ambrose, thought she might discover her resentment. The death of Gratian, the distance of Theodosius, the Treaty con∣cluded with Maximus, gave her the freedom of acting in the whole extent of her power. The Catholick Bishop elected at Sirmium in spite of her, the Church which she had obtained by sur∣prize in Milan, and which she had been obliged to restore, her Arianism reduced to her own Officers, and all her enterprizes against Religion crossed, immediately returned into her mind. She resolved to destroy this Archbishop, who ruined all her measures.

LII. She made an Edict in the name of Valen∣tinian her Son, whereby ••he permitted to the Arians the publick exercise of their Religion, and declared all those who should dare to oppose it, Authors of Sedition, Disturbers of the Peace of

the Church, guilty of High-Treason, and worthy of Death. She called Benevolus first Secretary of State, and commanded him to draw up this Edict; but he excused himself, chusing rather to lose his station, than to authorize an Ordinance that was against his Faith. The Empress pressed him to afford her that satisfaction, and promised to raise * 1.58him to higher Posts: but this Man, who esteemed himself more honoured with the Title of Catho∣lick, than with all the Dignities of the Empire, replied to her generously, I must not buy your Honors at this price, Madam; resume that which I possess, and leave me my Conscience, and my Religion. At these words, he cast at the Feet of this Princess the Girdle, which was the mark of his Dignity, and retired to Bresse, where he passed the rest of his days in the exercise of Christian vertues.

LIII. It was no hard matter to find an Officer to supply his room, and the Edict was immediately signed. But the Arians were at a loss for a Church, and had to do with an Archbishop, who was resolved not to yield them one. Justine had elected Bishop one Auxentius, a Scythian by Nation, expelled his Country for his Crimes, who had but an indifferent spirit, yet occasioned much noise. She was of opinion, that he should provoke St. * 1.59Ambrose to a publick dispute in the Palace, hoping to discredit him, if he refused it; or if he accepted of it, to declare him vanquished by Judges peculiar to her Interest, and so to drive him from his Ca∣thedral. The Tribune Dalmatius had Orders to go and make the Proposal to the Archbishop, and to mark the day which the Emperor had taken for this Conference, to the end that he might re∣pair to the Palace with the Judges he should have chosen on his side.

LIV. The Saint being surprized at this Propo∣sition, after he had consulted some Bishops that were near him, wrote to the Emperor, That the Proposal which was made to him, was contrary to the Rights of the Church, the Custom of preceding Ages, and the Laws of the great, Valentinian his Father; That it was not just for Laicks, or Gentiles, to be Judges of * 1.60the Controversies of Faith; That in matter of Religion, Emperors were to be judged by Bishops, and not Bishops by Emperors; That he might dispose of his Life, but that he could not oblige him to dishonour his Priesthood; That he would answer Auxentius in a Council; That he would treat of the sacred Mysteries in the Church, but that he could not come to the Palace for that end, nor acknowledge for a Judge of Faith a Prince as yet very young, who was not a Cathec••mene. He pray'd him to pardon his liberty, which was neither against the Respect, nor the Obedience which he owed him; and to excuse him, if he did not come him∣self to wait upon him with an Answer, because the Bishops and the People retain'd him, and that to abandon his Church in this occasion, was to deliver it up.

LV. The Empress being unable to engage the Saint to a Dispute, resolved to get him carried off. She corrupted, by Promises and Silver, a Man who waited for him several days in a house ad∣joining to the Church, with a Chariot always ready to seize upon him, and bear him full speed out of the City. But the Enterprize was disco∣vered. There remained nothing more but to op∣press this Prelate, whom they could not surprize. For this effect, Justine commanded all the Catho∣lick Priests to leave their Churches. Auxentius

had Orders at the same time to take with him as many Soldiers as he would, and put himself in pos∣session of them.

LVI. The noise being then dispersed about the City, that Soldiers were sent to seize upon the Churches, and to kill the Archbishop, if he made any difficulty of resigning them into their hands, the People run from all Parts, and enclosed them∣selves within the Cathedral, being resolved to defend both Church and Pastor to the last drop * 1.61of their blood. St. Ambrose comforted the People by his constancy; by assurances of God's pro∣tection; by very edifying discourses of Piety; and by singing of Psalms which he had instituted, such as was practised in the East.

They had passed some days and nights in this condition, when the Tribunes invested the Church with their Soldiers, and summoned the Archbishop by vertue of the last Edict to resign it to them, offering him, as an act of mercy, the liberty of retiring with those who had a mind to follow him. The holy Prelate answered to them, That they might oppress him in his Church, but that he would never leave it voluntarily; That if they came to question his Revenues, or even the Funds of the Church, he would dispense with that violence; but as for the inheritance of Jesus Christ, he would preserve it to the expence of his own Life; That indeed he had for Arms nothing but Lamentations, Tears, and Prayer; but that if he could not resist, however he would not fly; That he saw well how far the power of the Emperor might extend, but that he knew also how far the patience and constancy of a Bishop, who little esteemed the loss of his Life, provided he retained for God that fidelity which he owed to him, ought to extend also.

LVII. Then the wisest Ministers remonstrated [An. 387] to the Emperor the difficulties of this Affair, and advised him to get rid of it by some accommoda∣tion, since the Court was engaged therein. The Governor of the City, who was charged with this Negotiation, came the next day to find the Arch∣bishop, and very civilly told him, That he had very reasonable Proposals to make to him; That the Emperor * 1.62left him his Cathedral, and was contented to have a Church in the Suburbs, which was called the Portian Basilick; That since the Prince was pleased to relax on his side, it was convenient, for the advantage of Peace, that he relaxed also; That furthermore, he counselled him as a Friend to satisfy the Court, and even to do it speedily. The People prevented the Reply, and unanimously cryed, pursuant to the intentions of their Pastor, That there was no Composition to be had thereupon; That the Catholicks should be left the Churches which belonged to them. The Governor then de∣spaired of succeeding, and went his way, to give his Master an account of the unhappy effect of his Negotiation.

LVIII. It was then that the malice, shame and anger of the Empress was manifested. She com∣manded all the Officers of the Guards to march with their Companies, and render themselves Ma∣sters of the Portian Church. They went there to execute their Orders; the People run in Arms to oppose them. It was the morning of Palm-Sun∣day; and St. Ambrose, after having preached, was going to begin Mass, when he received informa∣tion of it. He did not cease to celebrate the Sacred Mysteries; and having learnt in the time of the Offering, that an Arian Priest was fallen

into the hands of the Citizens, and run the hazard of being torn in pieces, he sent his Priests and his Deacons to save his life. Then dissolving into tears, he beg'd of God to grant his People peace, and offered him his own life several times, for the safety of those who persecuted them.

In the mean time all the City was in a terrible * 1.63confusion. There was nothing to be seen but Soldiers and Citizens armed, the one for the Prince, the other for Religion. The Magistrates to appease this tumult, filled the Prisons with a great number of Tradesmen, and condemned to heavy punishments those who seemed to be most warm. But these corrections, instead of putting a stop to this disordered populace, did nothing but incense it. There went some Counts, some Captains of the Guards, and Gothick Officers to S^t. Ambrose, in order to advise him not to retain the People, and to put an end to this disturbance, since the Emperor demanded of him nothing more, than a Church of the Suburbs, and that it was fit he should be Master in his own Empire. The Holy Archbishop answered to them, That the Em∣peror had no right upon the house of God; That he was ready to give up to him the small possessions he had left; That as for the Church, it was a crime for a Bishop to resign it, and a sacriledge for a Priest to seize upon it; * 1.64That for the rest, he was so far from exciting the People, that he restrained them, and exhorted them to defend themselves but with tears and prayer; but that if they had been once in a fury, it appertained to God alone to pacify them. These Officers had nothing to reply to him, and retired much improved by his con∣duct. The Archbishop went to visit a Church called the Ancient Basilick; and after having com∣forted the Inhabitants of that Quarter, he retired

to his own house, and would never permit himself to be attended or guarded.

In the mean time, the Empress resolved to go the next day with the Emperor to take possession her self of the Ancient Basilick. She sent some Soldiers there to seize upon it, and to set up the Imperial Canopy therein. They came in haste to inform the holy Prelate that this Church was lost, and that they heard the miserable crys of those who were within, who implored his assistance, and that it would be convenient for him to go in person to oppose this Usurpation. But he replied, That God would look after it; That as for him, he would not oppose force to force, nor turn the Temple of the Lord into a Field of Battle. He resolved notwith∣standing to make use of spiritual Arms, and that Autho∣rity which his Ministry allowed him.

In effect, being entred into his Cathedral, where an infinite number of People attended him, he solemnly excommunicated all the Soldiers that had the Insolence to seize upon the Churches. They, who had invested the Cathedral, having received notice of it, went in by couples, protesting that they entred not as Enemies, but as Brothers; and that they came to pray, and not to fight. St. Am∣brose received them, and began his Sermon upon the Book of Job, which had been just read be∣fore.

In the mean time they, who had possessed themselves of the ancient Basilick, were scarce got in, but struck with an inward remorse, they deputed some of their Officers to the Emperor, to tell him, That they had executed his Orders; That they attended him at the Church, in order to serve him there according to their Charge, if he communicated with the Catholicks; but that if he was of the Arian Party,

their Consciences obliged them to go and find the Bishop Ambrose. This unexpected Blow alarmed the Palace; it was necessary to take down the Cano∣py, and to renounce the Enterprize.

LIX. The Emperor was still much more sur∣prized, when the chief Officers of the Empire, and the principal Lords of the Court came in a Body most humbly to entreat him, in the Name of the whole Army, to go to Church in those days con∣secrated to the Passion of Jesus Christ, to the end that the People being a witness of his Piety, and the purity of his Faith, might be secured from all their fears. This deputation vexed him so much, that he answered to them angrily, I see well that I am here but the shadow of an Emperor, and that ye are. Men, who would deliver me up to your Bishop every time he shall give Orders for it. In the anger he was in, he sent upon the spot one of his Secretaries to St. Ambrose, to ask him, If he was resolved to resist obsti∣nately the Orders of his Master? And if he pretended to usurp the Empire as a Tyrant, to the end that he might prepare War against him? The Saint answered to it wisely, That he had sustained the Rights of the Church, without deviating from the Respect which was owing to the Emperor; That he reverenced his Power, but that he envied it not; That he had nothing further to do, than to ask Maximus, If Ambrose was the Tyrant of the Emperor Valentinian? That Bishops were never known to be Tyrants, but it had often hapned that they had suf∣fered the Persecutions of Tyrants. Calligonus the Eunuch, Great Chamberlain, had a mind to make a Droll of it; and, to please his Master, he sent to tell the Archbishop, That he should cease to be diso∣bedient and rebellious, if not, he would come himself to behead him in his own house. The Archbishop made

answer to him, That he would receive the Blow with∣out being amazed; That they should have both where∣withal to be content, the one to suffer what Bishops have * 1.65been used to suffer for the sake of God, the other to do what Eunuchs ordinarily do for the pleasure of Men.

