Miscellany poems by Mr. Dennis with select translations of Horace, Juvenal, Mons. Boileau's Epistles, Satyrs, &c., and Æsop's Fables, in burlesque verse ; to which is added, The passion of Byblis, with some critical reflections on Mr. Oldham, and his writings ; with letters and poems.
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- Miscellany poems by Mr. Dennis with select translations of Horace, Juvenal, Mons. Boileau's Epistles, Satyrs, &c., and Æsop's Fables, in burlesque verse ; to which is added, The passion of Byblis, with some critical reflections on Mr. Oldham, and his writings ; with letters and poems.
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- 1697.
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- Subject terms
- Oldham, John, 1653-1683.
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"Miscellany poems by Mr. Dennis with select translations of Horace, Juvenal, Mons. Boileau's Epistles, Satyrs, &c., and Æsop's Fables, in burlesque verse ; to which is added, The passion of Byblis, with some critical reflections on Mr. Oldham, and his writings ; with letters and poems." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A35673.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 4, 2025.
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Upon our Victory at Sea.
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Wish for the Kings Safety, in the Summers Expedition of 1692.
To Flavia who fear'd she was too kind.
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The Tenth Ode of the Second Book of Horace.
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FABLE in Burlesque. The Pig, the Goat, and the Sheep.
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The Second Epistle of the first Book of Horace. To a Friend.
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FABLE. Of the Aunt and the Grashopper.
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FABLE The Fox and the Grapes.
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The Fourth Satyr of Boileau.
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The Fifth Epistle of Monsieur Boi∣leau, to Monsieur Guillerague Secretary of the Kings Cabinet.
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A Letter sent with the following Speech.
SIR,
I Have here sent you inclos'd, what I pro∣mis'd you by the last Post, and I think my self oblig'd to give you some account of it. In the late Appendix to the new Ob∣servator, I find the Author reasonably com∣plaining of the corruption of History by the French, and giving a very reasonable guess, how false the History of this Age (as far as it is writ by them) is like to come out in the next. And particularly what Mounsieur Pelisson's History of the present King of France is like to be, which he is now writing by that King's own or∣der. Monsieur Boileau, who writ the en∣clos'd, has at least as great a share in that History as Monsieur Pelisson: And there∣fore you have in the enclos'd, in the which he has very artfully inserted a Panegyrick
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of his Prince, a pattern of what his part of the History will be. For having flat∣ter'd his Master in this small Panegyrick, we have all the reason in the world to believe That he will flatter him too in his History. And that he has flatter'd him here, you will plainly find; not only by exaggerati∣ons, which are in some measure to be al∣low'd to an Orator; but in affirming things which are directly contrary to the truth. Such are those two remarkable passages of the French King's offering Peace to the ••••e Confederacy, for the general good of Chri∣stendom, (which not so much as a French∣man who has common Sense, believes) and of his Bombarding Genoa, only to be re∣veng'd of its Insolency and of its Perfidious∣ness, which every man who has heard the Story of Mr. Valdryon, must laugh at. Now since it is to be presum'd, that Mon∣sieur Boileau will flatter him in his History, because it is plain that he has flatter'd him in his Panegyrick; What are we to expect from Monsieur Pelisson, whose sincerity is by no means so much talk'd of as the other's?
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I thought to have concluded here: but it comes into my mind to make two reflecti∣ons upon the Panegyrical part of the enclos'd. The first is this, that since Monsieur Boileau, who is in the main a man of sincerity, and a lover of truth; could not but flatter Lewis the Fourteenth when he commended him: we may conclude that it is impossible to give him a general commendation with∣out flattery. For, where a Satyrick Poet paints what other man must not daub? The second Reflection is this, that since this Panegyrick is scarce to be supported, not∣withstanding the most admirable genius of the Author, which shines throughout it; and an art to which nothing can be added (remember that I speak of the Original) and beyond which nothing can be desir'd; you may easily conclude how extreamly fulsome the rest of the Panegyricks upon Lewis the Fourteenth must needs be, whose Authors fall infinitely short of Boileau's, ei∣ther Genius, or Art, or Virtue.
