The copie of a letter sent out of England to Don Bernardin Mendoza ambassadour in France for the King of Spaine declaring the state of England, contrary to the opinion of Don Bernardin, and of all his partizans Spaniardes and others. This letter, although it was sent to Don Bernardin Mendoza, yet, by good hap, the copies therof aswell in English as in French, were found in the chamber of one Richard Leigh a seminarie priest, who was lately executed for high treason committed in the time that the Spanish Armada was on the seas. Whereunto are adioyned certaine late aduertisements, concerning the losses and distresses happened to the Spanish nauie, aswell in fight with the English nauie in the narrow seas of England, as also by tempests, and contrarie winds, vpon the west, and north coasts of Ireland, in their returne from the northerne isles beyond Scotland.

THE COPIE OF A LET∣TER SENT OVT OF ENGLAND TO DON BERNARDINE MENDOZA AM∣BASSADOVR IN FRANCE FOR THE KING OF SPAINE.

MY Lord Ambassadour, though at the time of my last large writing to you of the state of this countrey, & of our long desired expectation of succours promi∣sed, I did not thinke to haue had such a sorrowfull occasion of any second wri∣ting, as nowe I haue of a lamentable change of matters of estate here: yet I can not forbeare (though it be with as many sighs as liues) to aduertise you of the truth of our mise∣rable condition, as now to me & others of our partie the same appeareth to be: that by comparing of all things past in hope, with the present nowe in despaire, your L. who haue had the principall managing hitherto of all our causes of long time both here & there in France, betwixt the King Catholique as∣sisted with the Potentates of the holy League, & all our coun∣trimen which haue professed obedience to the Church of Rome, may now fall into some new & better consideration, how our state both for our selues at home, and our brethren abroade, now at this present fallen (as it were) into vtter despaire, may be reuiued & restored to some new hope, with better assurance of successe then hath happened hitherto.* 2.1 For which purpose I haue thought it necessary to aduertise you in what termes this countrey now standeth, farre otherwise then of late, both we at home, and others abroad did make accompt of.

You know how we haue depended in firme hope of a change of the state of this countrey by the meanes of the deuout and

earnest incitations of the Popes holines, and the King Catho∣lique, and of other Potentates of the holy League, to take vpon them the Inuasion and conquest of this Realme: and by your assurances, and firme promises, we were now of a long season past perswaded, that the King Catholique had taken vpon him the same glorious Act, and thereof from yeare to yeare we loo∣ked for the execution: being continually fed and nourished from you to continue our hope, and sundrie times solicited by your earnest requests, and perswasions, to encourage our par∣tie at home not to wauer, as many were disposed, by sight of continuall delaies, but to be ready to ioyne with the outward forces that should come for this Inuasion. Neuerthelesse the delayes and prolongations of times appointed for the com∣ming of the Kings forces, specially by Sea, haue bene so ma∣nie, as vntill this last Spring, we were in despaire: at what time you aduertised vs with great assurance that al the Kings preparations,* 2.2 which had bene in making readie these thrée or foure yeares together, were now in full perfection, and without faile would this Sommer come into our Seas with such mightie strength, as no Nauie of England, or of Chri∣stendome, could resist or abide their force: and for more sure∣tie, and for auoiding of all doubts, to make the intended con∣quest sure, the same should also haue ioyned to it, the mightie Army which the Duke of Parma had made readie,* 2.3 and kept in readinesse in the low countries all this yeare past, wherewith he should land, and so both by Sea and land, this Realme should be inuaded, and a spéedie conquest made thereof, to the which were alwaies added sundry reasons: whereupon was gathered,* 2.4 that neither by sea, nor by land, there would be any great resistance found here, but a strong party in this Realme to ioyne with the forreine force. For otherwise then with such helps, to be assuredly had from hence, I know, it was alwaies doubted that no forreine force could preuaile against this* 2.5 realme, being (as it is) enuironed by sea, and notably repleni∣shed with more mightie and stronger people then any country in Christendome. But with the hope of the landing of these great Armies and our assistance in taking part, we here conti∣nued

all this yeare past in assured hope of a full victorie, vntill this last moneth. But alas and with a deadly sorrow, we must all at home, and abroad, lament our sudden fall, from an im∣measurable high ioy, to an vnmeasurable déepe despaire, and that so hastilie fallen out, as I may say, we haue séene in the space of eight or nine dayes in this last moneth of Iuly,* 2.6 which was from the apparance of the Catholique great Nauie vpon the coast of England, vntill it was forced to flie from the coast of Flanders neare Callice, towardes the vnknowen parts of the cold North, all our hopes, all our buildings, as it now appeareth but vpon an imagined conquest, vtterly ouer∣throwen, and as it were with an earthquake, all our castles of comfort brought to the ground, which now (it séemeth) were builded but in the aire, or vpon waues of the sea, for they are all perished, all vanished away from our thoughtes.

And here with I am astonished what I may best thinke of such a worke so long time in framing, to be so suddenly ouer∣thrown, as by no reason could procéed of man, or of any earth∣ly power,* 2.7 but only of God. And if so it be (as no body can other∣wise impute this late change & fall from our expected fortune, but to God almighty) then surely our case is either dangerous or doubtfull how to iudge thereof, whether we haue bene these many yeares in the right or not. For I do find, and know, that many good, and wise men, which of long time haue secretly continued in most earnest deuotion to the Popes authoritie,* 2.8 begin now to stagger in their mindes, and to conceiue that this way of reformation intended by the Popes holines is not al∣lowable in the sight of God, by leauing the auncient course of the Church by Excommunication, which was the exercise of the spirituall sword, and in place thereof to take the temporall sword, and put it into a Monarches hand to inuade this realme with force and Armes, yea to destroy the Quéene thereof, and all her people addicted to her: which are in very truth now féene, by great proofe this yeare, to be in a sort infinite, and in∣uincible, so as some begin to say that this purpose by violence, by blood, by slaughter, & by conquest, agréeth not with Christes doctrine, nor the doctrine of S. Peter, or S. Paule. And to tell your

Lordship truly, I finde presently a great number of wise and deuout people, though they continue in their former religion, yet do they secretely condemne this intended reformation by blood and force. Insomuch that I heard a good diuine alledge a textout of S. Gregorie in these words, Quid de Episcopis qui ver∣beribus timeri volunt Canones dicunt benè paternitas vestra nouit, pastores sumus nō percussores. Noua enim est predicatio quae verbe∣ribus exigit fidem. This sentence I obtained of him, because it séemeth to be charitably written. But leauing this authoritie among Doctors, I must néedes say that in very trueth no one thing hath done at this time more hurt to the action, then the vntimely hasty publishing abroad in this Realme before this Armie of Spaine was readie to come foorth to the seas,* 2.9 of sun∣drie things written and put in Print, & sent into this realme, to notifie to the people, that all the Realme should be inuaded and conquered, that the Quéene should be destroied, al the No∣bilitie, & men of reputation, of honour, and wealth that did obey her, and would defend her, or that would withstand the Inuasion, should be with all their families rooted out, and their places,* 2.10 their honours, their houses and landes bestowed vpon the conquerers: things vniuersally so odiously taken, as the harts of all sorts of people were enflamed: some with ire, some with feare, but all sortes almost, without exception, resolued to venture their liues for the withstanding of all maner of conquest, wherewith euery body can say this Realme was not threatned these fiue hundreth yeares and more.