LX. At length the Persecution ceased, when it appeared most warm. Valentinian began to be sensible, That his Authority was abused. The City in disorder, the Court displeased, the Army resolved to live in the Communion of the Archbishop, the visible Protection of Heaven upon the Catholicks, the dangerous Consequen∣ces which might proceed from the Passion of Justine, if he persisted in following her. All these Reasons obliged him to restore things to their first posture, and to recall the Soldiers who had invested the Churches. At this happy news of Peace, the whole City was transported with joy. The People left their Arms. Every one ran to Church, not to guard it again, but to render thanks therein. Some went to kiss the Altars they had defended, others sung Psalms and spiritual Songs. They congratulated one another for their constancy, and casting themselves at the feet of their Archbishop, made for him a sort of Religious Triumph by their Acclamations, and their Prayers for his Pros∣perity. The Archbishop being affected with a Joy altogether spiritual and modest, referred to God all those Praises which were given to him; and by his lively, moving Exhortations, encoura∣ged his People to lead a life conformable to the Faith which they had so couragiously defended.

The Empress alone remained obdurate, and employed the blackest and most execrable methods to destroy the Saint, demonstrating thereby how far extend the Passions of a powerful, incensed

Woman, jealous of her Authority and Religion. But Fear put a stop to her Fury, and the necessity * 1.66of things obliged her suddenly to have recourse to that very Prelate whom she had so cruelly perse∣cuted.

LXI. Maximus, who secretly prepared to pass into Italy, and sought but for a Pretence to justify * 1.67his Irruption, wrote a Letter to Valentinian, to ex∣hort him to persevere in the Catholick Religion, and to cease the Persecution of St. Ambrose, and of those who persisted at Milan in the Party o•• Truth. He made him even apprehend, that he would declare himself the Protector of this Arch∣bishop. He dispatched O••ders at the same time to his Ambassadors at Constantinople, to complain there of the Empress Justine, and to make it plau∣sible, that he approached Italy in order to secure Religion.

LXII. Theodosius, who could not be pleased with the violent Proceedings of Justine, and saw well that Maximus, under this Pretence, went to seize upon the Dominions of Valentinian, had a mind to advance himself towards the Alps, to retain both one and t'other in their duty. But Thrace was threatned with a new deluge of Barbarians, inso∣much that he durst not be at a distance from it. The Grotungues, a cruel and disturbing People, had left the heart of Scythia, with a design to enter by fair means, or otherwise, into the Lands of the Empire. They were in prodigious number, all armed, and well inured to War. Alatheus and Safrax, Captains of their Nation, who had assisted at the defeat of Valens, had engaged them to this Enterprize, and their King Odetheus conducted

them to it, as to an easy Conquest. Passage was granted to them in some places; they took them∣selves that liberty in others. After having com∣pelled all that made resistance, and collected all that would join with them, they arrived upon the Banks of the Danube, and demanded permission to pass the River. Whatsoever Protestations they made to live in Peace, the Example of the Goths was too fresh, and Theodosius had not the same fa∣cility as Valens.

* 1.68 LXIII. When they saw themselves repulsed, they resolved to pass in spite of the Romans. They had made in a few days 3000 Barks, and attempted the Passage in divers places. Promotus, who com∣manded the Army of Thrace, and had extended his quarters along the River, stopt them every∣where with great loss o•• their side. But since he had Orders to spare the Troops, and besides feared * 1.69the surprizes or efforts of this multitude, he joined dexterity to force. He found in his A••my some Soldiers of an experienced fidelity, who under∣stood the language of these Barbarians, and sent them into their Camp, in order to discover their designs, and to advertise him thereof. These seigning themselves to be Deserters and Malecon∣tents, got to be presented to the King and chief Commanders, and offered to deliver to them the Army and General of the Romans: but they de∣manded such an excessive Recompence, that the Barbarians protested they had not where withal to requite so great a Service. After several Propo∣sals made on both sides, they agreed at last upon a considerable Sum, part whereof was to be paid beforehand, and the other was secure for the day after the execution. They took the hour of em∣barking;

concerted the Signal which was to be given; marked out the place of passage, and pre∣pared all things for the following night.

LXIV. It was resolved, that their best Troops should pass first to assault the Romans, whom they supposed to find asleep; that they should be sup∣ported by the rest of the Army, and that the Women and Children should come after without difficulty or danger in the Barks, which were in∣tended for them. Promotus being informed of the design of the Gortungues, and of the order they were to observe, provided all things on his side. He linked together, three and three, the lightest of his Boats, and extending them about the space of twenty Furlongs all along the River, he formed, as it were, a Chain, in order to obstruct the Descent upon the Shore. He designed the bigger Vessels to keep the River, and to fall impetuously upon the Enemies in the time of their passage. The Troops were disposed conformably to his Pro∣jections. The Moon made no appearance, and the night, to the satisfaction of both Parties, was very obscure. Odetheus embarked in silence with the choicest of his Men, and thought of nothing less than a discovery. But scarce were they arri∣ved at the reach of the Tract, towards the Bank of the River, but they were charged by the Roman Troops, who guarded the Shore. Then they be∣gan to know they were betrayed, and remained in suspence, not daring to advance, and being unable to draw back.

As they were in this disorder, the Romans, who ascended the great Vessels, abandoning themselves to the current of the water, rowed with all the ••orce of their Oars, came to take them in the

flank, and shocked them so rudely, that overthrow∣ing one upon another with their Barks, they drowned the most considerable part of them Those who remained went to strike against the Chain of Boats, and were either knocked on the head, or made Prisoners. After the defeat of the most brave, it was no hard matter to compass the end of the rest, whom the death of their King, and their Companions had put into a Consterna∣tion, and were still in the disorder of the Engage∣ment. Altho' they surrendred at discretion, the heated Soldier had put all to the Sword, but that Promotus made the slaughter cease, and even hin∣dred them from pillaging the Camp, to the end that the Emperor, who was suddenly to come to the Army, might himself be a Witness of this Victory, and might know the consequence of it by the quantity of Spoils, and by the number of the dead and Prisoners.

LXV. Never was Naval Fight more fatal to the Enemies of the Empire. The River was co∣vered with the wreck of so many broken Barks, and overthrown Vessels. There was to be seen heaps of Barbarian Bodies, which the Waves had cast upon the Banks on both sides. Their very Arms were of such a make, that notwithstanding * 1.70they ••ere weighty enough, they did not cease to re∣ascend upon the water. Theodosius came time enough to have his share of this Spectacle. He presently gave his Prisoners liberty, who, finding themselves without a head, and in despair of reaching their own Country again, gave themselves voluntarily to him, and were afterwards serviceable to him in his Wars. He ordered the Spoils to be divided amongst the Soldiers; and after he had com∣mended the Prudence and Valor of Promotus, he

entrusted him with the design he had to declare War against Maximus, and designed him for the command of the Army.

LXVI. Of all these Grotungues, who took part in his Troops, he picked out the most couragious, and best made; and to secure them more firmly to his service, he made a Promise to them of double Pay, presented each of them with a golden Collar, and assigned them quarters in Scythia the less, about the City of Tomes. As they had been accustomed to live without much Discipline, they over run the Country licentiously, and were even incommodious to the City. Gerontius, who was the Governor, prohibited them entrance therein, and threatned them to come out with all his Ga∣rison, and put them all to the Sword; but they despised his Threats. Then this daring and impa∣tient Man assembled his Officers and most ancient Soldiers, and exposed to them the design he had to set upon these strangers; but they refused all to follow him, some by Prudence, others by Cowardice.

LXVII. When he saw himself to be thus de∣serted, he took his Armies, gets on Horseback, at∣tended by some of his own Men, and went to defy this multitude. The Barbarians laughed at his temerity, and were contented to detach some of theirs against him. Gerontius run upon the first that advanced with Sword in hand. There arose betwixt them an obstinate Combat, and after ha∣ving mutually returned several useless Blows, as they came to close, one of the Romans having run to disengage his Captain, discharged so terrible a stroke upon the Grotongue, that he took off his

shoulder, and threw him from his Horse stark dead. The Barbarians admired at the force of this Man, and were in a consternation at the Blow he had made. Gerontius, after he had got rid of one, attacked the rest, and those of his Retinue fought with the same vigor as himself: But what Exploits soever they performed, they could not long resist a great number; and their Presumption had been punished, if some Officers of the Gari∣son, who were upon the walls of the City, and saw their Commander in danger, had not speedily repaired to his assistance.

LXVIII. These having stir'd up the rest by their Example, they no more regarded in the Enterprize of the Governor the violence and passion of a private Man, but the glory of the Roman Name, and the common interest of their Nation. Inhabi∣tants and Soldiers went out together, and so cou∣ragiously assaulted these Barbarians, that there re∣mained but a very small number, who had taken Sanctuary in a Church.

Gerontius thought he had preserved Scythia that day, and made haste to give the Emperor advice of the Action he had performed, as if he had ob∣tained a Victory, for which he was to expect Commandations and Rewards; but Theodosius was extreamly displeased thereat. Besides the loss he had sustained of so many brave Soldiers, whom he had won by his Presents and Civilities, he was still afraid lest the rest of the Barbarians who were in his Pay, should be discouraged from the service of the Empire, or should revenge the death of their Companions, when they found an opportunity of doing it.

LXIX. As he was upon the Point to undertake a considerable War, and that nothing was so dan∣gerous as to weaken the Army of the Empire, and to alienate the minds of the Allies, Gerontius was sent for to Court, in order to give an account of his Conduct. He alledged, That the Groton∣gues had lived disorderly in Scythia; That af∣ter having ruined the Country, they had a mind to render themselves Masters of the City of Tomes; That he had often menaced them, and at last had been constrained to use them as Enemies and Rebels. Notwithstanding he was accused of not only assaulting without order, Troops, over which he had no Authority, but also of having reaped the advantage of their Spoils, and particularly the Gifts which the Emperor had made them.

Upon this Accusation Theodosius having order'd his confinement, commanded a severe exami∣nation of this Affair; and altho' in the end Ge∣rontius justified himself, and he was glad not to lose a Man of courage, capable of the first employment of War, yet he did not cease to retain him in Prison, and to threaten him with death, as well to teach other Governors moderation, as to satisfy a barbarous Nation, who had complained, of the violence of this Man.

LXX. For all Theodosius thought to have shel∣tered the Empire from the Insults of Maximus, yet to take away that Pretence of Religion which he made use of, he dispatched Couriers to him, to assure him, That he was no less offended than him∣self at Valentinian's persecution of the Archbishop of Milan, and all the Catholicks; That he would em∣ploy his Credit with the young Emperor, to confirm him

in the Faith of his Ancestors, and that he hoped to have success therein. He wrote likewise to the Empress Justine to remonstrate to her, That she should be cautious of the danger to which she exposed the Do∣minions of her Son, if she continued to disturb the Peace of the Church; That altho' the designs of Maxi∣mus were unjust, the motive appeared good; and that it would be a difficult matter to maintain against him a War, which the People would believe to be under∣taken for the defence of Religion. These Remon∣strances would undoubtedly have produced all the effect which Theodosius expected from them; but they came too late, and the Affair had already changed its Face.