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The Speech of Monsieur Boileau, up∣on his admission into the French Academy.
Gentlemen,
THE Honour this day conferr'd upon me is some thing so great, so extraordina∣ry, so little expected; and so many several sorts of reasons ought to have for ever excluded me from it, that at this very moment in which I return my acknowledgements, I am doubtful if I ought to believe it. Is it then possible, can it be true, Gentlemen, that you have in effect judg'd me worthy to be admitted into this illustrious Society; whose famous Establishment does no less honour to the memory of Cardinal Rich∣lieu, than all the rest of the numerous wonders of his matchless Ministry? And what must be the thoughts of that great man? What must be the thoughts of that wise Chancellour, who after him enjoy'd
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the Dignity of your Protectorship; and after whom it was your opinion, that none but your King had right to be your Protector? What must be their thoughts, Gentlemen, if they should behold me this day, becoming a part of this Glorious Body, the object of their eternal care and esteem; and into which by the Laws, which they have establish'd; by the Maxims which they have maintain'd, no one ought to be receiv'd, who is not of a spotless Merit, an extraordinary Wit, and comparable even to you? But farther, whom do I succeed in the place which you are pleas'd to afford me here? * 1.2 Is it not a Man who is equally▪ renown'd for his great Employments, and his profound Capacity? Is it not a Magistrate who fill'd one of the foremost Seats in the Council; and who in so many important Occasions has been Ho∣noured by his Prince, with his strictest Con∣fidence: A Magistrate, no less Wise than Experienc'd, watchful, laborious; and with whom the more I compare my self, the less Proportion I find.
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I know very well, Gentlemen (and who can be ignorant of it,) that in the choice which you make of men who are proper to supply the vacancies of your learned Assem∣bly, you have no regard either to Place or to Dignity: That Politeness, Learning, and an acquaintance with all the more gentle Arts, have always usher'd in naked Merit to you, and that you do not believe it to be unbecoming of you, to substitute in the room of the highest Magistrate, of the most exalted Minister, some famous Poet, or some Writer, whom his Works have ren∣dred Illustrious; and who has very often no other. Dignity, than that which his de∣sert has given him upon Parnassus, But if you barely consider me as a man of Learn∣ing, what can I offer you that may be worthy of the favour, with which you have been pleas'd to honour me? Is it a wretch∣ed Collection of Poetry, successful rather by a happy temerity and a dexterous imi∣tation of the Ancients, than by the beau∣ty of its thoughts, or the richness of its expressions? Is it a translation that falls so
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far short of the great Master-pieces with which you every day supply us; and in the which you so gloriously revive; Thu∣cydidis, Xonophon, Taoitus, and all the rest of the renown'd Heroes of the most learn'd Antiquity? No, Gentlemen, you are too well acquainted with the just value of things, to recompence at a rate so high, such low Productions as mine, and to offer me voluntarily upon so slight a foundation, an Honour, which the knowledge of my want of Merit, has discouragid me still from de∣manding.
What can be the reason then, which in my behalf has so happily influenc'd you upon this occasion? I begin to make some discovery of it, and I dare engage that I shall not make you blush in exposing it. The goodness which the greatest Prince in the World has shown in employing me, together with one of the first of your illu∣strious Writers, to make one Collection of the infinite number of his Immortal Actions; the permission which he has given me to do this, has supply'd all my defects with you.
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Yes, Gentlemen, what ever just reasons ought to have excluded me for ever from your Academy; you believed that you could not with justice suffer, that a man who is destin'd to speak of such mighty things, should be depriv'd of the utility of your Lessons, or instructed in any other School than in yours. And by this, you have clearly shown, that when it is to serve your August Protector; whatever consideration might otherwise restrain you, your Zeal will not suffer you to cast your eyes upon any thing but the interest of your Master's Glory.