These reports were brought to this realme with good credit, not in secret but in publique writings & printings, and tooke déepe roote in all kind of people of this land, and in déede was of the more credit,* 2.11 first by reason of a new Bull lately published at Rome by the Popes holines, which I haue séene, with more seueritie then other of his predecessours, whereby the Quéene here was accursed, and pronounced to be depriued of her Crowne & the Inuasion, and conquest of the Realme com∣mitted by the Pope, to y^e King Catholique, to execute the same with his armies both by sea and land, and to take the Crowne to him selfe, or to limit it to such a Potentate as the Pope & he

should name. And secondly, there followed a large explanati∣on of this Bull, by sending hither a number of English bookes printed in Antwerp euen when the Nauy of Spaine was dai∣ly looked for, the originall whereof was written by the reue∣rend father Cardinall Allen in Aprill last,* 2.12 called in his owne writing the Cardinall of England, which booke was so violent∣ly, sharply, and bitterly written, yea (say the Aduersaries) so arrogantly, falsly, and slaunderously, against the person of the Quéene, against her father King Henrie the eight, against all her Nobilitie and Counsell, as in very truth I was heartily sory to perceiue so many good men of our owne religion offen∣ded therewith, in that there should be found in one accompted a father of the Church, who was also a borne subiect of this crowne (though by the Aduersaries reported to be very basely borne) such foule, vile, irreuerent, and violent spéeches, such ireful and bloody threatnings, of a Quéene, of a Nobilitie, yea of the whole people of his owne nation.

Sory,* 2.13 and most sory I am to report the generall cuill con∣ceipt of these vnordinate and vnaduised procéedings of this Cardinall, of whose rash choise to such a place, the world spea∣keth strangely, as though he came to it through corruption of the Popes sister, without liking of the Colledge of Cardinals, where otherwise the blessed intention of our holy Father, and the desire also of the said Cardinall, might without such fatall bloody premonitions and threatnings of future Inuasions and conquests by the Catholique Kings noble forces, haue ta∣ken better place.

There was also to adde the more credite to these terrible prognostications,* 2.14 such kind of other bookes printed in Spaine and translated into French, (as it is said by your Lorship) containing particular long descriptions, and catalogues of Armadas of Castile, of Andaluzia, of Biscaye, of Guipusque, of Portingall, of Naples, of Sicil, of Ragusa, and other Countries of the Leuant, with a masse of all kinde of prouisions, beyond measure, for the said Armadas, sufficient in estimation, to be able to make conquest of many kingdomes or countries. And one great Argument is published by the Aduersaries to stirre

vp the mindes of the Nobilitie of England against the Spani∣ards, which is very maliciously inuented, to shew the intenti∣on of the conquest, not only of England, but of the whole Isle of Britaine: mouing all men specially to marke by the descrip∣tiō of the Armada, that there are specially named such a num∣ber of Noblemen, as Princes, Marquises, Condes and Dons, that are called Aduenturers, without any office or pay, & such another number also of men with great titles of honour, and many of them named Captaines and Alferez, without office, but yet in sold, and therefore called Entertenidos, as all those being for no seruice in the Armada may be wel presumed (say they) to haue come to haue possessed the roomes of all the No∣blemen in England, and Scotland: and this fiction hath taken more place then it is worth. And though these armies were in déede excéeding great and mightie, yet they were so amplified beyond all measure in these bookes, as in no preparation of Christendome in former times against the Sarracins or Turks could be greater.* 2.15 By this meanes this Queene and her realme, being thus forewarned and terrified, tooke occasion with the aide of her people, being not onely firmely (as she was per∣swaded) deuoted to her, but throughly irritated, to stirre vp their whole forces for their defence, against such prognostica∣ted conquests, as in a very short time all her whole Realme and euery corner were spéedily furnished with armed people on horsebacke, and on foote, and those continually trained, ex∣ercised, and put into Bands, in warlike maner, as in no age euer was before in this Realme. Here was no sparing of mo∣ney to prouide, horse, armour, weapon, powder, and all ne∣cessaries, no not want of prouision of Pioners, carriages, and victuals in euery Countie of the realme, without exception, to attend vpon the Armies. And to this generall furniture euery man voluntarily offered, very many their seruice personally without wages, others money for armour and weapons, and to wage souldiers, a matter strange and neuer the like heard of in this realme or else where: And this general reason moued all men to large contributions, that to withstand a Conquest where all should be lost, there was no time to spare a portion.

The numbers made ready in the Realme I cannot affirme of mine owne knowledge, but I haue heard it reported, when I was gréeued to thinke the same to be so true, that there was through England no quarter East, West, North and South,* 2.16 but all concurred in one mynde to be in readines to serue for the Realme: and that some one countrie was able to make a suf∣ficient Armie of twentie thousand men fit to fight, and fiftéene thousand of them well armed & weaponed: and in some coun∣tries the number of fortie thousand able men.

The maritime Countries from Cornewall,* 2.17 all along the Southside of England, to Kent: and from Kent Eastward, by Essex, Suffolk, and Norfolk to Lincolnshire (which Countries with their Hauens were well described vnto you in perfect Plots, when Francis Throgmorton, first did treat with your Lordship about the same) were so furnished of men of warre, both of themselues, & with resort of aide from their next shires, as there was no place to be doubted for landing of any forrein forces, but there were within eight and fortie houres to come to the place aboue twentie thousand fighting mē on horsebacke and on foote, with field ordinance, victuals, pioners and caria∣ges, and all those gouerned by the principal Noble men of the Countries and reduced vnder Captaines of knowledge.

And one thing I heard of, that was very politikely ordered and executed at this time, as of many late yeares was not v∣sed: that as the Leaders & officers of the particuler Bāds were men of experience in the warres: so to make the Bands strong and constant,* 2.18 choise was made of the principall Knights of all Countries to bring their renantes to the field, being men of strength, & landed, & of wealth: whereby all the forces of com∣pounded were of a resolute disposition to sticke to their Lords and Chieftaines, & the Chieftaines to trust to their owne te∣nants. And to remember one strāge spéech that I heard spoken may be marueiled at, but it was auowed to me for a truth, that one Gentlemā in Kent had a Band of one hundred & fiftie footmen,* 2.19 which were worth in goods aboue one hundred & fiftie thousand pounds sterling, besides their lands▪ such men would fight stoutely before they would haue lost their goods, and by

likelihood at this time, many other Bands were made of such principall men, both of wealth and strength. Of these thinges I am sory to haue cause to write in this sort: because you may see how heretofore you haue bene deceiued with aduertisemēts of many, which had no proofe to know the truth thereof, and so I confesse my selfe in some thinges to haue erred, namely, in imagining that whēsoeuer any forreine power should be séene ready to land in any part of this Realme, there would haue bene found but a small number resolute to withstand the same, or to defend the Quéene, but that the same would haue bene very vnable for the warres, vntrained, raw, and ignorant in all warlike actions, without sufficient armour and weapons: and that also the Noble men and Gentlemē that were in this Realme of our Religion, whereof, you know, we made accōpt when you were here in England of very many,* 2.20 although ma∣ny of thē be dead since that time, but at this time there are not so many tens, as we accompted hundreds, whom we thought would haue shewed them selues like men of courage for our common cause, and would haue sodenly surprised the houses, families, and strength of the heretiques and aduersaries.