LXXI. It was heard at the same time, that Maximus made great preparations of War, and that he was upon the point of passing the Alps. Justine; and the Emperor her Son cast their eyes upon St. Ambrose, and pray'd him to forget what was pass'd, and to undertake •• second Embassy to∣wards Maximus. The happy success of the for∣mer, made them hope well from this. The de∣sign was to discover the intentions of this Prince, to divert him from his Enterprize, to maintain the Truce, and to make, if it was necessary, an over∣ture of some new Treaty of Peace, in order to amuse him, and to afford Valentinian an opportu∣nity of providing for his defence, and Theodosius to assist him. The pretence of the Embassy was, to require the Body of Gratian, in order to render him the last Honors.

The Archbishop preferring the publick Interest, and the Service of the Emperor before his own Repose, without reflecting upon the Inju••ies which had been done to him, or those he ••••ght receive

from Maximus, who was dissatisfied with him, ar∣rived in a few days at Treves. The day after his coming, he repaired to the Palace to demand Au∣dience. An Eunuch▪ Gaul by Nation, great Chamberlain of the Emperor, was sent to ask him if he had his Credential Letters, and to tell him, * 1.71That he could not be heard but in full Council. He replied, That it was not the custom to use a Bishop af∣ter that manner; That he had very particular things to tell the Prince, and that he demanded a private Audience. The Eunuch re-entred, and whether he did speak again to his Master, or was already acquainted with his intentions, he returned to him with the same Answer as before.

LXXII. The Archbishop was obliged to retire. He came again the next day, and was introduced into the Council. As soon as he was entred, Maximus rising from his Throne, bent his body towards him as it were to kiss him. The Saint stopt; and when they made signs to him on all sides to advance, and the Emperor himself invi∣ted him, he answered to him, That he did not be∣lieve he would kiss a Man to whom he had denied a private Audience, and a Seat conformable to the Rank which he held in the Church, and to the Dignity of the Prince who sent him. Maximus threw himself upon Complaints, and reproached him with his former Embassy, and those fine words which had seduced him from passing at that time into Italy. But the holy Prelate replied to him generously, That he had taken care of the Interests of a Pupil Prince; That he was proud of it, as of an Action worthy of a Bishop; but that he had not blocked up the Alps from any one; That he had opposed neither Armies, Trenches, Rocks, nor yet false Assurances. After having justified his

own conduct, he justified that of Valentinian, who ••ad disbanded the Huns and Alains, for fear of giving him suspi••••••n, who had always received his Ambassadors with honor, and had sent back his Brother to him, whom he might have put to death by way of Reprizals. In a word, he expo∣••ed to him his Commission, and demanded of him from his Master the confirmation of the passed Treaties, and the Body of the Emperor Gratian, whose murder he had without doubt commanded, ••ince he refused him burial. Maximus being pres∣sed with the remorse of his Conscience, and the ••easons of the Archbishop, had nothing to answer him, but that he was willing to treat with Valen∣tinian, and referred him to another Audience. Some days after having learnt that he refused to commu∣nicate with him, and with the Prelats of his Court, who were of the Schism of Itacus, he made use of this pretence to command him to depart his Do∣minions.

LXXIII. St. Ambrose immediately dispatched a Courier to Valentinian, to give him an account of the ill success of his Embassy, and to advise him not to confide in the golden words of the Tyrant, who under appearances of Peace, concealed a formed design of making War. Valentinian, who had as yet no manner of experience, judged of this Embassy by the event, and sent Domitius, one of his chief Ministers, to renew the Negotiation, and to accommodate, by his ingenuity, what he thought the Archbishop had spoiled by his indis∣creet zeal, or small capacity. Maximus received this new Ambassador with all possible civility, ac∣cepted all his Proposals, and dexterously engaged him to conduct some of his Troops to Valentinian,

to assist him against the Barbarians that disturbed Pannonia. This Minister, glorious of the Honors which he had receiv'd, and the service he thought to have rendred, took the Road of the Alps, leav∣ing, as it were in triumph, the half of an ad∣versary Army, under the name of auxiliary Troops.

LXXIV. Maximus followed him so close, that he entred into Italy almost as soon as he with his whole Army, and marched directly to Aquileia, where he thought to surprize Valentinian. The Consternation was so great, that no one put him∣self into a condition to resist him. Valentinian, who took him for his Ally, observing him to come as an Enemy, considered nothing but his safety. He retired immediately towards the Adriatick Sea, where he embarked with the Empress his Mother, and sailed towards Thessalonica, in order to go and implore the assistance of Theodosius. Maximus, * 1.72displeased that he had missed of the Emperor's per∣son, dispersed himself like a furious Torrent▪ ruining Placentia, Modena, Rhegio, and Bologna, to all intents and purposes, and laying waste all the Ci∣ties he found in his passage upon the right and left. There was no Cruelty, Pillage, Violence, Infamy or Sacriledge, but what was exercised by his Troops. Part of the Citizens were put to the Sword: those, whom that had spared, languishe•• in a miserable Captivity. There was none but Milan, that was preserved from these publick mi∣series; and whatsoever hatred was had for the Archbishop of this City, they suffered him to preach in peace Repentance to his People, so venerable is Holiness even to Tyrants.

LXXV. Then Maximus seeing that all things submitted to his Fortune, stopt, and commanded the Officers of his Army to make the Troops live in order, to the end that he might win the affection of those People, whose weakness he had a sense of. The first thing he did, was to send Ambassa∣dors to Constantinople, to prevent Theodosius, and to remonstrate to him, That he was not entred into Italy with a design to usurp the Empire, but to confirm the Catholick Religion therein, which was going fairly to be ruined. He wrote the same thing to Pope Siricius, and sent him word, That his desire was absolutely to preserve the purity of Faith, without suffering any single Heresy. To gain the Gentiles, he restored the Sa∣crifices which Gratian had abolished, and gave them * 1.73permission to set up again the Altar of Victory in the Capitol. He likewise kept fair with the Jews, by suffering the rebuilding of their Synagogues at Rome. Thus this politick Usurper fitted his Con∣science to his designs and interests.

LXXVI. In the mean time Valentinian, after having incurred several dangers upon the Sea, arri∣ved upon the Eastern Coasts: from thence he sent one of his Domesticks to Theodosius, to advise him of his flight, and the irruption of Maximus, and to entreat him to undertake the protection of a wandring Prince, who had the honour to be his Collegue, his Friend, and his Ally. Theodosius was very sensibly touched at the unhappy state to which this young Prince was reduced, and imme∣diately gave all necessary Orders for War. After which he set out with part of his Court, and ad∣vanced as far as Thessalonica, where he found this fugitive Emperor, and the Princess Galla, whom

the Empress Justine had brought along with her. He treated this afflicted Family with all the civili∣ty * 1.74and tenderness which he owed to the house of the great Valentinian.

After he had comforted them, he spoke to them as a Father, and a most Christian Emperor, and * 1.75told this young Prince, That to remedy his misfortune, it was necessary for him to take away the Cause; That the War he had declared to Jesus Christ, had occasioned that of Maximus; That if he had not God on his side, all the Forces of the Empire would be of no other ser∣vice, than to render his loss the more observeable; That he ought to confide more in the justice of his Cause, than in the number and valor of his Soldiers; That Victory had always followed the great Valentinian his Father, because he had confessed the Faith, and God protected him; That his Ʋncle Valens on the other side, after he had supported an Error, persecuted the Bishops, and massacred the Saints, had been defeated, and burnt ra∣ther through his Impiety, than his Enemies Foroe or Art; That he should make his peace with God, and resume the Faith he had deserted, if he had a mind that the Succors, which were prepared for him, should have all the success which might be expected from them.

LXXVII. This Remonstrance affected the mind of this young Emperor, whom his Misfortunes had already made to return to himself, and fixed him inviolably to the belief of the Catholick Church. Justine, to whom this Admonition was addressed more than to her Son, dissembled her displeasure, and making an appearance of renoun∣cing her Heresy, encouraged Theodosius to War by her Tears and Prayers. This Emperor was deter∣mined upon it; and to give her an assured pledge * 1.76of his protection, he married a little while after; the P••••••cess Galla, her daughter

As he had resolved to take the Field at the be∣ginning of the Spring with a powerful Army, he was obliged to impose a new Tribute to supply the charges of the War, whether it was that the People found it excessive, or that the Officers, who had a Commission to levy it, exacted it with too much Rigor; several Cities murmured at it, but the Inhabitants of Antioch passed from mur∣muring to Sedition. They despised the Orders * 1.77which they had received from the Emperor; and pulling down his Statues, with those of the Empress Flaccilla, his first Wife, they drag'd them through all the streets of the City. An Action so unworthy was accompany'd with the most bit∣ter and outragious words that Fury could inspire them with. Some Historians report, that the night * 1.78before was seen a horrible Spectre, which rising above the City, and clashing the Air with a most dreadful noise, seemed to excite their minds to Sedition.

As soon as the Emperor understood this News, his displeasure was so much the greater, as it was * 1.79just. Besides, that he was of a hasty and sensible nature, the ingratitude of this People whom he * 1.80had always favoured, and the dangerous effects which this example might produce in the begin∣ning of a War, incensed him still more. But that which had the most lively influence upon him, was the injury which had been done to the memory of the Empress Flaccilla, who had been dead about two years since in the reputation of Sanctity, and whose name he held in singular veneration.

LXXIX. To punish so great an Affront, he re∣solved immediately to confiscate all the Goods of the Citizens of Antioch; to burn down all its

Houses, with all those that inhabited them; to demolish it to the very Foundations; to transport * 1.81elsewhere every stone of the place, and afterwards to plow up the ground whereon it stood, to the end that there might remain no sign of this Royal City, which was the Capitol of the whole East. Altho' it was convenient to chastise the insolence of this People, yet there was excess in the anger of the Prince, who involved in the same condemna∣tion the innocent and the guilty. So he came not to that extremity; he contented himself to send to Antioch two Commissioners, Elehecus General of his Armies, and Cesarius Praefectus Praetorio, in order to the discovering of the Authors and Ac∣complices of the Sedition, and to the making of an exemplary punishment thereof.

LXXX. In the mean time this City was in an extreme affliction; Remorse, Fear and Despair had succeeded Fury. Several of its Inhabitants, * 1.82afflighted at their Crime, and the threatnings of the Emperor, forsook their Houses, which they thought designed for pillage. They who remained, had always the apprehension of death before their eyes, and expected nothing but the hour of their punishment. They had no other refuge than the Church, no other consolation than that which they received from the eloquent exhortations of St. Chrysostom, nor other hopes than what Flavian their Archbishop afforded them, who had undertaken to go and find the Emperor, and to intercede for them.