Yet suffer me, Gentlemen, to undeceive you, if you believe that that great Prince, at the time when he granted that favour to me, believ'd that he should meet within me a Writer, who was able to sustain in the least, by the Beauty of Style, or by the magnificent Pomp of Expression, the Grandeur of his Exploits. No, Gentlemen, it belongs to you, and to Pens like yours, to shew the World such Master-pieces; and he never conceiv'd so advantageous a
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thought of me. But as every thing that he has done in his Reign is Wonderful, is Prodigious, he did not think it would be amiss that in the midst of so many re∣nown'd Writers, who with emulation de∣scribe his Actions in all their Splendour, and with all the Ornaments of the subli∣mest Eloquence; a man without artifice, and accus'd rather of too much sincerity than of flattery, should contribute by his labour and by his advice, to set to show in a proper light, and in all the simpli∣city of the most natural Style; the truth of those Actions, which being of them∣selves so little probable, have rather need to be faithfully related, than to be strong∣ly exaggerated.
And indeed, Gentlemen, when Poets and Orators, and Historians who are some∣times as daring as Poets or Orators, shall come to display upon so happy a Subject, all the bold strokes of their Art, all their force of Expression; when they shall say of Lewis the Great, more justly than was said of a famous Captain of old, that he
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alone has atchiev'd more Exploit sthan other Princes have read; that he alone has taken more Towns, than other Monarchs have wish'd to take: When they shall assure us, that there is no Potentate upon the face of the Earth, no not the most Ambitious, who in the secret prayers that he puts up to Heaven, dares presume to Petition for so much Glory, for so much Prosperity as Heaven has freely grated this Prince: When they shall write that his Conduct is Mi∣stress of Events; That Fortune dares not contradict his designs: When they shall paint him at the Head of his Armies, marching with Gigantick Strides, over great Rivers and highest Mountains; thun∣d'ring down Ramparts, rending hard Rocks, and tearing into ten thousand pieces every thing that resists his impetuous Shock: These expressions will doubtless appear great, rich, noble, adapted to the lofty Sub∣ject; but at the same time that the World shall wonder at them, it will not think it self oblig'd to believe them, and the Truth may be easily disown'd or mistaken,
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under the disguise of it pompous orna∣ments.
But, when Writers without artifice, and who are contented faithfully to re∣late things; and with all the simplicity of Witnesses who depose, rather than of Hi∣storians, who make a Narration, shall rightly set forth, all that has pass'd in France, ever since the famous Peace of the Pyrences; all that the King has done in his Domi∣nions, to re-establish Order, Discipline, Law: when they shall reckon up all the Provinces which he has added to his Kingdoms in succeeding Wars, all the Ad∣vantages, all the Victories which he has gain'd of his Enemies; Holland, Germany, Spain; all Europe too feeble all against him alone, a War that has been always fruitful in prosperity, and a more glorious Peace. When Pens that are sincere, I say, and a great deal more careful to write the Truth, than to make others admire them, shall rightly articulate all these Actions, dis∣pos'd in their order of time, and attended with their real circumstances; who is it
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that can then dissent from them, I do not say of our Neighbours, I do not say of our Allies; I say of our mortal Enemies? And tho' they shou'd be unwilling to acknowledge the truth of them, will not their dimi∣nish'd Forces, their States confin'd within stricter Bounds, their complaints, their jea∣lousies, their furies, their very invectives in spight of themselves convince them? Can they deny that in the very year in which I am speaking, this Prince being resolv'd to constrain them all to accept of a Peace which he had offer'd them for the good of Christendom; did all at once, and that at a time, when they had pub∣lish'd that he was intirely exhausted of Men and Money: that he did then, I say, all at once in the Low Countries, cause to start up as twere out of the ground two mighty Armies, each of them consisting of Forty Thousand Men; and that he pro∣vided for them abundant subsistance there, notwithstanding the scarcity of Forrage, and the excessive drought of the Season? Can they deny that whilst with one of
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these Armies, he caus'd his Lieutenants to Besiege Luxembourgh, himself with the o∣ther, keeping as it were block'd all the Towns of Brabant and Hainault; That he did by this most admirable Conduct, or rather by a kind of Enchantment, like that of the Head so renown'd in the an∣tient Fables, whose aspect transform'd the beholders to Stones; render the Spaniards unmov'd spectators of the taking of that important place, in the which they had re∣pos'd their utmost refuge. That by a no less admirable effect of the same prodigi∣ous Enchantment, that obstinate Enemy to his Glory, that industrious contriver of Wars and Confederacies, who had la∣bour'd so long to stir up all Europe against him, found himself, if I may use the ex∣pression, disabled and impotent, tyed up on every side, and reduc'd to the wretch∣ed vengeance of dispersing Libels; of sending forth Cries and Reproaches. Our very Ene∣mies, give me leave to repeat it, can they de∣ny all this? Must not they confess that at the time when these wonders were execu∣ing
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in the Low Countries, our Fleet up∣on the Mediteranean, after having forc'd Algiers to be a Suppliant for Peace; Caus'd Genoa to feel, by an example that will be eternally dreadful, the just chastisement of its Insolence and of its Persidiousness; bu∣rying under the ruines of Palaces and state∣ly Houses that proud City, more easie to be Destroy'd than be Humbled? No, without doubt, our Enemies dare not give the lye to such known truths, especi∣ally when they shall see them writ with that simple and natural Air, & with that character of sincerity and probability, with which whate're my defects are, I do not absolutely despair to be able at least in part to supply the History.