But now, such is our calamitie, that it hath pleased God, as I thinke for our sinnes, or els for confounding of our bold opi∣nions, and presumptions of our owne strength, to put in the hearts of all persons here one like mynde, & courage to with∣stand the intended Inuasion, as well in such as we accompted Catholiques, as also in the Heretiques: so as it hath appea∣red manifestly that for all earnest procéeding for arming, and for contributions of money, and for all other warlike actions, there was no difference to be séene betwixt the Catholique, and the heretique.* 2.21 But in this case to withstand the threatned con∣quest, yea to defend the person of the Quéene, there appeared such a sympathie, concourse, and consent of all sortes of per∣sons, without respect of Religion, as they all appeared to be ready to fight against all strangers, as it were with one heart and one body. And though some few principall Gentlemen, of whom heretofore you haue had the names in such Catalo∣gues of Catholiques as you haue bene acquainted withall,

werelately vpon the report of the comming out of the Armie to the seas, sent to the Isle of Ely there to remaine restrained of their former libertie during the expectation of this intended Inuasion: yet it hath appeared, that they were not so restrai∣ned for any doubt that they would with their powers haue as∣sisted our Army, but onely thereby to make it knowen to all our friends and countrimen in Spaine, and Flaunders, yea euen to your selfe (for so I heard it spoken, as accompting you to haue bene the most principall Author and perswader of this action) that there should be no hope to haue any of them, or of their fréends, to assist these great Armies. And in very truth, I see now whosoeuer of our fréends in Spaine or in Flaun∣ders, or els where, made any such accompt of any aide against the Quéene, or against her partie here, they should haue bene deceaued if the Army had offered to haue landed.* 2.22 For I my selfe haue heard that the best of those that were sent to Elie did make offers, yea by their letters to the Counsell here, signed with their hands, that they would aduenture their liues in de∣fence of the Quéene, whom they named their vndoubted Soue∣raigne Lady and Queene, against all forrein forces, though the same were sent from the Pope or by his commandement: Yea diuers of them did offer that in this quarell of inuading of the Realme with strangers, they would present their owne bodies in the formost rankes with their countrie men against all strangers. Whereupon I heard also by a secrete friende of mine in the Court, that it was once in some towardnes of re∣solution amongst the Counsellers, that they should haue bene returned and put to their former libertie. But the heate of the warre being kindled with the knowledge of the Kings Ar∣mada, being at that time come to the Groigne, and the Duke of Parmas readines with so great an Armie and shipping in Flaunders, daily looked for to land in England, yea to come to London, and a generall murmur of the people against all such Recusants of reputation, was the cause of the staying of these Gentlemen at Elie, notwithstanding their offers of their seruice to the Quéene: and so they doe remaine in the Bishops pallace there, with fruition of large walkes about the same,

altogether without any imprisonment, other then that they are not suffred to depart into the towne, or countrey: and yet for their religion,* 2.23 I thinke surely they doe, and will, remaine constant to the obedience of the Church of Rome: for the which neuerthelesse they are not impeached to any danger of their liues, but only charged with a penalty of money, because they will not come to the Churches: whereby, by the law, a portion of their Reuenue is alotted to the Quéene, and the rest left to the maintenance of them, their wiues, and children.

By which kind of procéedings our Aduersaries here do pre∣tend, that both these Gentlemen, and all other of their quali∣ties are fauourably vsed, that they are not pursued to death for their religion, as they say it was vsed in Quéene Maries time, and as it is daily vsed (as they say) most rigorously and barba∣rously in Spaine against the Englishmen that come thither, onely in trade of marchandise. And yet I and others some∣times priuately speaking with such our Aduersaries, as wée thinke are not maliciously bent to haue men prosecuted to death only for their Religion (for to say the truth, and as the prouerbe is, not to belie the Diuel, very many of our Contra∣ries are in that point not vncharitable) we doe obiect to them the executions by cruell torments & deaths of very many, both here about London, and other parts of the Realme, whom we accompt as Martirs, in that they do witnes by their death their obedience to the Pope, and the Catholique Church of Rome.

To which, these our Aduersaries pretēding some small drops* 2.24 of charity do answere vs: that no execution hath bene of any, to their knowledge, for their religiō, or for profession thereof: but for that they which haue bene executed, haue bene found to haue wandred in the Realme secretly, & in a disguised maner,* 2.25 which the Aduersaries scornfully terme as Ruffians, with fe∣thers and all ornaments of light coloured apparell, like to the fashion of Courtiers, and doe vse many meanes to entice all people, with whom they dare aduenture to speake, not onely to be reconciled to the Pope, and Church of Rome, but to in∣duce them by vowes and othes to renounce, their obedience to the Quéene: to deny her to be their soueraigne: and themselues

to be discharged of their Alleageance: and to repute all Magi∣strates vnder her to be vnlawfull, and in conscience not to be obeyed: with many moe such matters (which I neuerthelesse count to be very vaine calumniations) tending to make the facts of all such holy Priests as are sent with Commission to winne mens soules to be direct treasons against the Quéene, and the state of the Realme.

These Defenders of these iudgements and executions, con∣tend, and do most earnestly maintaine, that all such Priests, Iesuites, Seminaries and others, so perswading the people a∣gainst the Quéene, the Lawes, the Gouernment, and state of the Realme, and all others that are so perswaded by them, are manifest traitors: and so they say that their enditements, and all proces of law extended and pursued against them, doe ma∣nifestly declare the same. Wherein, these our Aduersaries do sometimes for maintenance of their arguments, shew the ve∣ry copies of their enditements and iugdements, wherin there is no mention made of charging them with their religion, but that they haue attempted to perswade the Quéenes subiects to forsake their Allegeance, and consequently to be Rebels to their Quéene and Soueraigne.

In this sort these men for their aduantage, doe at all times, with these and many like earnest arguments maintaine their procéedings against the holy Priests & Iesuites, that haue suf∣fred death for their conscience, as iust & necessary. And though, where I and others may reply without perill to our selues (as surely in some small companies we may vsing modest words) we obiect the confession of the Catholique faith by the parties at their death, and that with great constancie, which our Ad∣uersaries cannot denie,* 2.26 so as it may seeme they die for their re∣ligion: yet is it on the other part against vs alleaged, & main∣tained, that they are neither indited, condemned, nor executed for their religion, or for offering of them selues to die for their religion, but onely for their former treasons in conspiring a∣gainst the Quéene, and state of the Realme: no otherwise then of late time Babington and all his Complices, who were condemned for their attempt to haue raised warre in the

Realme, and to haue murdered the Quéene, and to haue set vp the Quéene of Scots, all which the said Babington and all his complices voluntarily confessed, and were codemned and exe∣cuted, onely for those their great treasons: and yet diuers of them at the place of their execution, did in like maner (as these Priests and Iesuites vse to doe) make confession of their Ca∣tholique faith, with offer to die for the same: and yet (say our Aduersaries) it ought not to be affirmed, that Babington and his complices were put to death for religion, but for their trea∣sons.