The Commissioners found things in this posture at their arrival. They forbid immediately all the Citizens the Theater, and Circus, and prohibited them the publick Baths. They deprived the City

of the title of Metropolis of Syria, and of the East, and conferred it upon Laodicea; beginning thus to chastise a People so addicted to shews, and so * 1.83jealous of their glory, by the retrenchment of their Pleasures and Priviledges. Which done, they made an exact enquiry after the Mutineers, and filled the Prisons with the guilty, and even those who were but suspected. They confiscated * 1.84the goods of the greatest part of those Persons of Quality, who had committed or been accessary to the crime. Every one was in fear for his Nei••hbors, or for himself▪ and the very Judges could not see without pity so great a desolation. Notwithstanding they executed the orders of the Prince, and kept armed Soldiers about the Palace and the Prisons, left their despair should again ex∣cite a new Sedition.

LXXXI. It was then the Solitaries, who lived in the Neighborhood of Antioch, descended from their Mountains in order to afford some comfort * 1.85to this afflicted City. They suggested to some a disengagement from the world, and the contempt of death; they assured others of the protection of God, and the mercy of the Prince: they p••o∣tested to all, that they were come to obtain their pardon, or to suffer with them.

After they had remained whole days at the en∣trance of the Palace, to sollicit the Judges, they lay down all night at the Prison gates, ready to give up their Lives and Liberties for the safety of their Brethren. Sometimes they embraced the knees of the Magistrates, sometimes they spoke to them with authority from God.

One amongst them, by name Macedonius, a plain man, and without any experience of the

world, but of eminent piety, meeting two of the Judges in the midst of the City, commanded them to alight from Horseback. These Officers, who saw nothing in his Habit, or Person, that might afford him any authority, grew angry im∣mediately against him: but when they had learnt what was the Sanctity of this Solitary man, they quitted their Horses, embraced him, and asked him pardon. Then this old man, filled with a divine Wisdom, raising his voice, said to them, Go, my Friends, and make this remonstrance to the Em∣peror from me. You are an Emperor, but still you are a man. You command Men, that are the Images of God. Fear the Anger of the Creator, if you destroy the crea∣ture. You are so offended at the overthrowing of your Images, shall God be less when you have thrown down his? Yours are insensible, his are alive and rational▪ Your Statues of Brass are already mended and repaired; but when you shall destroy men, how will you be able to redress your fault? Will you revive them, when they are once dead? These words, enlivened with Zeal and Charity, made an impression upon the minds of these Officers, and the Emperor himself was affect∣ed at them, when they were reported to him: So that instead of the threatnings which he had made to the Inhabitants of Antioch, he justified himself; and discovering the cause of his anger, If I had been wanting, said he, they ought not to have carried their displeasure to a Princess, whose vertue de∣serves nothing but commendations. They, who should have felt themselves offended, ought to have directed all their anger against me.

The other Solitaries were not less couragious. They went to find the Magistrates, and begg'd of them to pronounce a favorable judgment, and to absolve the Criminals. As they could receive no

other answer, than that they were not Masters of [An. 388] the affair; that it was dangerous to leave a crime of State unpunished, and that they pursued in their judgments the rules of Duty, and Justice: they cried out, We have a Prince who loves God, who is faithful, and who lives in Piety. Don't imbrue your Sword in blood. As great as the insolence of this City has been, it doth not exceed the mercy of the Emperor. In a word, they entred the Palace, just as they were going to pronounce the sentence of Con∣demnation against those who had been convicted of the Crime. They conjured the Judges to grant them some few days of delay, and to expect new orders from the Court. They offered themselves to go and find the Prince, and to appease him by their Tears and Prayers, and were so prevalent as to obtain what they demanded.

The Commissioners the Emperor had sent, being touched with the generous sentiments of these Solitaries, prayed them to give their re∣monstrances in writing, and promised to carry them themselves to their Master; which they performed a few days after. The affair being in this posture, these admirable men immediately returned to their Caves and Cells, and the same Charity which induced them to leave them, shut them up close again.

LXXXII. About this time Flavian, Archbi∣shop of this afflicted City, who had parted from * 1.86thence towards the beginning of Lent, and who had considered neither the rigor of the Season, the inconveniencies of the Journey, nor his own Old∣age; arrived at Constantinople. He went to the Palace, where the Prince was, and stopt at a pretty distance from him, as if retained b•• Fear,

Shame, and Trouble. He remained there with∣out speaking, and kept his eyes fixed upon the ground as full of Sorrow and Confusion, as if he had been culpable, and begg'd a pardon for himself.

Some also add, that he made the Children of the Emperors Music sing the doleful Psalms, which * 1.87the Church of Antioch made use of in her public Prayers to express her affliction; and that these sad and languishing Airs softned the Soul of the Prince, and moved him so effectually to com∣passion, that he steeped the Cup he had in his hands with his own tears. But besides the little probability of this circumstance, St. Chrysostom, who has written all the particulars of this History, would not have failed to have been informed of it, and to have inserted it in his Relation.

Be it as it will, this Archbishop insensibly pre∣pared the mind of Theodosius, and endeavored to affect him by his Sighs and Tears before he under∣took to perswade him by his reasons. The Em∣peror drew near to him, and said to him with a great deal of moderation, That he had great reasons * 1.88of complaint against the Citizens of Antioch; That he had preferred their City before all the rest of his Empire; That after the favors and kindness he had conferred upon them, he could not expect so rude a treatment; That he was not sensible, he had done them an Injustice; if he had been unhappy enough to have committed one, they might have fallen out with himself, rather than with dead Persons, who had not been wanting in their respect, He stopt at these words, and the Archbishop, after he had wiped away his tears, at last broke silence.

LXXXIII. He began his discourse by a sincere acknowledgment of the crime, which those of Antioch had committed, confessing that there was no punishment sufficient to atone it. After hav∣ing aggravated their ingratitude, by comparing it with the extream goodness of the Emperor, he represented to him that the greater the injury was, the more glorious would be the favor, which he should afford those Criminals. He proposed to him the example of Constantine, who being pressed by his Courtiers to revenge himself upon some factious men, who had disfigured one of his Sta∣tues by force of Stones, did nothing but pass his hand over his face, and answered to them smiling, that he did not feel himself hurt. He set before his eyes his own Clemency, and made him remem∣ber one of his Laws, by which, after he had given orders for the opening of Prisons, and pardoning Offenders in the time of the Solemnity of Easter, he adds this remarkable expression: Would to God I could even revive the dead too.

He made appear to him, that in this occasion there was not only concerned the Preservation of Antioch, but even the Honor of the Christian Re∣ligion. The Jews, said he, the Pagans, the Barba∣rians themselves, amongst whom the noise of this accident is dispersed, have all their eyes upon you, and expect the sentence you are going to pronounce. If you pardon the culpable, they will glorify the Christian's God, in prai∣sing you, and will say one to another, That this Religion is a powerful one; which gives a Bridle to the wrath of Emperors, and retains Soveraigns in a Moderation of mind, which we our selves do not enjoy; and the God of the Christians is great, since he ••xalts man above nature, and makes them overcome the violence of their Passions.

After this reflection, to take from the mind of the Prince the politic considerations of an ill ex∣ample, if he left so great a crime unpunished, he represented to him, that he did not pardon thro' softness of temper, or incapacity to revenge him∣self, but through Goodness and Religion; and that the City of Antioch was more chastised by its terrors and remorse, than if it had been destroyed by sword or fire. In a word, he protested to him that he would return no more to Antioch, till it had regained the favor of the Emperor, and concluded his discourse in mixing Respect and Entreaties with the Threatnings of the Judgment of God.

LXXXIV. Theodosius was unable to resist the force of this discourse. He had much ado to re∣tain his tears, and dissembling his emotion as much as possibly he could, he said these few words to the Patriarch:

If Jesus Christ notwithstanding his God∣head has been willing to pardon those men that crucified him, ought I to make a scruple of par∣doning my Subjects, that have offended me•• that am but a Mortal man as well as they, and Servant of the same master?

Then Flavian prostrated himself, and wished him all the prosperity that he deserved by the action he had done; and when this Prelate shewed some desire to pass the Feast of Easter at Constantinople, Go my Father, said Theodosius, em∣bracing him, and defer not a moment the consolation which your People will receive by your return, and by the assurances you will give them of the Pardon, which I grant. I know that they continue still in grief, and fear. Go, and carry to them for the Feast of Easter the disannlling of their crime. Beseech God to send a blessing upon my Arms, and be assured that after this

war, I will go my self and comfort the City of Antioch. After that he dismissed this holy Old man, and even sent Couriers to him, after he had passed the Sea, to exhort him anew to make all imaginable haste.

LXXXV. One may observe through the whole Relation that I have made, the malice of the * 1.89Historian Zozimus, who endeavors to excuse the violence of the Antiochians, in rejecting the fault of their Rebellion upon the severity of the Go∣vernment. He says nothing of the Journey of Flavian, attributing all the success of this Nego∣tiation to the Sophister Libanius against the belief of History, and the testimony of contemporary Authors, and particularly S^t. Chrysostom, who * 1.90publickly reproached Philosophers with excess of weakness in this occasion. From whence one may conjecture, that those two discourses, which * 1.91we find still amongst the works of this Caviller upon the subject of Statues, were either composed after his death, or else if he did them himself, it was nothing but an after-blow by way of Decla∣mation.

The affair of Antioch being thus happily con∣cluded, the return of its Archbishop was a kind of a triumph. The public place was strowed with flowers; illuminations were seen every where; they covered all the way he was to pass with odo∣riferous Herbs; and every one touched with the Emperor's mercy, made wishes and prayers for him, and for prosperity to his Arms.

LXXXVI. About this time Theodosius, at the sollicitation of one of his Kinsmen, was urgent with the Widow▪ Olympias to marry. She was

the Daughter of Count Seleucus, and Grand∣daughter of Ablavius, High Steward of the Empire * 1.92under Constantine. She had been married to a young Lord named Nebrides. Several Bishops had been assisting at her Wedding, and S^t. Grego∣ry of Nazianzum, who upon some occasion could not be there, had sent her some Verses in form of an Epithalamium. She was a Widow at the end of twenty months, and pretended to nothing more than to apply herself to God alone. Elpidius, a Spaniard by Nation, and Cousin to the Empe∣ror, had an extream desire to marry her; for be∣sides her illustrious Birth, she likewise possessed * 1.93extraordinary Riches. For all he had pursued all kind of methods to make himself beloved, he could not succeed in his undertaking. He had recourse to the Emperor, and begg'd the assistance of his credit with Olympias. Theodosius being very sensible to all that related to his Family, and moreover being perswaded that his Protection and the Honor of his Alliance, would affect this young Widow, proposed this Marriage to her; but he could not prevail. She answered with a great deal of modesty and generosity all together: That she * 1.94would always receive with a very profound respect what∣soever the Emperor would do her the honor to propose to her; but she begg'd of him to permit her to live without engagement: That if Heaven had been pleased with her marriage state, it would not have deprived her of her Husband; and that since God had broken her Bonds, she was resolved to give herself to no one but him, and to live only in order to please him, and to serve him.