But since this very simplicity, all enemy as it is to Ostentation and Pageantry, has yet its Art, its Method, its Beauties; from whence can I better derive that Art, and those Beauties, than from the source of all delicacies, this fam'd Academy, which has kept possession, for so many years, of all the Treasures, of all the Riches, of
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our Tongue? These, Gentlemen, are the things which I am in hopes to find among you, this is what I come to study with you; this is what I come to learn of you. Hap∣py, if by my assiduity in frequenting you, by my address in bringing you to speak of these matters, I can engage you to con∣ceal nothing of all your most secret skill, from me. Your skill to render Nature decent and chast at the very time when she is most Alluring; and to make the Colours and Paint of Art, appear to be the genuine Beauties of Nature. Thrice hap∣py! if by my respects and by my sincere submissions, I can perfectly convince you of the extream acknowledgement, which I shall make all my life time for the unexpe∣cted Honour you have done me.
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FABLE. The Fox and the Crow.
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FABLE. The Wolf and the Horse.
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To Mr. E H Physician and Poet.
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To a Young Gentleman, who was blam'd for marrying. Young.
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Upon the same Subject, in imitation of Anacreon's Manner.
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Advice to Women, against Female Pride.
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Upon a Ladys Picture.
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To a Painter Drawing a Lady's Picture.
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FABLE. The Lyon and the Ass a Hunting.
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Some Moral Reflections concerning Vanity, Written upon the occasion of Burlesquing the Fable of the Ass and the Lyon.
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FABLE. The Wolf and the Crane.
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Upon the Fleet then fitting out. Writ∣ten in 1682.
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The Prosopoeia of Ostend.
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FABLE. Of the Cock and the Fox.
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FABLE. Of the Dunghill Cock.
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FABLE. Of the Wolf and the Fox.
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Juvenals Eighth Satyre, Frag.
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Lyons, October 15. 1688.
SIR,
I Do not question but that you have for this month expected a Letter from me, and that perhaps with a little impatience: Since this is a time which may afford va∣riety of News, of which who must not be now desirous? But all the time I was at Paris, I had so much Sickness, that that might well supersede any obligation I lay under. For let a promise be never so bind∣ing, and never so much a Debt; who could take care of paying so trifling a one, when a most severe and importunate Cre∣ditor, Nature, was calling for hers. Nor now when at length that excuse is want∣ing to me, are you like to receive such a Let∣ter, as perhaps might be most welcome to you in this Conjuncture. For if I should send you the truth in disguise, perhaps you might not discover her. And is this a time to expose her naked to the World:
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When her nakedness which is only the ef∣fect of her Innocence, by many would be mistaken for Lewdness, and by more for Barbarity. I will then say nothing of the Affairs of Europe nor ours, tho I could find much to say of them both. For I now converse with a People who are as full of Talk as they are Inquisitive. But since I am taking my leave of that People, I will confine my Discourse to them. But be∣fore I begin, I will use plain dealing with you, (a thing which they never did yet with any one) and tell you that I mortal∣ly hate them. Yet neither shall my Na∣tive nor acquir'd Antipathy suborn me to say any thing false of them. I will do like a Painter, who will draw the true resem∣blance of the Face that is most provoking. But then I must give you this Caution, that what I have to say, tho it be true in some measure of all of them; yet it is chiefly to be consin'd to the middle sort of the Nation. For besides that I have most con∣vers'd with them, as a Stranger must of necessity be suppos'd to do, the Genius