And for further maintenance of the coloured arguments, wherewith I, and others my good, faithfull, and Catholique brethren are often troubled how to answere them, it is allea∣ged that the great number of gentlemen, & gentlewomen, yea some of honourable calling,* 2.27 and of other meaner degrées, are knowne manifestly to be of a contrary religion to the lawes of the Realme, both néere the Court and farre of, and yet they are neuer pursued by any fourme of law to put their liues in danger, or questioned, or imprisoned, for their opinions in re∣ligion, whereby to bring them in any danger. Onely such as are presented or complained of by the parishioners where they dwell, for neuer comming to any Church by the space of cer∣taine moneths in a whole yeare, are therof endited, and after∣ward being called to answere thereto, if they can shew no such lawfull excuse as the law hath prouided, they are then con∣demned to pay a penaltie out of their goods and lands, if they haue any, and not otherwise punished, nor yet by inquisition any of them examined of their faith. But yet say these defen∣ders, if they shew them selues by their open déeds and facts to be reconciled from their Alleageance and obedience to the Quéene, and that they will therein persist, then they are there∣with charged and punished according to the lawes therefore prouided.

These arguments in their defence I doe not repeate as al∣lowing of thē, but yet surely they do moue me, & some others that are wise, to thinke, that indéed the rashnes of diuers com∣ming secretely into the Realme, & professing themselues to be

Priestes,* 2.28 many of them being both very young, vnlearned, and of light behauiour, hath done great harme to the goodnesse of our common cause: and if they and such others could haue temperately and secretly instructed the people, and vsed more circumspection in their owne liuing & behauiour, there would haue bene a greater increase of numbers perswaded in con∣science to haue ioyned with vs in our profession. Whereof I am the bolder to write to you, my Lord, that you may con∣ferre with our countrimen, that haue accesse vnto you, and that they also may deale with the Fathers of the Iesuites, that more care and choice be had of such English men as are here∣after to be sent into England, and not to send euery yong man that hath more boldnesse, then learning and temperance, for such a function.

In the former part of this my declaration to you of the vni∣uersall concurrence of all men of value, wealth, and strength, in the body of the Realme, to serue and defend the Quéene & the Realme,* 2.29 I forgot to report vnto you the great numbers of Ships of the subiectes of the Realme: as of London and other port townes, and cities, that voluntarily this yeare were ar∣med, able to make a full Nauie of themselues for an armie, & all at the proper costes of the Burgesses, for certain moneths, with men, victuall, and munition, which did ioyne with the Quéenes owne Nauie all this Som∣mer, a thing neuer in any former age heard of, otherwise then that such ships were al∣wayes hired, waged, & victualled by the Kings of the Realme, which argued to the griefe of me and some others a most vehe∣ment and vnaccustomed affection & deuotion in the Cities and port townes, such, as they shewed them selues therein ready to fight, as it had bene, pro aris & focis.

Of the number and strength of the Quéenes owne ships of warre, I thinke you haue bene sufficiently enfourmed many times heretofore. But yet I will make you a true report of the state of them this present Sommer, what I haue credibly heard thereof: because I haue bene very sory to heare how you & others haue bene therein abused: and that not onely in this matter of the Quéenes ships, but in some other things al∣so

of late, whereof some part hath bene here by very many, maliciously, and in common spéeches, imputed to your owne inuention and publication: whereof in a few wordes I will make some digression before I shall shewe the estate of the Quéenes Nauie.

In this Sommer past there was Printed in Paris, by your direction (as it was reported) a notable vntruth,* 2.30 which I did sée, & reade: that the King of Scots had besieged Barwicke, and had won it by assault, and possessed it quietly: whereof no part was true, nor any cause to imagine the same, though I wish it had so bene: but not for any good will that I now beare to that King, but for the trouble to this Quéene. For in truth there is no good for vs to be hoped for from the King of Scots, howsoe∣uer the Scottish Bishops in France haue sought to make you beléeue otherwise, who is so rooted in the Caluinists Religion, as there is neuer hope that he can be recouered to the church of Rome: and so I thinke you are of late duely enfourmed, and by his violent actions against diuers Catholiques, & against all that fauour the Spaniards, may certainly appeare.

And likewise another great vntruth was lately Printed (as your enemies say) by your direction also in Paris,* 2.31 that now in Iuly last, when the Spanish Fléete and English had met and fought betwixt France and England, the Spaniards had then a great victorie, wherein they had sonke the Lord Ad∣mirall of England, with sixtéene of the Quéenes great ships into the bottome of the Seas, and that all the rest were driuen to flie with the Uice admirall Frances Drake. Upon these two so notable vntruthes, which the Aduersaries spitefully called Don Bernardin Mendozas mendacia,* 2.32 many who honour you, were right sory, that you should giue so hastie credite, to pub∣lish the same (as your enemies say) you did: though I haue to my power for cléering of you honour giuen it out, that these and such like haue procéeded of the lightnes of the Frēch, who cōmonly Print more lies then truths, in such doubtfull times, and not of you, whose honour and wisedome I thought would not be iustly touched with so great vntruthes and lies: consi∣dering alwayes, a small time will discouer things that are in

facts reported vntruly, and bringeth the Authours to discredit and infamy. There hath béene a spéech also reported here, to haue procéeded from you in France, that hath caused a great misliking of you in Scotland: which is, that you should in open assembly, and in a brauery say, that the young King of Scots (whom you called in your language a boy) had deceiued the King your master: but if the Kings Nauy might prosper a∣gainst England, the King of Scots should loose his Crowne: and of this the King of Scots hath bene aduertised out of France, and vseth very euill language of you, which I will not report.

But now to leaue this digression, and to returne to let you know the truth of the state of the Quéens Nauy this Sommer.* 2.33 The same was in the beginning of the yeare, when the brute was brought of the readines of the Kings Armada in Lisbone, and of the Army by land vpon the Sea coasts in Flanders with their shipping, deuided into thrée companies: the greatest vn∣der the charge of Charles L. Haward high Admirall of Eng∣land,* 2.34 whose father, grandfather, vncles, great vncles, and o∣thers of his house, being of the noble house of the Dukes of Norfolke, had also bene high Admirals afore him, wherof both France and Scotland haue had proofe.

An other company were appointed to remaine with the L. Henry Seymour second son to the Duke of Somerset that was Protector in King Edwards time,* 2.35 & brother to the now Earle of Hartfort: and these companies for a time continued in the Narrow seas betwixt England and Flanders, vnder the charge of the said high Admirall, to attend on the Duke of Par∣mas Actions.

A third company were armed in the West part of England towards Spaine,* 2.36 vnder the conduct of Sir Francis Drake: a man by name and fame knowne too too well to all Spaine, and to the Kings Indias, and of great reputation in England: and this was compounded, partly of some of the Quéenes owne ships, and partly of the ships of the West parts.

But after that it was certainely vnderstood, that the great Nauy of Spaine was ready to come out from Lisbone, and

that the fame therof was blowne abroad in Christendome to be inuincible, and so published by bookes in print, the Quéene and all her Counsel I am sure (whatsoeuer good countenance they made) were not a little perplexed, as looking certaine∣ly for a daungerous fight vpon the Seas, and after that for a landing and Inuasion. Whereupon the Lord Admirall was commaunded to saile with the greatest ships, to the West of England towardes Spaine to ioyne with Drake, whom he made Viceadmiral, & to continue in the seas betwixt France and England to stop the landing of the Nauy of Spaine. And with the Lord Admirall went in certaine of the Quéens ships, the Lord Thomas Haward second sonne to the last Duke of Norfolke,* 2.37 and the Lord Sheffeld, sonne to the Admirals sister, who is wife to the Quéenes Ambassadour in France, with a great number of Knights of great liuelode: And at that time the Lord Henry Seymour was left with a good number of ships in the narrow Seas, vpon the coast of Flaunders to at∣tend on the Duke of Parma.