LXXXVII. Theodosius did not think it a reason∣able thing to reduce her by Authority to accept of the party, which he proposed to her. But as it is

the misfortune of Sovereigns to be subject not on∣ly to their own Passions, but also to those of other men, he suffered himself to be prepossessed against her. The Relations, which had been won, com∣plained that becoming Mistress of her Estate, before the Age required by the Laws, she had scattered it away in indiscreet Alms and Presents by the advice of some interessed Ecclesiastics, who go∣verned her. Upon this complaint, the Emperor ordained that the Governor of Constantinople should have the care and administration of the Possessions of Olympias, till she had attained the age of Thirty years. Elpidius made this order to b•• executed with extream rigor. They took away from this vertuous Lady the entire disposition of her Re∣venues. She was not permitted even the liberty of having any communication with the Bishops, nor to enter in the Church, to the end that feeling all the inconveniencies of Poverty and Slavery, and enjoying no sort of comfort, she might be obliged to consent to the Marriage, which she had refused. But she could not be moved by a usage so unjust and violent. She suffered it not only with patience, but even with joy; and after having rendred thanks to God for it, she wrote to the Emperor in these terms. You have acted, Sir, in relation to your most humble Servant, not only as an Emperor, but also as a Bishop; since you have freed me from the care of my temporal concerns, and the fear of * 1.95not making a sufficiently good use thereof. Behold me discharged of a great burden. The favor would be en∣tire, if you would order them to be distributed to the poor, and to the Church. It is a long time since I was afraid, lest Vanity should make me lose the Fruits of my Alms, and the Perplexity of temporal Riches should make me negligent of spiritual ones.

LXXXVIII. She remained in this condition, till the war against Maximus was happily concluded. Then Theodosius perceiving that he had been sur∣prised, and pitying the misfortunes she had so re∣solutely undergone, restored her to her possessions, and left her to her freedom, She exercised after∣wards the employment of Deaconess in the Church of Constantinople, affording great examples of Mo∣desty, discretion, piety, and a perfect renunciation of all the cares and pleasures of this World.

LXXXIX. As soon as the Spring was come, The∣odosius who still kept in suspence the Ambassadors of Maximus, declared that he was going to make war against him, and departed from Constantinople, * 1.96where he left his Son Arcadius under the conduct of Tatian, a wise, faithful, and intelligent man, whom he had expresly sent for from Aquileia to make him Praefectus Praetorio; and of Themestius the Philosopher, whom he gave him for his Tutor. His Ambassadors had by his order renewed the Treaties of Peace with all the Neighbouring Prin∣ces of the Empire. He took into his pay the best Soldiers amongst the Goths, Huns, Scythians, and Alains, as well to reinforce his Army, as to weak∣en the Barbarians, who might be suspected to him. Arbogastes had brought him a considerable body of French and Saxons. Generals of great Reputation and Experience who were to command under him, and make discipline to be observed amongst so many different Troops. In a world, he had provi∣ded all things that might make succeed an enter∣prise so important to his own glory, and to the safe∣ty of the Empire.

But his chief care had been to procure the bles∣sings of God upon his Army, and to dispose him∣self for victory by his Piety. He gave orders for solemn devotions, and sent to entreat the most fa∣mous Solitaries of Egypt to recommend to God in * 1.97their Prayers the success of this war, and to li••t up their hands to heaven, whilst he fought. Above all he consulted the holy Abbot John, who gave him assurances of the Victory he was to obtain. This admirable man, who was as it were the Ora∣cle of his Age, foretold him the principal events of his Reign, his Wars, his Victories, the very * 1.98Irruptions of the Barbarians, which he observed to the least circumstances.

XC. It was not sufficient in the Emperors opi∣nion to implore the assistance of Heaven by En∣treaties and Prayers, he endeavored it also by his Actions. For before he went out of Thessalonica, he renewed his ancient Edicts, and ordained new ones against the Hereticks, forbidding them to hold Assemblies, to make Ordinations, to give, or take the name of Bishops; enjoyning the Magi∣strates * 1.99to hinder these profane Religions, which seemed to have conspired against the true one, from celebrating their sacrilegious mysteries in public or in private. And because the Arians had supposed, or interpreted some of his former Edicts in their favor, he declared by an express Law, that all they could expound to their advantage should be held false, and contrary to his intention. Thus he endeavoured to engage God to protect him, by undertaking with so much Zeal the pro∣tection of his Church, and went to joyn his Troops encouraged with a holy confidence.

XCI. Maximus on his side observing that no positive answer was given to his Ambassadors, had put himself into a condition not only to de∣fend himself, but to attack if it was necessary. To assure himself of the Gauls in his absence, he had left there his Son Victor under the conduct of N••••∣tius and Quentin his Generals. Part of the German People, whom he had reduced to pay him great contributions, was run to his assistance, and he had reason to be satisfied with the number and valor of his Soldiers. He divided his Forces im∣mediately into three bodies. He sent Count An∣dragatius with orders to fortify the Julian Alps, and to guard all the narrow Passes. He commanded his Brother Marcellin to seize upon all the Avenues of the Drave, with a party of the auxiliary Troops▪ and himself with the Roman Legions advanced to∣wards Pannonia, and stopt upon the Save. After he had thus made himself Master of the Moun∣tains and Rivers, he thought he had shut up all the passages to Italy, and posted himself in such a manner, that he could in a little time joyn his Bro∣ther, whenever he should judge it convenient.

XCII. Theodosius was scarce got out of Constanti∣nople, but he was advised that some Treason was contriving in his Army, where Maximus had al∣ready won some Officers, and that is was necessary to put a sudden stop to an Enemy, that was more accustomed to bribery, than fighting. This no∣tice was given him by men that appeared to be very well informed, and the former conduct of Maximus made it but too probable. The Empe∣ror then advanced in haste towards his Army, and made a very strict enquiry after the Agents of

Maximus, and those who had held any correspon∣dence with them.

The noise was soon dispersed, that there was a treason which would suddenly be discovered, and the Traytors judged well that they should not escape the chastisement which they had deserved, if so be they did not hastily retire. They secretly concerted the time and place of their flight, and * 1.100leaving the Camp in little Troops, they join'd a∣gain at night, and fled towards the Woods and Marshes of Macedonia, with a design to hide themselves. Theodosius being advertised in the morning that a Battalion of Barbarians had deserted, was glad to be rid of those disloyal Soldiers; but fearing lest they should draw after them the Troops of their Country, and difturb in his absence the repose of this Province, he detached some Squadrons, who pursued them, killed the greatest part of them before they had gained the Marshes, and constrained the rest to betake themselves to the Woods and Mountains.

XCIII. Theodosius being delivered from this dis∣••uiet, made Valentinian embark with the Empress Justine, and made them to be conducted to Rome in safety, whether it was that Italy had required * 1.101them again, or that he imagined their presence would encourage those People, who were still affected to them, and could not dispense with the Tyranny of Maximus. After that he made very severe Regulations concerning the Discipline of his Troops, and obliged all his Officers to see them performed, to the end, that People might judge of the justice of his Cause, by the moderation of his Soldiers; and see the difference there was be∣tween an Emperors Army, and that of a Tyrant.

These Orders were so exactly observed, that there was no manner of confusion or tumult a∣mongst * 1.102so many Nations that were accustomed to live without rule, and without constraint. Nei∣ther City nor Country was inconvenienc'd by their passage, and there being a want of Provi∣sions for some days, there was not one Soldier but those rather to endure hunger with patience, than commit any disorder that might be displeasing to the Emperor.

XCIV. All things being thus regulated, Theo∣dosius marched by great Journies, and thought that * 1.103the good success of this Expedition partly de∣pended upon the diligence of his march. Theodosius commanded the Cavalry, Timasius was at the head of the Legions, Arbogastes and Ricomer conducted the greatest part of the auxiliary Barbarians, and the Emperor had an eye over all. He divided his Army, like Maximus, into three Bodies, to conceal from him the course he was to take, and especially to cause the less disturbance in the Countries he passed through, and to keep his Men more easily in order.

As he advanced in this posture towards Panno∣nia, he had advice that Maximus made a halt, and that he had encamped his Army about * 1.104Siscia. It was a City that was considerable neither for its Greatness, nor its Fortifications, but for its advan∣tagious Scituation. It was upon the Banks of the Save, which dividing it self in two Branches, forms an Isle over against this place, serves as a double Bulwark to it, and renders it almost inaccessible. The Tyrant Magnentius had formerly possessed himself thereof, as of a very important Post, in the War he made against the Emperor Constan∣tius.

Theodosius got all his Troops together on a sud∣den, and made so much haste, that he was en∣camped between the Drave and the Save, before the Enemies could hinder him, and cut off the Communication of their two Armies. Then judging that Maximus would hold himself close, and that it would be a hard matter to draw ••m to a general Fight, resolved to pass the Save at what price foever, and to go and force him in his Post. He proposed his design to his Generals, who im∣mediately found the execution hazardous. Not∣withstanding the presence of the Emperor, who encouraged his Troops, the Valor and Prudence of the Officers, the Chearfulness and Courage of the Soldiers, who thought the Enemy durst not hold the Field, made them believe that nothing was impossible to them.

The Emperor made good use of the heat and confidence which he observed in his Troops, and marching at their head with an extraordinary dili∣gence, he appeared hard by Siscia, and was imme∣diately as ready to pass the River, as the Enemies to defend it. He cast a terror into their whole Camp, and at the same time made the passage of the River to be attempted in several places. Maximus, who by a strange blindness had believ'd Theodosius to have been still at a good distance, was presently surprized. He endeavoured to encourage his Legions, made them advance according to occa∣sions, and supposed that if they could sustain these first efforts, it would be easy for him afterwards to keep them in good heart. In the mean time Theodosius, who was advanced upon the Bank to observe the posture of the Enemies, knowing by their motions, and their confusion, that they were disordered, would most willingly have gone to

charge them, without giving them leisure to re∣cover themselves; but the Save was very deep, and Maximus sent new Troops continually to re∣inforce those who were already upon the Shoar. Then seeing the fatal moment that might termi∣nate this War, and fearing to let slip an occasion of conquering, which perhaps Fortune would not offer any more, he made Fords to be searcht for, and prepared Bridges with an incredible dili∣gence.

XCV. As he was in this inquietude, Arbogastes brought to him some Officers of his Nation, who offered to pass the River. The Emperor com∣mended their resolution, made them hope for great rewards, and assured them that he would be a Witness of their Valor, and would support them * 1.105himself with all the bravest Men of his Army. These Officers went to join their Squadrons, whom they encouraged more by their example, than their words. Arbogastes put himself at the head of them, and throwing themselves all together in the River, all dusty and fatigued as they were with a long march, they attempted a great many Tracts, and passed on Horseback by swimming in the sight of the Emperor, who supported them in per∣son.

The Enemies amazed at so bold a resolution, retired in disorder, and gave the Alarm to all the rest of the Army. Whilst Arbogastes, after he had gained the shoar, cut all in pieces that he met, the other Troops which Theodosius sent over imme∣diately, fell upon the Enemies on another side, and made a terrible slaughter. Many hurl'd themselves voluntarily into the River. Several were trod under the Horses feet. The Country was cover'd

with the dead; the Ditches of Siscia were filled with the bodies of those, that fled thither for Sanctuary. Maximus, after having several times attempted in vain to rally his Troops, applied himself to his own safety, and retired as well as he could towards Aquileia, where he pretended to gather up the fragments of his Army, whilst his Brother Marcellin should defend the entrance of Italy.