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of a Nation most plainly appears in the middle sort of its People. For great Education, which attends high Birth, or high Fortune, very often improves or corrupts or sophisticates Nature, whilst in those of the middle State she remains unmixed and unalter'd. These then I have found in the first place excessively vain. Every Man is here a Narcissus, and in the flattering glass of his own false imagination is eternally gazing up∣on himself, or at least upon what he takes for himself. For in this their er∣rours are different, for as that melan∣choly Boy took himself for another, these merry Fools take something else for themselves. For nothing in Nature is more unlike than the Picture which a Frenchman draws of himself. It would be needless to insist longer on this. For they have so long made sport for their neighbouring Nations, by extra∣vagant and absurd commendations of their own, that to endeavour to bring proofs of their Vanity, would be some∣thing
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more ridiculous than that. Now this is certain, that he who abounds in Vanity can want no affectation. For affectation is nothing but a fruitless at∣tempt to counterfeit and falsisie Nature, when a Man impotently endeavours to appear what he really is not, or what he is incapable of being. Nature grows impatient, and struggles to be freed from the constraint that is put upon her, and in the strife there appear'd something so odious that all who are lovers of her, can∣not but hate that person who endeavours so rudely to force her. Now Nature in man is various. She is Gay in one, and Froward in another: She is Delicate in a third, in a fourth she is Gross; and there is not a Man in a Million whom Heaven made fit for all things: yet how many are there, alas! who by senseless Self-love intoxicated, believe themselves fit for all things, and will be offering at all things. Now such have been al∣ways, and will be always affected. And such are the people with whom I have
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lately convers'd; and I have more par∣ticularly remark'd in some of their Pro∣vincial Gentlemen, that in their endea∣vours to shew their admiration mingled with a gentle Passion, they are guilty of affectations so monstrous, that an Eng∣lish Fop is not capable of them. Ano∣ther necessary effect of their vanity is their assurance, or in our Language, their Im∣pudence. For modesty is nothing but the fear of displeasing, when a man believes or at least, suspects that he is defective; and it naturally includes in it a mistrust of our selves, and an esteem of others; which is the reason that renders it love∣ly to all, when ever it is joyn'd with good qualities. For it flatters and sooths our Self-love, of which no Man can wholly divest himself; by assuring us that we are esteem'd and preferr'd. Now how can any one have this fear of displeasing, who imagines himself all Perfection, and who swell'd with the
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venom of Pride, like the Toad in the Fable, believes himself greater than those with whose greatness he holds not the least proportion. The French then are affected and impudent, which are but the necessary effects of that Na∣tional Vice, their Vanity. But then have they one very good quality, which pro∣ceeds from the same vanity. And that is their extraordinary civility to Stran∣gers. For they are civil to us, not for our satisfaction, but their own; not as they imagine it a duty, but an accom∣plishment. 'Tis to please himself that a Frenchman is officious to me, and 'tis to honour himself that he bows to others. I am pretty confident that I am not de∣ceiy'd here. For I have found by some observation, and some thinking, That there is little good Nature amongst them, For they will deceive or betray you at the very same time they oblige you. Thus have I giv'n you an imper∣fect account of such of their qualities,
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as are most conspicuous in them. There are some which lye more hidden. But I have said enough to tire my Self and You.
I am, &c.
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Turin, Octob. 25. 88.
I Have here sent you a Journal of my Journey from Lyons hither, in which you will find that account of the Alpes, which you so earnestly desired of me, before I came out of England. I have taken no notice of the Towns in Savoy; nor so much as the Rock of Montmelian, but have confin'd my self to a Subject which you seem'd to affect so much.
On the nineteenth of October, we set out from Lyons, and came that night to Venpellier, thro a fair Plain, which was sometimes Arable, and sometimes Pa∣sture, and bounded with Rows of Hills at that just distance, as gave tho not a large, an agreeable Prospect.