Whilest these two Nauies were thus diuided, I confesse to you that I and others of our part, secretely made full accompt that none of all these English ships durst abide the sight of the Armada of Spaine: or if they would abide any fight, yet they should all be sonke at the first encounter. For such constant o∣pinion we had conceiued by the reports of the world, that the greatnes & number of the ships, and the Army of Spaine, be∣ing the chosen vessels of all the Kings Dominions, was so ec∣cessiue monstrous, beyond all the Nauies that euer had bene seene in Christendome (not excepting the Armada at Lepanto) that no power could abide in their way. But how farre decei∣ued we were therein, a very short time, euen the first day, did manifestly, to the great dishonour of Spaine, discouer. For when the Catholique Armie came to the coast of England, which in déede the English confesse did séeme farre greater then they looked for, and that they were astonied with the sight of them:* 2.38 yet the Lord Admiral & Drake, hauing but onely fifty of the English ships out of the Hauen of Plimmouth, where the rest remained for a new reuictualling, without tarying for

the rest of the Nauie that was in Plimmouth, they did offer present fight, & furiously pursued the whole Nauie of Spaine, being aboue 160. ships: so as the same, with the furious and continuall shot of the English one whole day, fled without any returning.* 2.39 And after, the English Nauy being encreased to an hundred great and smal, renued their fight with terrible great shot all the whole day, gaining alwayes the wind of the Spanish Nauy. And as I am sory to remember the particula∣rities, which the English haue largely written to their owne prayse: so to speake all in one word, for nine dayes toge∣ther, they still forced them to flie, and destroyed, sonke, and tooke in thrée dayes fight, diuers of the greatest shippes: out of which, specially out of the principall great ship of Andaluzia, and out of the Admiranta of Guipusque, and thirdly out of the principall great Galliasse of Naples great numbers were brought (beside many moe killed and drowned) to London, and to sundry other portes of the Realme, to the great disho∣nour of Spaine: amongst which prisoners were a great num∣ber of Captaines both for land and sea. And besides that, which déepely blemisheth the honour of Spaine, and vexeth me at my heart, to consider the inequalitie of fortune, it is vaunted by our Aduersaries, that in all the time of these fightes so many dayes,* 2.40 the Spaniards did neuer take, or sink, any English ship or boate, or breake any mast, or tooke any one man prisoner. A matter that in déede these Spaniards which are taken do mar∣ueile at greatly, and chafe thereat: so as some of them in their anguish of minde let not to say, that in all these fightes Christ shewed himselfe a Lutheran.

And though such spéeches be vnaduised, and not to be regar∣ded: yet surely it is most manifest, that in all this voiage from the comming of the Nauie out of Lisbon euen to this houre,* 2.41 God did shew no fauour to ours any one day, as he did conti∣nually to these Lutherans: which, percase, may be done for our good, to correct vs as putting our trust wholy in our worldly strength, & to the confusion hereafter of the Lutherans, by puf∣fing them vp, being his enemies, with prosperitie for a time, to be afterwardes the cause of their ruine. And amongest other

things reported to the dishonour of the Duke of Medina, who, it is said, was lodged in the bottome of his ship for his safetie, and to a great touch to the Commanders of the Spanish Na∣uie, that they neuer would turne their ships, nor stay them, to defend any of their owne shippes that were forced to tary be∣hind, but suffred diuers to perish, as are good witnesses thereof the thrée great vessels.* 2.42 One wherein Don Pedro de Valdez was taken: an other Galleon of Guipusque that was spoiled with fire: and the noble Galliasse wherein Hugo de Moncada was slaine: of which lacke of care by the Duke of Medina, these Spaniards that are taken giue very euill report. The like is said in Zeland by the Spaniards there, that were saued with Diego de Pimentelli,* 2.43 though the Galleon wherin he was, being beaten with the English shot, and not succoured by the Nauie of Spaine, did there perish in their cōming to Flushing, and so also did another likewise perish for lacke of succour be∣fore Ostend.

And now I must néedes thinke that you are stricken with some griefe of mind, or rather with some anger towards me, to heare from me so much of those aduerse things, although they are too true: and therfore I also imagine you may be disirous, for your better contentation, to vnderstand what opinions we that are here haue, being thus frustrate of our expected deli∣uerie, by the defeat of this enterprise: whether we do comfort our selues with a conceit that this Action may be, by any pro∣babilitie, once againe renued this next yeare, for the recouerie of our lost hope this yeare, famously spoken of by y^e number of 88. and so verified to the losse of al Catholiuqes.* 2.44 Wherin sure∣ly for our owne parts, as by secret conference I find with ma∣nie with whom I haue secretely of late upon this vnfortunate accident conferred, we can not iudge of any likelihood of good successe for any long time: and if there should any be hoped for, surely the Sea-forces of the King Catholique, must of necessitie be more increased, and better also gouerned then they were this yeare. For this we here doe consider that this enterprise of Inuasion and Conquest, was alwaies principal∣lie grounded vpon many probable opinions of the euill state

of the Realme.

First of the weaknes of the English Nauie: for so you know [ 1] you were diuers waies this last yeare aduertised from hence,* 2.45 and so also many of vs here did conceiue the same: wherein we see by all this yeares seruice with these ships, we did all nota∣bly erre.

Next, of a supposed euill contentment of a number of peo∣ple [ 2] in this land to serue the Queene, and her Gouernment a∣gainst her enemies.

Lastly, and most principally, of a great strong partie that [ 3] would be found here in the fauour of vs for the Catholique re∣ligion, that should take armes against the Queene vpon the first sight of the Catholique Nauie on the coasts of England. Of all which opinions, setled in good mens minds in maner of iudgements, we know that none in the world did more con∣stantly assure the King thereof then you: which, as the mat∣ters haue euil succeeded, may, I feare, bring you in danger of his indignatiō, although I know you meant very wel therin.

And as these three opinions haue all failed this yeare, so I assure you, though some of ours on that side y^e seas may persist in their former opinions against the experience lately seen (as it is likely they may be forced to do, to maintaine them selues in credit, for continuing their necessary relief from the Pope, and the King, hauing no other means to keepe them from ster∣uing or begging) yet because I would not haue you further de∣ceiued by them, who haue not bene present in the Realme to see such contrary proofs against all their conceits, as I and o∣thers haue done: I will shew you a great number of manifest Arguments, though I am sory at my heart to remēber them, whereby you in your wisedome (if you be not blinded by o∣thers) shall see it most certaine, that these former opinions, for comfort to be had from hence, will proue the next yeare as strong against vs, and in some part more strong then they pro∣ued this yeare, if any accompt should be made thereof.