XCVI. Theodosius, after having performed a Thanksgiving to God for his Victory, and re∣warded upon the Field those who had distinguished themselves in this occasion, turned upon the right forthwith, and marched towards Marcellin with so much diligence, that he gave him not time enough to gain the narrow Passes of the Alps, nor even to understand the Defeat of his Brother. As soon as he was come near * 1.106Paetovium, a little City upon the Drave, where Marcellin was encamped, he resolved to give him battel the same day; but it was late, and the Troops were weary: which obliged him to refer it to the morrow. Every one prepared himself in the night; and at break of day the Emperor gave orders to assault the Ene∣my, who appeared already to be agreed upon a defence. The Fight began with much vehemence on both sides. On the one, the desire of con∣quering, the glory of having already overcome, and the pleasure of serving a Prince, who acknow∣ledged the services which were rendred to him; on the other, the hope of plundering all Italy, and the fear of being punished, stir'd up the Combat∣ants. But Marcellin had soon the Fate of his Brother. After this first resistance, some of his

Troops were put to the rout; the rest threw down their Colors, and demanded Quarter.

XCVII. Theodosius observing this war to be al∣most concluded, immediately detached Arbogastes with a body of Horse to go into Gaul, and seize upon young Victor, to whom Maximus had given the Title of Caesar. After which he pursued those that fled with an incredible eagerness. Andraga∣tius, who had been sent to guard the Alps, had orders upon the first noise of Valentinian's embark∣ing, to put himself to Sea with all the Vessels he could get together, and to take him upon his way. But he waited in vain upon the Coasts of Ionia for Valentinian, who had already crossed the Sea, and he abandoned the Passes of the Mountains to Theodosius.

* 1.107 This Prince found there no opposition. The City of Hemona, and the rest, which he found in his way, received him with the testimonies of an extraordinary joy, and furnished his victorious Ar∣my with all the refreshments it had occasion for. At last he arrived near Aquileia, and besieged that place. Maximus, who after several turnings and windings, had inclosed himself therein instead of retiring into Gaul, was sensible then that he could not possibly avoid a misfortune, which he should have foreseen, and recollected with himself what St. Martin had before told him, viz. that he should miserably perish in Italy, if he attempted to pass therein. He had a mind to make some resistance: but his Soldiers seeing his loss inevitable, opened the gates to the besiegers, and altogether siezing on his Person, pulled him from his Throne, where he was distributing money to some Moorish Cava∣liers, who had attended him; and after having

deprived him of all the Ornaments of his Dignity put him into the hands of the Conqueror.

Theodosius did not abuse his Victory. He seem∣ed more concerned at the misfortune of this Ty∣rant, than incensed at his Crimes. He reproach∣ed him with his perfidiousness in a behaviour, that argued more of compassion than of anger; and re∣flecting upon the justice of God's decisions, and the inconstancy of humane greatness, he was going to crown his victory by an act of Christian Ge∣nerosity, in pardoning his Prisoner. But as he turned his head to conceal that emotion of Pity which appeared upon his face, the Soldiers snatcht him from his mercy, and having drawn him out of his Tent, made him to be bèheaded in sight of the whole Army. Andragatius being advised a little while after of this news, and despairing of Theodosius's pardon for the murderer of Gratian, chose rather to throw himself headlong into the Sea, than to fall into his hands.

XCVIII. A Success so happy and so expeditions, which regained the Empire of the West, and se∣cured that of the East to Theodosius and his Chil∣dren, was published through the whole World. But the goodness and moderation of the Conque∣ror made his triumph more illustrious, than the ob∣taining of two battels, and the absolute destructi∣on of the Tyrant. For he contented himself with the death of two or three persons unworthy of par∣don, * 1.108and received all the rest of the party, not as a Conqueror, but a Father. There was neither confiscating of goods nor losing of employments, nor spilling of blood. Every one had the liberty of returning to his house; and under a Prince of so much humanity, no body was sensible of hav∣ing

been overcome. He even allowed great Pen¦sions to the Wife of Maximus, whose Daughters * 1.109he caus'd to be educated with abundance of care, and forgot nothing that might comfort them for their misfortune, or entertain them according to their condition. He would have granted the same favor to Victor their Brother, if (against his inten∣tion) Arbogastes, to assure himself of Gaul, and to take away from thence all subject of Rebellion, had not put him to death. That which was most great and heroic in this expedition, was not the subduing the whole Empire of the West; it was the restoring of it. As soon as he was Master thereof he re▪established in it the young Valentinian, adding new Provinces to those which had been usurped, and re∣serving to himself for a compensation of his Labors, nothing but the Glory of a disinteressed Protection.

XCIX. The fame of this Victory astonished the Arians of Constantinople, who had not expected it, nor even wished for it. Touched at the rigo∣rous Decrees which had been declared against them, they maliciously dispersed false reports in the City, and determined this war according to their desires, even before it was begun. They assured that Theodosius had lost the ••attle, that he had much ado to escape, and th•••• he fled before * 1.110Maximus. They rendred this plausible falshood by the circumstances which they added, even so far as to compute the number of the wounded and dead on both sides. One would have said, that they had been the Spectators of what was not yet come to pass. Those very men, that had at first spread abroad these false reports, gathered them up afterwards as reall•• true, being perswaded by new particulars which were related to them, and

believed the loss of the Emperor to be infallible; because they desired it. As there are always un∣easy Spirits, who by a natural levity, or for par∣ticular Interests, are weary of the present Govern∣ment; so many People noised abroad this news, that no body questioned it, or durst contradict it.

C. The Arians made use of this occasion to revenge themselves for the deprivation of their Churches. They went out of their houses, like so many Fu∣ries, with Torches in their hands; and carrying every where tumult and disorder, they went to burn the Palace of the Patriarch Nectarius. They had proceeded to greater excesses, but the news of Theodosius's Victory being arrived at the same time, the fear of Punishment stopt the course of this Sedition, which the hopes of impunity had excited. These Hereticks went to cast themselves at the feet of Arcadius, and entreated him with so much importunity to intercede for them with his Father, that being affected with their Prayers, with the repentance they shewed of their crime, and the assurancs they gave of being more submis∣sive, and moderate for the future, he engaged himself to ask for their pardon. Theodosius, who desired nothing so much as to accustom his Son to Clemency, and to encourage him to make such Petitions to him, immediately granted his Request.

After some residence which the Emperor made at Aquileia, to refresh himself after the fatigues of war, and to give necessary orders for the security and peace of the Empire, he passed to Milan, where he published an Edict, by which he annulled * 1.111all the Ordinances of Maximus, requiring that the memory thereof might be entirely abolished. It was about this time that some Bishops complained

of the judgment he had given, and stir'd up against him the Zeal of St. Ambrose.

CI. It was the custom of the Eastern Churches to honor every year the memory of the holy Mar∣tyrs, to assemble together upon the day of thei•• Festivals, and to make Processions, in singing Psalms and Hymns. The first day of August some * 1.112Solitaries, who were met together to celebrate the Feast of the holy Maccabees, went in proces∣sion through the Country, followed by some de∣vout persons of their Neighborhood. They passed through a Village named Callicin, where the Jews had a Synagogue, and the Valentinian Hereticks a Temple. Whether this singing of Psalms was troublesome to them, or they took this ceremo∣ny for an Insult upon their Religions, they all went out, fell upon the Christians, and hindred them from passing further, after having abused them. The noise of this violence was soon dis∣persed: the Solitaries made complaints; the peo∣ple were moved thereat, and the Bishop, trans∣ported with zeal, excited so well both the one and t'other to revenge the injury, that was done to God and his Martyrs, that they went to burn the Synagogue of the Jews, and the Temple of the Hereticks. The Emperour having been in∣formed of the business by the Count of the East, ordered the Temple and the Synagogue to be re∣built at the expence of the Bishop, and those who had burnt them, to be punished.

CII. The Oriental Bishops found the Decree too rough, advised St. Ambrose of it, and conjured him to employ all his credit towards the repealing thereof. This holy Archbishop was then at Aqui∣leia,

to assist at the election of a Successor to Va∣lerian Bishop of that City, who was lately de∣ceased. Being unable then to go and find Theodo∣sius, he wrote a Letter to him full of that genero∣sity, wherewith he was accustomed to preach truth and justice to Emperors. He represented to * 1.113him, That if he did not hearken to the Prayers of Bi¦shops, God would not attend to those, which Bishops made for him; That there was this difference between good and bad Princes, the one would have their Subjects free, the others would dispense with none but Slaves; That as for him, he chose rather to pass for importunate, than for weak and unserviceable, when the glory of God, and the safety of the Emperor were concerned; That indeed he acknowledged him for a pious Prince, and one that feared God; but that the most pious oftentimes let themselves be prejudiced by an indiscreet Zeal, and a false Idea of Justice; That he was indebted to his Ma∣jesty for an infinite number of favors, and that it would be a cruel ingratitude to suffer his Benefactor to be want∣ing by an unworthy complaisance.

After that he made him see the consequences of this affair; That he reduced a Bishop to disobey him▪ or to betray his Ministry; and that he went to make either a Transgressor, or a Martyr, which would be unbecoming of such a Reign, as his; That the Enemies of the Church would triumph in those structures built with the Spoils of Christians, and the Patrimony of Jesus Christ; That to make him repeal his Ordinance of rebuilding the Syna∣gogues, it sufficed to tell him, that Julian would have done it, and that the Fire of Heaven might fall to day, as it did then; That the Palace of the Patriarch of Constantinople was lately burnt, and that a vast num∣ber of Churches reduced to ashes, smo••kt still without any appearance of revenge; That there was no application but to erect profane Temples; That Maximus some

days before he was forsaken of God, had made a like Deeree. Then he prayed him to take his freedom for a testimony of his respect, and to believe that it was a great proof of the zeal and tenderness he had for him, to dare even to anger him for his fafety. He exhorted him at length to change his opinion, and not to be ashamed to correct himself, and made him apprehend that he endeavored to reform him in private, lest he should be obliged to speak to him publickly in the Church.

CIII. This Letter, of so much force and urgen∣cy, had not all the success which might have been expected from it, and Theodosius still deferred to give a favourable answer: which occasion'd the Archbishop, upon his return to Milan, to speak to him before all the People pursuant to his threat∣nings. For one day when the Emperor was at Church to assist at the Sermon, the Saint made choice of a Text suita••le to the Subject he was to * 1.114treat of; and after having enlarged himself upon the advantage one ought to make of corrections, as the Auditors were in their greatest attention, he fell upon the affair of the burnt Synagogue. He directed his discourse to the Emperor, and made God himself speak in these terms: It is from me thou hast the Diadem. I have made thee Emperor of a simple private man, as thou wast. I have delivered to thee the Army of thine Enemy. I have made pass in∣to thy Party those Troops, which he had raised against thee. I have put his very Person into thy hands. I have given thee Children, who shall reign after their Father. I have afforded thee an easie Triumph, and by an Ordi∣nance thou hast just now made, thou goest to resign thy Victory to my Enemies.