Octob. 20. We came by Noon thro the same Plain, which grew to be some∣times a Marsh to a Bourg, call'd Tour Du Pin. From thence, after Dinner, we continued our way, thro whole
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Groves of Walnut and Chestnut. Trees to Pont Beauvoisin, being the Bridge that separates France and Savoy.
Octob. 21. We entred into Savoy in the Morning, and past over Mount Ai∣guebellette. The ascent was the more easie, because it wound about the Mountain. But as soon as we had conquer'd one half of it, the unusual heighth in which we found our selves, the impending Rock that hung over us, the dreadful Depth of the Precipice, and the Tor∣rent that roar'd at the bottom, gave us such a view as was altogether new and amazing. On the other side of that Torrent, was a Mountain that equall'd ours, about the distance of thirty Yards from us. Its craggy Clifts, which we half discern'd, thro the misty gloom of the Clouds that surrounded them, sometimes gave us a horrid Prospect. And sometimes its face appear'd Smooth and Beautiful as the most even and fruitful Vallies. So different from themselves were the dif∣ferent parts of it: In the very same place
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Nature was seen Severe and Wanton. In the mean time we walk'd upon the very brink, in a litteral sense, of Destruction; one Stumble, and both Life and Carcass had been at once destroy'd. The sense of all this produc'd different motions in me, viz. a delightful Horrour, a terrible Joy, and at the same time, that I was infinitely, pleas'd I trembled.
From thence we went thro a pleasant Valley bounded with Mountains, whose high but yet verdant Tops seem'd at once to forbid and invite Men. After we had march'd for a League thro the Plain, we ar∣riv'd at the place which they call La Cave; where the late Duke of Savoy in the Year Seventy, struck out a Passage thro a rocky Mountain that had always before been im∣passible: Performing that by the force of Gun-powder, which Thunder-bolts or Earthquakes could scarce have effected. This Passage is a quarter of an English Mile, made with incredible labour, and the ex∣pence of four Millions of Livers. At the Entrance into it is the following pompous Inscription.
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Carolus Emanuel Secundus, Subaudiae Dux, Pedemontani princeps, Cypri Rex, publicâ felicitate partâ, singulorum commodis in∣tentus, breviorem, securioremque hanc viam regiam, a naturâ occlusam, Roma∣nis intentatam, caeteris desperatam, eversis Scopulorum repagulis, aequatâ Montium in∣iquitate, quae cervicibus impendebant prae∣cipitia pedibus substernens, eternis popu∣lorum Commerciis patefecit.
At Chambery we din'd, the Capital Town of Savoy. In our way from thence to Mont∣melian, Nature seem'd quite to have changd her Face. There craggy Rocks look'd hor∣rid to the Eye, and Hills appeard on every side of so stupendous an heighth, that the Company was divided at a distance, whe∣ther they should believe them to be sunny Clouds, or the Snowy tops of Mountains. Here appear'd a Hill with its top quite hid in black Clouds, and beyond that Hill, & a∣bove those Clouds some higher Mountain show'd its hoary Head. With this strange entertainment by the way, we came that Night to Montmelian.
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On the 22. we set forward in the morn∣ing. The Mountains appear'd to grow still more Lofty. We din'd that day at Aigue∣belle. In the Afternoon we proceeded on our way, sometimes thro the Plain, and sometimes on the side of the Alps; with which we were hemm'd in on all sides. We then began that day to have the additional diversion, of a Torrent that ran sometimes with fury beneath us, and of the noise of the Cas∣cades, or the down fall of Waters, which sometimes came tumbling a main from the Precipices. We lay that night at La Chambre.
On the 23. The morning was very cold, which made us have dismal apprehensions of Mount Cenis, since we felt its influence so severely at so great a distance. We arriv'd by Noon at St. Michel. In the Afternoon we continued our Journey mostly upon the sides of the Mountains, which were some∣times all cover'd with Pines, and sometimes cultivated, ev'n in places where one would swear the thing were impossible, for they were only not perpendicular. We lay that Night at Modanen.