First, for the Nauy of England, which hath this yere to the sight of the world proued to be of great force & value, for those Seas, and able to ouermatch in their maner of fight, double to

their number, of the great Gallions, Carikes, Galliasses, or Gal∣lies, it is certaine that it will be greatly increased this next yeare. For I know, that within these few dayes, bargaines are already made, & Imprest of money deliuered, and certaine sent into the Estlands, for great store of all maritime prouisiōs. And as for the increase of the number of good shippes for the* 2.46 Quéenes proper vse there is already a great quantitie of tim∣ber ready, and order giuen to fell more in Nouember, and De∣cember next, in the Countries neare both to the Sea, and to Thames, to build a number of ships of warre, equall to these whose seruice was séene this yeare to haue ouermatched the great Armadas & Castles of Spaine & Italy. And furthermore, to ioyne with the Nauie of England this yeare following, not onely the Hollanders and Zelanders, but also shippes of Den∣marke, & other partes of Estland, will certainly be had in great numbers, whereof there was none at all required this yeare past to ioyne with the Nauie of Englād. Onely certaine Hol∣landers & Zelanders offred their seruice (according as they are bound) in the end of this Sommer,* 2.47 since the conflict neare Cal∣lice, to ioyne with some of the English Nauie in the narrow seas, to defend y^e issuing of the Duke of Parma out of the ports of Flāders: & in that seruice at this time there are aboue fortie and sixe good ships of warre,* 2.48 with the Uiceadmirall Iustinian of Nassau: a man that agréeth too well with the English Nation, and is a sworne enemie to all Spaniardes, and Catholiques: & as it is reported for certaine, there are thréescore more com∣ming out of North-Holland to the Seas, for the same purpose: so as it is to be doubted, that this Realme, this next yeare, will be double as strong as it was this last yeare.

As to the second branch of our hope depending vpon opinion of some great miscontentment of sundry persons against the Quéene the proofe of the contrary so appeared this yeare,* 2.49 both of her actions to maintaine the liking of all her people, & of the generall earnest deuotion shewed to her by all estates, Noble and meane rich & poore, as I thinke no Prince Christened euer had greater cause of comfort in her people: which I may iudge to bréede a pride in her. And to recompence the same she did

most notably shew her selfe in this time, euen when most dan∣ger was threatened, in all her actions towards her people, as carefull for their weale, and for the safetie of her Realme, without any speciall or particular prouision, or regard to her owne person,* 2.50 as euer any Prince could do. First, to let her peo∣ple vnderstand what care she had to make her Realme strong against Inuasion, she politikely, yea most carefully, by her owne frequent directions, caused her whole Realme to be put in armes, she tooke accompt thereof her selfe by monethly Cer∣tificat from such as were made her Lieutenauntes in euerie Shire of her Realme, she caused Armour, Powder, Weapon, to be sent to all Countries, and Ordinance to all Maritime Countries: There were also sundry Armies described, to de∣fend euery coast of the Sea: and as I heard it reported by some that did know the secrets of the Court, was importunate with her Counsell to leaue no day vnoccupied, to bring these seruices to effect, and yet she did still continue her Commissi∣oners in the Low Countries to treat of peace, which surely she desired to haue obtained, so that she might haue had the same with certaine conditions. So as to content her people, shee did both treat and desire peace, and did not in the meane time neglect to make her Realme strong for defence, if peace could not be gotten. But in the end, when her demaunds were who∣ly refused (whereof we and all Catholiques were most glad) and that she vnderstood very certainely, that the Armie of the Duke of Parma should come first to destroy the Citie of London, she reuoked her Commissioners, approched London in person, and did lie, as it were, in the Suburbs of the same: whereby they of the Citie tooke great comfort, hauing daily in shew and muster of their owne ten thousand men armed and trained of very able men of the Citie, and in readines thirtie thousand more, able to fight.

She caused also an Armie to be brought to incampe néere the Sea side,* 2.51 vpon the Riuer of Thames, betwixt the Sea and the City, twenty miles beneath the City: and after the Army was come thither, she would not by any aduise be staied, but for comfort of her people, and to shew her owne magnanimity

of heart (as she said, she would so do though she was a wo∣man) she went to that Armie lying betwixt the City and the Sea, vnder the charge of the Earle of Leicester, placing her selfe betwixt the enemy and her City, and there viewed her Armie, and passed through it diuers times, lodged in the bor∣ders of it, returned againe, and dined in the Armie: And first, saw the people as they were, by their Countries, lodged and quartered in their seuerall campes, which she viewed from place to place. Afterward, when they were all reduced into battailes, ready, as it were, to fight with any enemy, she rode round about them, and did view them curiously, being accompanied onely but with the Generall, and thrée or foure others attending on her: But yet to shew her state, I well marked it, she had the sword carried before her by she Earle of Ormond.

There she was generally saluted with cries, with shoutes, with all tokens of loue, of obedience, of readinesse and wil∣lingnesse to fight for her,* 2.52 as seldom hath bene seene in a Campe and army, considering she was a Quéene: and all tended to shew a maruellous cōcord, in a mutual loue, betwixt a Quéene and her subiects: and of reuerence, and obedience of Subiects to a Soueraigne: all which she acquited with very Princely thanks, and good spéeches. I could enlarge this description with many moe particularities of mine owne sight, for thither I went, as many others did: and all that day, wandering from place to place, I neuer heard any word spoken of her, but in praising her for her stately person, and Princely behauiour: and in praying for her life and safety, and cursing of all her enemies, both Traitours, and all Papists, with earnest desire to venter their liues for her safety.

And besides such particular Acclamations the whole Army in euery quarter,* 2.53 did deuoutly at certaine times sing in her hearing, in very tunable maner, diuers Psalmes put into forme of Praiers in praise of almighty God, no waies to be misliked, which she greatly commended, & with very earnest spéech thanked God with them. This that I write, you may be sure, I do not with any comfort, but to giue you these mani∣fest

Argumentes, that neither this Quéene doth discontent her people, nor her people do shewe any discontentation in any thing that they be commaunded to do for her seruice, as here∣tofore hath bene imagined.* 2.54 She had also an Armie of about fortie thousand footmen, and of sixe thousand horsemen, vnder the charge of the Lord Hunsdon Lord Chāberlein, as Lieute∣nant of that Army, made ready from the Inland partes of the Realme, to be about her owne person, without disarming the maritime Counties: so as many marched out of sondry Coun∣tries towards her, at the very time that she was in the Camp: some came to the Suburbes & Townes neare London, whom she remaunded to their Countries, because their Haruest was at hand, and many of them would not be countermaunded, but still approched onward on their owne charges (as they sayd) to sée her person, & to fight with them that boasted to con∣quere the Realme. But though the greatest nomber of the said souldiours were compelled to returne, yet the Captaines, Lea∣ders, and the principall Knightes and Gentlemen came to the Court to offer their seruice: & those were gratiously accepted of her with many thankes, and are now for the more part retur∣ned with a full determination, and firme promise to continue their Bands in such redines, as vpon a few houres warning they will assuredly returne with them in good array.