CIV. These reproaches so sensibly touched The∣odosius, that he drew near the Archbishop, as he descended from the Pulpit, and said to him, as it were in a complaining tone, you have spoken against us to purpose, my Father. The Saint replied to him, that his intention had been to speak for him, and that he would have the same zeal, whensoever his safety should be concerned. Then the Emperor confessed, that the Order which he had given out against the Bishop was too severe, and that it was fitting to repeal it. Some Lords, who were pre∣sent, alledged, to make their Court, that the So∣litaries ought at least to be persecuted, who had been the Authors of this commotion. I speak at present to the Emperor, (replied to them the holy Pre∣late) and I know how to apply my self to you, when it shall be convenient. They durst not make any further answer to a man, whose constancy they were ac∣quainted with. Thus ••e obtained the revocation of the Decree, and after he had twice received as∣surances thereof from the Emperors own mouth, he went to offer to God the Holy Sacrifice.

In the time Theodosius was at Milan, all the con∣siderable Bodies of the Empire sent Deputies to him, in order to testify the joy which they con∣ceived for his Victory. The Senate of Rome was of the first in performing this duty. Symmachus, by his credit and intrigues, obtained the nomina∣tion of Deputies that were Pagans, like himself, and recommended to request in the name of the Senate, the preservation of the Altar of Victory, which Maximus had re-established.

CV. This Altar since the Reign of Constantine the Great, had been an original of Contests. It

was erected in a Chappel, which was built at the entrance of the Senate. Here was to be seen a * 1.115Golden Statue, which represented Victory under the figure of a young Damosel, who had wings, and bore in her hands a Crown of Lawrel. The Pagans, after having lost the greatest part of the Temples consecrated to their Gods, whose very names were become insupportable to the Empe∣rors, had fixed all the hopes of their Religion in a * 1.116Goddess, whose name was so agreeable. They swore upon her Altar; they offered Sacrifices to her, and they made this fragment of Superstition and Idolatry pass for the Religion of the whole Senate. It was very uneasy to the Christians, who were at * 1.117the Palace, to observe before their Eyes the exer∣cise of a worship contrary to theirs; to smell in the very Senate, the odour of Sacrifices; and to hear the vows they made to a profane Divinity.

CVI. The Emperors erected or pulled down this Altar, according as they were moved by principles of Policy, or Piety. Constantine had dispenced with it out of Prudence, judging his condescension necessary in the alteration of Reli∣gion and Empire. Constance his Son destroyed it by a motion of Religion. The Tyrant Mag••en∣tius restored it to oblige some Pagan Senators, * 1.118whom he had a mind to draw to his Party. Con∣stantius pulled it down out of Ostentation, being desirous to let the Romans entertain a good opinion of his Faith, when he had deprived them of the Pope Liberius. Julian, by the inclination he had for Idolatry, and his hatred to the Chri∣stians, commanded the re-establishment thereof. Jovian, and the great Valentinian left it in the State, wherein they had found it, suffering a li∣berty

of Faith. Gratian destroyed the Altar with all its dependences, and thought to have over∣thown it for ever. But Maximus, whether it was * 1.119to have nothing common with a Prince whom he had put to death, or to gain the affection of the Pagans against him, whom he designed to chase from his Dominions, permitted them to rebuild what they would.

CVII. Thus the fortune of this Goddess was ob∣served to change under each Emperor. The De∣puties of the Senate being then arrived at Milan, rejoyced with Theodosius for the prosperity of his Arms; and after having performed all their compliments, they secretly negotiated with his Ministers the affair of their Religi∣on. They had reason to hope for Success. The fear of leaving a party of Malecontents in Rome, the humour one is in to grant favours after a Victory, the little consequence it was of to dis∣semble a thing done, seemed to determine Theodo∣sius to afford them the Altar they demanded. But St. Ambrose, who had so vigorously opposed Sym∣machus some years before, likewise opposed these Deputies, and remonstrated so well to the Em∣peror, that he ought not to abandon the Interests of God through considerations of policy, and false jealousies, that this Prince chose rather to diso∣blige these Magistrates, than to be wanting in his Duty to the Church, and so denied their re∣quests.

CVIII. Theodosius, after having passed all the Winter, and part of the Spring at Milan, depart∣ed from thence to go to R•••••• in order to receive the honour of Triumph. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 made his entrance

therein in the month of June, with all the splen∣dor that the great Actions he had done, deserved. * 1.120The greatest Ornament of this Triumph was the modesty of him, that triumphed. He would have Valentinian, who was come to him after the defeat of Maximus, to share with him the glory of this day; and made him ascend into his Chariot with the Prince Honorius, whom he had sent for from * 1.121Constantinople. He had carried before him the Spoils and Representations of the conquered Pro∣vinces. Then he came himself incompassed with all the Lords of his Court richly cloathed. His Chariot was drawn by Elephants, which the King of Persia had lately sent him. The Senate, the Nobility, and all the People followed with acclamations, and applauses extraordinary. Al∣tho the solemnity of this entrance was very mag∣nificent, there was nothing regarded but the Con∣queror, for whom it was made. He spoke to the People upon the Tribunal in the Forum, and to the Senate in the Capitol with abundance of grace and majesty, and received very favourably the Speeches which where directed to him by all the Bodies, especially the Panegyric, which Paca∣tus the Gaulish Orator pronounced before him with the applause of the Senate, and all the Orders of the City.

CIX. During the residence which Theodosius * 1.122made at Rome, he gained by his civility and free∣dom the hearts of those People, who were still spurred on to maintain a remnant of their ancient Liberty. He went to see the public works; he rendred Visits to particulars, and walked without Guards and Solemnity, rather as a Senator, than Emperor. Above all, he employed his care to

abolish the remainders of that Idolatry, which his [An. 389] Predecessors had tolerated. He prohibited Pagan Festivals, and Sacrifices: He dispossessed of their * 1.123Ornaments, all the Temples which they had left in the Capitol, and broke in pieces all the Idols, which had been adored there. He preserved not∣withstanding those Statues, which had been com∣posed * 1.124by excellent Workmen, and drawing them from places where they served for a profane Wor∣ship, he ordered them to be set up in Galleries, or in public places as an Ornament to the City.

CX. These things were done with so much applause, that the Emperor saw nothing so affect∣ing * 1.125in his Triumph, as the Joy which appeared in this occasion. Every one seconded his Zeal, and went to praise God, and bless Theodosius in those Temples, which had been so long profaned. There was none but Symmachus, who procured his displea∣sure by troublesome supplications and remon∣strances in favour of his Idols. This man, who had entertained a strict confederacy with Maxi∣mus, and had pronounced a Speech in his honour, full of flatteries, unworthy of a person of his Re∣putation and Quality, was afraid lest Theodosius should resent it. Being accused by some of High Treason, and pressed with the remorses of his Conscience, he fled into a Church for Sanctuary, not thinking the protection of his Gods powerful enough to save him, after all the services he had done them.

But observing that Theodosius made no great esteem of this accusation, he took courage; and to repair the fault which he had committed, he composed a Panegyrick in honour of this Prince, which he recited in his presence in the Senate.

But as Spirits strongly prejudiced always return to the subject of their prepossession, this man, to∣wards * 1.126the end of his discourse, cunningly fell upon Religion, and the Altar of Victory. Theodosius was offended at this obstinate sollicitation; and after having thanked him for his praises, he com∣manded him to retire, and to present himself no more before him. He recalled him a little while after from his exile, and shewed him the same friendship as before; being willing to obtain by sweetness that qualified man, whom he thought to have sufficiently corrected by this disgrace.

* 1.127 CXI. He was not contented to compass the sin∣gle ruine of Idolatry, he was also for chasing away all the Hereticks that were to be found in this City; and particularly he ordered the Praefect Al∣b••n to suffer no Manichean there. He had likewise many conferences with Pope Siritius, after which he reformed several abuses he had intimation of. * 1.128He set out very severe Edicts against Magicians, and against those who attempted to afford them a retreat, and to withdraw them from Justice. He purged the City of several kinds of irregularities, ordering places of debauchery to be demolished, and repressing the insolence of Thieves, who drew the Citizens into their Snares, and particularly Strangers, whom they robbed, or oftentimes kept them inclosed in subterraneous places. Thus this Prince was in continual motion for Justice and Piety; and was of opinion, that no Christian Em∣peror ought to reside some time in a place, with∣out leaving therein more Safety, Religion and Continence, than he found.

CXII. Theodosius received about the same time the news of the demolishing of the famous Tem∣ple * 1.129of Serapis in Alexandria, whch he had ordained to punish the Pagans for a Sedition they had caused. There was in Alexandria an old ruinated Temple, which the Emperor Constantius had for∣merly bestowed upon the Arians. The number of the Catholics encreasing every day, the Patri∣arch Theophilus prayed the Emperor to grant him this forsaken Church. He obtained it, visited it, and had a mind to make some reparations therein. As they were digging they found dark Caves, more fit to conceal crimes, than to celebrate the Cere∣monies of Religion. The Gentiles, who were un∣willing to have the Shame of their Mysteries dis∣covered, or those hidden places raked up, where they found parts of humane bodies dissevered, which had served for their wicked Sacrifices, hin∣dred the Workmen from proceeding. The Chri∣stians insisted upon it; the thing came to an open Sedition. Notwithstanding the Christians were in greatest number, yet as they were more mode∣rate than the others, they were beaten in some encounters. There were even some of them that were taken and barbarously massacred, because they would not oblige themselves to sacrifice to Idols.

The Magistrates went several times to the Temple of Serapis, where the seditious had in∣trenched themselves, and endeavored to make them return to their Duty: but being unable to force them, or to reduce them by reason, and threatnings, they gave the Emperor information of it, who answered them, That the Martyrs which they had made were rather to be praised than pitied; but

to avoid such disorders for the future, it was necessary to cut off the cause, that is to say, to destroy the Temples▪ This Letter being read publickly, the Christians testified their joy by extraordinary crys; the af∣frighted Gentiles hid themselves, or betook them∣selves to flight. They began to execute the Sen∣tence by demolishing the Temple of Serapis, and by the overthrowing that famous Idol, which King Sesostris had got made. They divided it in several pieces, and dragg'd it along the streets.