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Oct. 24. Modane is within a dozen Miles of Mount Cenis, and therefore the next morning we felt the Cold more severely. We went to Dinner at Laneburgh, situate at the foot of Mount Cenis.
As soon as we had din'd, we sent our Horses about, and getting up upon Mules began to ascend the Mountain. I could not forbear looking back now and then to contemplate the Town and the Vale be∣neath me. When I was arriv'd within a hundred Yards of the Top, I could still discern Laneburgh at the Bottom, distant Three tedious Miles from me. What an amazing distance? Think what an impres∣sion a place must make upon you, which you should see as far under you as 'tis from your House to Hampstead. And here I wish I had force to do right to this re∣nown'd Passage of the Alpes. 'Tis an easie thing to describe Rome or Naples to you, because you have seen something your self that holds at least some resemblance with them; but impossible to set a Mountain before your eyes, that is inaccessible al∣most
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to the slght, and wearies the very Eye to Climb it. For when I tell you that we were arriv'd within a hundred yards of the Top: I mean only the Plain, thro which we afterwards pass'd, but there is another vast Mountain still upon that. If these Hills were first made with the World, as has been a long time thought, and Nature design'd them only as a Mound to inclose her Garden Italy: Then we may well say of her what some affirm of great Wits, that her, careless irregular and boldest Strokes are most admirable. For the Alpes are works which she seems to have design'd, and executed too in Fury. Yet she moves us less, where she studies to please us more. I am delighted, 'tis true at the prospect of Hills and Valleys, of flowry Meads, and murmuring Streams, yet it is a delight that is consistent with Reason, a delight that creates or im∣proves Meditation. But transporting Pleasures follow'd the sight of the Alpes, and what unusual transports think you were those, that were mingled with horrours,
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and sometimes almost with despair? But if these Mountains were not a Creation, but form'd by universal Destruction, when the Arch with a mighty flaw dissolv'd and fell into the vast Abyss (which surely is the best opinion) then are these Ruines of the old World the greatest wonders of the New. For they are not only vast, but horrid, hideous, ghastly Ruins. After we had gallop'd a League over the Plain, and came at last to descend, to descend thro the very Bowels as it were of the Mountain, for we seem'd to be enclos'd on all sides: What an astonishing Pros∣pect was there? Ruins upon Ruins in mon∣strous Heaps, and Heaven and Earth con∣founded. The uncouth Rocks that were above us, Rocks that were void of all form, but what they had receiv'd from Ruine; the frightful view of the Preci∣pices, and the foaming Waters that threw themselves headlong down them, made all such a Consort up for the Eye, as that sort of Musick does for the Ear, in which Horrour can be joyn'd with Har∣mony.
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I am afraid you will think that I have said too much. Yet if you had but seen what I have done, you would surely think that I have said too little. However Hyperboles might easily here be forgiven. The Alpes appear to be Nature's extra∣vagancies, and who should blush to be guilty of Extravagancies, in words that make mention of her's. But 'tis time to proceed. We descended in Chairs, the descent was four English Miles. We past thro Novalese, situate at the Foot of Mount Cenis on the side of Italy, and lay that Night at Suse. We din'd the next day at Villane, and thro a pleasant Valley came that Night to this place.
I am, &c.
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Rome Decemb. 1. 1688.