Beside these foresaid Argumentes to disproue the opinion of discontentment of the people, which heretofore hath bene thought a great furtherance to this honorable action, I will also remember you some other more notable Actions, to proue both contentation, and readines, in all the Nobilitie of the Realme at this time, that were not tyed to abide in their coun∣tries by reason of their offices, as Lieutenantes and Gouer∣nours there for Martiall seruices. For assoone as it was heard that the Quéene was come nere London, and that the Armies were in gathering to come out of the countries,* 2.55 for defence of all Inuasions, and reportes brought from the sea coasts of the apparance of the Spanish Nauie: all the Noble men in the Realme, from East and West, from North and South, excep∣ting onely such great Lordes as had speciall Gouernementes

in Countries, that might not lawfully be absent from their charge, and some few that were not able to make forces accor∣ding to their desire, came to the Quéene, bringing with them according to their degrées, and to the vttermost of their pow∣ers, goodly Bands of horsemen, both Launces, light horsemen, and such other as are termed Carabins or Argeletiers, lodging their Bands round about London, and maintaining them in pay at their owne charges all the time, vntill the Nauie of Spaine was certainly knowen to be passed beyond Scotland. And of these Noble men many shewed their Bands of their horsemen, before the Quéene euen in the fields afore her own gate, to the great marucile of men of good iudgement (as I heard reported) for that the number of them was so great, and so well armed, and horsed, as knowing that they were no par∣cell of the numbers of horsemen limited in euery Countrie, and put into Bands with y^e Armies described, it was thought before they were séene, that there had not bene so many spare horses of such valour in the whole realme, excepting the North part of England towards Scotland, whose forces consist chief∣ly of horsemen.

The first that shewed his Bands to the Quéene, was that Noble,* 2.56 vertuous, honorable man, the Viscount Mountague, who, howsoeuer men do iudge of him for opinion in Religion, yet to tell you the truth, he is reported alwaes to haue pro∣fessed, as now also at this time he did professe and protest so∣lemnely, both to the Quéene, and to all her Court, in open As∣semblies, that he now came, though he was very sickly, and in age, with a full resolution to liue and die in defence of the Quéene, and of his countrie, against all Inuaders, whether it were Pope, King or Potentate whatsoeuer, and in that qua∣rell he would hazard his life, his children, his lands and goods. And to shew his minde agréeably thereto, he came personally himself before the Quéene, with his Band of horsemen being almost two hundred: the same being led by his owne sonnes, and with them a yong child, very comely seated on horseback, being the heire of his house, that is, the eldest sonne to his son & heire: a matter much noted of many, whom I heard to com∣mend

the same: to sée a grandfather, father, and sonne, at one time on horsebacke afore a Quéene for her seruice, though in truth I was sory to sée our Aduersaries so greatly pleased therewith. But I cannot conceale it from your Lordships knowledge, because I thinke this Noble man is knowen vnto you, hauing bene vsed as an Ambassadour to the King Catho∣lique many yeares past by this Quéene (as I haue heard) to require confirmation of the treaties of amitie, betwixt both their Fathers. And of this Noble mans conditions, I thinke there be some others, of whom there is no accompt to be made that they will giue sauour to any attempt against the Quéene or to any Inuasion of the Realme.

There were also many at the same time that made shewes of great numbers of seruiceable horses,* 2.57 whereof though it be no comfort to you to heare▪ yet is it good that you be not abused for lacke of knowledge, how the present state is here: that you may better iudge hereafter what may be done to recouer this late losse and dishonour.* 2.58* 2.59 At this time the Earle of Lincolne, and the Lord Windesore, with some Knights and Gentlemen with them shewed their Bands, as the Lord Montague had done: and after them,* 2.60 the Lord Chancelour shewed goodly Bands of horsemen and footmen at his owne house, very ma∣nie and strong. And within one or two daies after the Earle of Warwicke,* 2.61 the Lord Burghley Lord Treasurer,* 2.62 the Lord Compton,* 2.63 and in the end of the day the Earle of Leycester,* 2.64 and the Lord Rich,* 2.65 besides sundry Knights of the Realme,* 2.66 shewed euery of them seuerall strong Bands of horsemen,* 2.67 to the great liking of the Quéene,* 2.68 and of all the people that were there,* 2.69 be∣ing many thousands. And within two daies after that, the Earle of Essex being Master of the Quéenes horse, with cer∣taine principall Gentlemen his seruants friends and follow∣ers, shewed afore the Quéene aboue thrée hundred horses of al seruice, and a great number of Carabins, and a faire Band of footmen all Musketiers.

This shew excéeded in number any other particular Band, and the Earle himselfe with a great number of Launces, hor∣sed and armed, did run very many courses, and specially with

the Earle of Cumberland (as they cal it) the Course of the field which I had neuer séene before:* 2.70 and did also him selfe, and his company Tourney on horsebacke a very long time,* 2.71 and cau∣sed also his Carabines, and his footemen to make many skir∣mishes there, to the great liking of the Quéene, and of the mul∣titude of people, which were many thousands. Amongst whom I heard many vehement spéeches against all English Papists, calling them all Traitors, wishing also that the Spaniards, had bene there in that field with treble the number, to make proofe of the value of English men: all which I heard to my great griefe, with many curses against all their countrimen, saying, that they as arrant Traitors to their natiue countrie, had villanously sold, as farre as in them did lie, the libertie of their country to Spaniards, and other Papists. It behoued me not there to haue contraried any of them, for surely if I had, their rancour was so stirred vp, by the comfort of these faire shewes of horsemen, as they would there in the field in their rage haue killed me, and cut me in a thousand péeces.

Besides these Lords aboue named, there were brought to the towne, other faire Bandes by the Earle of Worcester,* 2.72 the Earle of Hertford,* 2.73 the Lord Audeley,* 2.74 Lord Morley,* 2.75 Lord Dacres,* 2.76 Lord Lomeley,* 2.77 Lord Mountioy,* 2.78 Lord Sturton,* 2.79 Lord Darcy,* 2.80 Lord Sands,* 2.81 Lord Mordant,* 2.82 and by euery one that were of the priuie Counsell: so as by estimation, there were about London at that time, aboue fiue thousand horses readie to serue the Quéene, besides all the horsemen that were rai∣sed in all other Countries for the Armies, and the Sea coasts. And besides these, I heard in a very good place, where I was silent, that there was by accompt twise as many in rea∣dinesse, with the Noble men that were absent, attending on their charges in their seuerall Lieutenancies. As the Marques of Winchester,* 2.83 one counted to be the strongest man of his own furniture for Horse & Armour, who is Lieutenant of Hamp∣shire, with the Earle of Sussex* 2.84 Captaine of Portemouth, and Lieutenant also of Dorcetshire. Next to him is in accompt the Earle of Shrowsbury* 2.85 Earle Marshal of England Lieutenent of a great number of Countries, and of great

power of his owne, both for horsemen and footmen, beside the power of the Lord Talbot* 2.86 his sonne. The Earle of Darby* 2.87 also, though he was in Flaunders, from whence he came lately, yet his sonne the Lord Strange,* 2.88 Lieutenent of Lancashire and Cheshire in his fathers absence, is said to haue raised a great power of horsemen. And to shew the populer affection to this Earle in his Countrey, I heard it for certaine reported, that when the Earle continued longer in Flanders then they liked, and doubting of his returne, for that they supposed that the Duke of Parma would stay him, and the other Commissioners there, the people of his Countrie in a generalitie did amongst themselues determine, that the Lord Strange the Erles sonne, and all the manhood of Lancashire and Cheshire would goe o∣uer the Seas and fetch the Earle home. A matter for no pur∣pose to be spoken of, but to note the force of the loue which the people doe beare to the Earle, who with his sonne is firmely bent against the Pope.

The Earle of Bath* 2.89 also Lieutenant of Deuonshire, had as is said, great forces of his owne readie to haue impeached the landing of any strangers in Deuonshire.* 2.90 The Earle of Pem∣broke also being Lieutenant of Somersetshire and Wiltshire, and Lord President of all Wales, was ready to haue come to the Quéene with thrée hundred horsemen, and fiue hundred footmen all of his owne retinue, leauing all the Countries vn∣der his charge fully furnished.