CXIII. They gave the same entertainment to all the other Pagan Divinities. Their Weakness appeared, the Delusions and Tricks of the Priests were discovered, and several were converted to Jesus Christ. Theodosius learning this happy News, lifted up his Hands to Heaven, and cried out, I give thee thanks, O God, in that thou hast destroyed the Errors of that superstitious City, without obliging me to spill the blood of my Subjects. He wrote immediately to the Patriarch, to rejoyce with him for the fa∣vor which God had shewn to his Church, and sent him an order to collect all the Idols of Gold or Silver which had been pulled down, and to di∣stribute the value of them to the poor of his Dio∣cess; adding that he should make appear to the Gentiles, that the Zeal of Christians was not mixed with any sort of Avarice, and that he should give them an example of a pure and disinteressed Re∣ligion. They sold every piece of those precious Statues. They made Vessels of Charity of other Mettals, which had been of service to Superstition. Theophilus reserved only an Idol, which he set up in the public place, to the end that Posterity might one day laugh at the Gentiles, by seeing the remains of their ridiculous Worship; which seemed to

them more injurious than all the rest. This Patri∣••rch built a Church in honour of St. John Baptist in ••he place of the Temple of Serapis. all the Bi∣hops of Egypt followed this example, and a little ••fter this Province so tied to its Superstitions, had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 deliverance.

CXIV. Theodosius more satisfied with the hap∣••y success of Religion, than his Triumphs, depart∣••d * 1.130from Rome the first day of September, in order to ••eturn to Milan, and from thence to Constantinople. He restored the Empire to Valentinian, and im∣••rinted * 1.131so well in his mind the Catholick Religi∣••n, by his repeated instructions, that this young ••rince who was naturally disposed to do well, be∣••ame the defender of the Faith, and put himself * 1.132••ntirely under the discipline of St. Ambrose, whom ••e honored as his Father to his death.

The Empress Justine, who had taken so much ••are to inspire into him that Heresy, with which ••he was infected, had not the satisfaction to be∣hold his triumph and re-establishment. God per∣mitted her to dye before the accomplishment of ••he war. She was the daughter of Justus, Gover∣••or of La Marche under the Emperor Constantius. She had espoused in her first Nuptials the Tyrant * 1.133Magnentius, who after he had lost the battle of Mursa in Pannonia, became the murderer of him∣••elf, to avoid the punishment, which his Rebelli∣on had deserved. The Great Valent••ian became ••morous of her, and married her after the death of the Empress Severa his first Wife. She was a Princess fierce, imperious, fixed ••o her own sense, ••nd possessed with all the im••i••••ies of the Arians. The influence she had over the spirit of her Hus∣band, and the Authority she ••ad taken over her

Son, had occasioned great troubles in the Church and if God had not opposed to her a Bishop, a•• * 1.134unshaken as St. Ambrose was▪ the Arians had becom•• masters in Milan; and it had been experience•• what an abused Princess can do, that joyns to th•• infirmity of her Sex, the violence of her passion.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Ambros. Orat. in
• * 1.2

  fun. Valen.
• * 1.3

  Ammian. l. 31.
• * 1.4

  Aur. Victor. in Gratian
• * 1.5

  Auson. in Panegyr.
• * 1.6

  Ruffin. Ambros. August. &c.
• * 1.7

  Victor. in Grat. Ammia••. l. 31.
• * 1.8

  Victor. in Grat. Ammian. l. 31. Sulp. Sever. l. 2. c. 62.
• * 1.9

  Socrat. l. 5. c. 11.
• * 1.10

  Symm. l. 5▪ E••. 11.
• * 1.11

  ••oz. l. 4.
• * 1.12

  Zoz. l. 4.
• * 1.13

  P atat. in Panegyr.
• * 1.14

  Zoz. l. 4.
• * 1.15

  Zo••. l. 4.
• * 1.16

  Socrat. l. 5. c. 11. Sozom. l. 7. c. 13.
• * 1.17

  Ammian▪ l. 27.
• * 1.18

  Ambros. in Orat. de obitu Gr.
• * 1.19

  Zoz. l. 4.
• * 1.20

  Zoz. ibid.
• * 1.21

  Ambros. E••. 33.
• * 1.22

  Socrat. l. 5. c. 10. Sozom. l. 7. c. 12.
• * 1.23

  Apud. Me∣taphrast. 8 Maii. Sur▪ 19. Julii.
• * 1.24

  Ruffin. l. 3.
• * 1.25

  Socrat. l. 5. 6. 10. Sozom. l. 7. ••. 12.
• * 1.26

  Socrat. ••▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c. 10.
• * 1.27

  Cod. Theod. l. 11. & 12. de Haeret.
• * 1.28

  Sozom l. 7. c. 12.
• * 1.29

  Sozom. l. 7▪ c. ••. Theod. l. 5. c. 16. Niceph. l. 12. c. 9.
• * 1.30

  D. Ambros. E••. 31. l. 5. Symmach. l. 2. ep. 7. D. Ambros. Offic. l. 2. ••. 7.
• * 1.31

  Symmach. relat: ad Imp.
• * 1.32

  Zoz. l. 4▪
• * 1.33

  Ambros. Ep. 30. ad Val.
• * 1.34

  Ambr. Ep. 30.
• * 1.35

  Ambros. Ep. 31.
• * 1.36

  Greg. Naz. ad Nectar.
• * 1.37

  Cod. Theod. l. 13. de Haer.
• * 1.38

  Cod. Theod. l. ••. de contra••. Emp.
• * 1.39

  Socrat. l. 5. c. 12. Sozom. l. 7. c. 14.
• * 1.40

  Sulp. Seb: Dial. 3.
• * 1.41

  Pacat. in Panegyr.
• * 1.42

  D. Ambr. Epist. 27.
• * 1.43

  Sulpit. Sev. de vita S. Martini.
• * 1.44

  Sulpit. Sev. de vita S. Martini.
• * 1.45

  Pacat. in Panegyr.
• * 1.46

  August. ep. 48. Ambros in Orat. fun. Theod.
• * 1.47

  Cod. Theod. l. 10.
• * 1.48

  Hier. ep. 10. ad Fur.
• * 1.49

  Append. Cod. Theod.
• * 1.50

  Ambr. op. 33.
• * 1.51

  Chrysost. hom. 6. ad pop. An∣tioch.
• * 1.52

  S. Greg. Nyss. in fun. Pulch.
• * 1.53

  Theodor. l. 5. c. 1••.
• * 1.54

  Theod. ib.
• * 1.55

  Sozom. l. 7. c. 5.
• * 1.56

  Sozom. l. 7. c. 6.
• * 1.57

  Greg. Nyss. Orat. fun. Flaccill.
• * 1.58

  Soz. l. 7. ••. 13. Gaudent in praefat. Serm.
• * 1.59

  ••. Ambros. Ora••. in Aux.
• * 1.60

  Ambros. ep. 32.
• * 1.61

  S. August. Confess. l. 9. c. 7. Ambr. in Auxent.
• * 1.62

  D. Ambr. ep. 33. ad Marcell. Soror.
• * 1.63

  Ambr. ib.
• * 1.64

  Ambr. ib.
• * 1.65

  Ambr. ep. 33. ad Marcell.
• * 1.66

  Paulin. in vit. Ambr.
• * 1.67

  Theodor. l. 5. 6. 14.
• * 1.68

  Claud. de I. Consul. Honor.
• * 1.69

  Zoz. l. 4
• * 1.70

  Zoz. ••. 4.
• * 1.71

  D. Ambr. ••p. 27.
• * 1.72

  Pacat. in Panegyr. Theod.
• * 1.73

  Ambr. ep. 29.
• * 1.74

  Aug. l. 5. de civ. Dei. e. 26.
• * 1.75

  Suidas verbo Va∣lentinianus.
• * 1.76

  Zoz. l. 4.
• * 1.77

  Zoz. l. 4. Theodoret. l. 5. c. 19.
• * 1.78

  Sozom l. 7. c. 24.
• * 1.79

  Aurel. vict. in Theod.
• * 1.80

  Chrysost. hom. 20. ad Pop. Anti∣och.
• * 1.81

  Zoz. l. 4. Chrysost. hom. 17. ad Pop. Anti∣och.
• * 1.82

  Chrysost. in b••••••il ad Pop. Anti∣och.
• * 1.83

  Chrysost. hom. 17. ad pop. An∣tioch.
• * 1.84

  Chrysost. hom. 13. ad pop. Ant.
• * 1.85

  Id hom. 17. ad pop. Ant. Theod. l. 5. c. 19.
• * 1.86

  Chrysost. Hom. 20. ad pop. Antioc▪
• * 1.87

  Sozom. l. 7. Hist. Eccles. c. 13.
• * 1.88

  Chrys. hom. 20. ad pop. Antioch.
• * 1.89

  Zoz. l. 4:
• * 1.90

  Chrys. ••om. 17. ad pop. Antiosh.
• * 1.91

  Bar. Ann. Eccl. 1. 4.
• * 1.92

  Greg. Naz. Ep. 57.
• * 1.93

  Pallad. in Dial. de vi∣ta Chrysost.
• * 1.94

  Pallad. ib.
• * 1.95

  Pallad. ib.
• * 1.96

  Themist. Orat. 6.
• * 1.97

  August. de civ. Dei. l. 5. c. 26.
• * 1.98

  Evagr. vit. S. P. P. c. 1.
• * 1.99

  Leg 14▪ 15, & 16. de Haeret. Cod. Theod.
• * 1.100

  Zoz. ibid.
• * 1.101

  Zoz. ibid.
• * 1.102

  Pacat. in Panegyr.
• * 1.103

  P••ilostorg. Oros. l. 7.
• * 1.104

  Seisseg.
• * 1.105

  Pacat. in Panegyr.
• * 1.106

  Pettan▪
• * 1.107

  Pacat. in Panegyr.
• * 1.108

  Oro••. l. •• c. 35.
• * 1.109

  Ambros. Ep. 29. ad Theod. Aug. l. 5. de civ. Dei. c. 25.
• * 1.110

  Socrat. l. 5. c. 13. Sozom l. 7. c. 14.
• * 1.111

  Leg. 7. d▪ infirmand. his quae sub Tyran.
• * 1.112

  Paulin. in vit. Ambr.
• * 1.113

  Ambr. Ep. 29.
• * 1.114

  Paulin. in vit. Ambr.
• * 1.115

  Herodian. Prudent. l. 2. in Symm.
• * 1.116

  Symmach. relat. ad Imp.
• * 1.117

  D. Ambros. contra Symmach.
• * 1.118

  Ambr. ep. 31. Symmach. in relat ad ••al.
• * 1.119

  Socrat. l. 4. c. 1. Sozom. l. 6. c. 6.
• * 1.120

  Soz. l. 7. c. 14.
• * 1.121

  Claud. dem 3. Consul. Honor.
• * 1.122

  ••acat. ib.
• * 1.123

  August. de Civ. Dei l. 5. c. 26. Prud. adv.
• * 1.124

  Symm. l. 1. Hier. ep. 7.
• * 1.125

  Socrat. l. 5. c. 14.
• * 1.126

  Symmach. l. 1. Ep. 31.
• * 1.127

  Leg. 18. de Haer. God. Theod.
• * 1.128

  Prud. adv. Symm. l. 1.
• * 1.129

  Ruffin. l. c. 22.
• * 1.130

  Sozom. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c. 14.
• * 1.131

  Ambr. Ep. & Orat. de obit. Theod.
• * 1.132

  Ambr. in fun. Valent.
• * 1.133

  Socrat l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c. 26.
• * 1.134

  Sulp. Sever. Dialog. 2. c. 6.