TO perform the promise which I made you in my last, I venture to say something of the Ancient and Modern Italians, tho you do not con∣sider that when you made that request to me, you put me upon a necessity of disobliging my Friend by a refusal, or exposing my self by treating of a Subject for which I am wholly unqualified. It is true, when I was at Lyons in compliance with your desire, I ventur'd to say something of the French. But besides that I had been longer in France than I have in Italy, the French lye so open, that a Man who will observe them, may as well venture to give their Character in a Months time, as he may in several years. For they who are ex∣cessivly vain, take as much pains to show them∣selves, as a Stroler at a Fair does a Monster. 'Tis the constant business of their Lives to paint out their Virtues to you; nay, and their Defects which their Vanity mistakes for their Virtues. But the Italians are as reserv'd to Strangers as the French are open: and one would wonder how they who show much Flegm before they are very well ac∣quainted, should be able afterwards, in so strange a manner, to animate Conversation. But to come to my business, 'tis wonderful you say, that the Modern Italians should appear so different from the Ancient, since they breath the same Air, and are nourish'd by the same Soil. For since the affinity
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is so near betwixt the Soul and the Body, and they work so strongly upon each other, you say it is but reasonable to believe that the Climate which helps to give the Body its Complexion, should help to give the Mind its Temper. Now since you have reason, you say, to suppose that the Climate of Italy is very near the same at this day, that it was two Thousand Years agoe, you cannot but wonder that the Modern Italians should appear so different from the Ancient. The French are the very same now that Caesar described them formerly, excepting that they are grown a more polish'd sort of Barbarians. The Carthaginians were fam'd for their Cruelty & their Perfidiousness; and those two Vices are at present, inseparable from the Inhabitants of the Coasts of Barbary. But the Italians, you say, are at present renown'd for several extraordinary Vices, which were utterly unknown to the Ancient Romans, to whose Virtues the Modern are utterly Strangers.
In answer to this, give me leave to tell you that you are mistaken in part of your Assertion. For the Vices which are to be found at this day in Italy, were the Vices of the Ancient Romans. Their Empire ow'd its Rise to the same Crimes which dissolv'd it, and there were proportionably as many Villains in the Rome of Romulus, as there are in that of Innocent the Eleventh. Consider the Factions of Marius and Sylla, and the two Triumvi∣rats following, and you will find infinitely more ex∣amples of black Revenge than you can amongst Modern Italians. What can be more bloody than
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those times? Or more treacherous and base than those of Tiberius? 'Tis true from the time of the first Consuls, to the end of the Punick War, there flourish'd a continual Race of Heroes, with whom if you compare the Modern Italians, they seem to be Men of quite different frames, and Inhabitants of a different part of the World. A capacity to practise those glittering Virtues which the World so much admires, depends very much upon force of mind, which depends in some sort on the Com∣plexion, as that does in some sort on the Climate. But then is it certain that there is the very same force of mind requir'd to be prodigiously wicked, that is required to be heroically Virtuous. Weak people are but wicked by halves, but whenever we hear of high and enormous Crimes, we may conclude, that they proceed from a power of Soul and a reach of Thought, which are altogether extraordinary. So that the Modern Italians, who by your own confession are skill'd in all the ways of exquisite wickedness, come into the World with as much natural capacity to exert he∣roick Virtue, as ever the Ancient Romans did.
Force of Mind makes a Man capable of great Vir∣tues, or of great Vices; but it determines him to neither. Education, Discipline and Accidents of Life constitute him either a great Philosopher, or an illustrious Libertine.
As strongest bodies cannot be secure from Infe∣ction in pestilential Seasons, so Minds that have most force are apt to be tainted by the Contagion of Epidemick Vices.
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The two most glittering Virtues that shin'd a∣mongst the ancient Romans, were greatness of Mind and heroick Fortitude: 'Twas that greatness of Mind that made one of their Generals reject with disdain, the offer that was made him to poy∣son the most formidable Enemy to their State: whereas the modern Italians have at every turn recourse to Stilletto and Poyson, which are almost their only offensive Weapons.
Do but compare the happy and flourishing state of the old Commonwealth, with the wretched con∣dition of the modern Italians, and you will soon find the reason why the Romans were Brave and Honourable Enemies; and why the Italians at pre∣sent are base ones. For this is most certain, That no Man can basely offer violence to another without doing some to himself. From whence it follows that no Man will do it, unless in some measure he believes it necessary. No Man then will take a base revenge of another who believes that he can take an honourable one. No Man will ever have recourse to Treachery who is confident of prevailing by open force. Now great success most commonly in∣fuses great Thoughts, and inspires a noble Presump∣tion, which renders Men Brave and Magnanimous: whereas we frequently see that Men with their Fortunes and Liberties lose their very Spirits and Souls, according to the observation of the Comick Poet. Ut res nostrae sint, ita nos magni atque humi∣les sumus.
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Notes
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* 1.1
Boileau, when he writ this, was about Six and Forty Years Old; but Poetry admits of no odd Numbers above Nine.
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* 1.2
Monsieur de Besons