I omit here to speake of the Bands of horsemen, belonging to the Earles of Northumberland* 2.91 and Cumberland,* 2.92 which though they were ready to haue bene shewed at the same time: yet the Earles hearing of the Spanish Armie approching, went voluntarily to the Sea side in all hast, and came to the Quéenes Nauie before the fight afore Callice. Where they being in seuerall ships of the Quéenes, did with their owne persons valiant seruices against the Kings Armada. And to shew the great readines in a generalitie of sundrie others at the same time, to aduenture their liues in the said seruice, there went to the Seas at the same time diuers Gentlemen of good reputation, who voluntarily without any charge, & with∣out

knowledge of the Quéene, put themselues into the Quéens Nauy in sundry ships, wherein they serued at the fight afore Callice: of which number being very great, I remember that the names of some of them were these:* 2.93 Master Henry Brooke sonne & heire to the Lord Cobham,* 2.94 Sir Thomas Cecil sonne and heire to the Lord Treasurer,* 2.95 Sir William Hatton heire to the Lord Chancellour Sir Horatio Pallauicino a Knight of Genua,* 2.96 Master Robert Carie sonne to the Lord Hunsdon,* 2.97 Sir Charles Blunt,* 2.98 brother to the Lord Mountioy.* 2.99 But much speach is of two Gentlemen of the Court that went to the Na∣uie at the same time,* 2.100 whose names are Thomas Gerard and William Heruie, to me not knowen, but now here about Lon∣don spoken of with great fame. These two aduentured out of ship boate, to scale the great Galliasse wherein Moncada was, and entred the same only with their Rapiers: a matter com∣monly spoken, that neuer the like was hazarded afore, consi∣dering the height of the Galliasse compared to a ship boate.

And yet to make it more manifest, how earnest all sorts of Noble men, and Gentlemen, were to aduenture their liues in this seruice, it is reported that the Earle of Oxford,* 2.101 who is one of the most auncient Earles of this land, went also to the Sea to serue in the Quéenes Army. There went also for the same purpose, a second sonne of the Lord Treasurer, called as I can remember,* 2.102 Robert Cecil:* 2.103 there went also about that time to the Seas,* 2.104 the Lord Dudley an ancient Baron of the Realme, and Sir Walter Ralegh a Gentleman of the Queenes priuie Chamber, and in his company a great number of young Gen∣tlemen, amongst whom I remember the names of the heire of Sir Thomas Cecil,* 2.105 called William Cecil,* 2.106 of Edward Darcy,* 2.107 Arthure Gorge, and such others: with the rehearsall of whom I do not comfort my selfe, but only to shew you, how farre we haue bene deceiued to thinke that we should haue had a partie here for vs, when as we sée both by land and Sea, all sorts of men were so readie of their owne charges, without either commandement, or entertainement, to aduenture their liues in defence of the Quéene and the Realme.

And for the Earle of Huntingtons forces,* 2.108 being Lieutenant

Generall in the North, it is reported, that he hath put in readi∣nes for an Armie in Yorkshire, and other Countries common∣ly limited to serue against Scotland, to the number of fortie thousand well armed footemen, and neare hand ten thousand horsemen, to come to him if any occasion of Inuasion should be in the North partes: to whom are ioyned with their forces thrée Lordes in the North▪ the Lord Scroop,* 2.109 Lord Darcy,* 2.110 and Lord Euers.* 2.111

There are also diuers other Lordes that are Lieutenants of Countries, that haue in readinesse of their proper charges good numbers of horsemen. As the Earle of Kent,* 2.112 Lieutenant of Bedfordshire the L. Hunsdon Lord Chamberlaine,* 2.113 Lieute∣nant of Norfolk and Suffolk: the Lord Cobham* 2.114 Lieutenant of Kent:* 2.115 the Lord Gray of Buckinghamshire: the Lord North* 2.116 of Cambridgeshire: Lord Chandos* 2.117 of Glocestershire: Lord S. Iohn* 2.118 of Huntingtonshire: Lord Buckhurst* 2.119 of Sussex: and so by this particuler recital not vnméet for your knowledge, it is to be noted what disposition the Nobilitie of the Realme had at this time to haue withstood all Inuasion. And if percase you shall peruse your ordinary Catalogue of the grrat Lordes of the Realme, you shal find that these are the substance of all the great Lords,* 2.120 sauing thrée young Earles within age,* 2.121 Rutland,* 2.122 Southhampton, and Bedford: all thrée brought vp in peruerse religion. And so remaineth to be spoken of, the Earle of Arun∣del, who is in the Tower for attempting to haue fled out of the Realme, by prouocation of him that now is Cardinall Allen: who, howsoeuer he may be affected to the Catholique religion: yet I heare most certainly that he offereth his life in defence of the Quéene against all the world.

And where accompt was made to haue a partie in this Realme, which by these former relations appeare could not be possible, the whole Nobilitie being assured to the Quéene, and the force of the people not violently bent that way: In this very time was offered to the Quéene as great a partie for her, to come to her seruice, and defence of the Realme, as out of all Christendome, she could not haue to all respects a stronger. Which was the King of Scots, who hea∣ring

of the intended Inuasion of the Realme,* 2.123 sent a Gentle∣mā to the Quéene, with his letter, as I credibly heard, to offer her all the power that he had to defend her & her Realme: and if she so would, he would come in his owne person, and hazard his owne life, to defend this Realme against all Inuaders for Religion, or any other pretence whatsoeuer. So by this you may sée, what accompt may be made of any vayne promises, made in the name of this King. And because you shall perceiue that I haue good meanes to haue intelligence of any other for∣ces of the Realme for defence thereof,* 2.124 it is most certaine as I heare, and I haue séene a List or Rol of a great number both of horsemen and footmen, which the Bishops of the Realme haue of their owne charges, with the cōtribution of the Clergy, rai∣sed vp in Bandes of horsemen and footmen, which are to be led by Noble Gentlemen at the Quéenes nomination: and these Bandes must be vaynely termed Milites Sacri.

As to the last point of the thrée foundations of the principal hope conceiued,* 2.125 whereupon the Inuasion was chiefly groun∣ded and taken in hand, which was most certainly and gene∣rally beléeued, that there should be found here in the Realme a strong partie of Catholiques, against the Quéene to ioyne and assist the Inuaders, vpō the appearing of the Spanish Nauie: by my former relations of the generall great & feruent loue of the people towardes the Quéene, and of the great offers of seruice now made by the whole Nobilitie of the Realme, this their foundation may appeare to haue bene wrong laied, one∣ly by imaginations, as it were vpon a quick sand or rather as flying in the aire. And yet it appeareth very truely that no small accompt was made hereof by the King of Spaine, and by his principall Ministers: for there is nothing at this pre∣sent more vniuersally, with one lamentable voyce spoken of, by all the multitude of the Spaniardes,* 2.126 now here prisoners, yea by the chiefest of them, then that they now euidently sée, that the King their Maister was with such informatiōs great∣ly abused, yea rather betrayed, For they say there was no mā of value in all this Army, but he heard it constantly affirmed, and so deliuered for comfort of all that serued therein, before

they were shipped, that they should not be afrayed of any resi∣stance to land in England, for that there was good assurance geuen to the King, that they should finde a strong Armie of Catholiques ready in their fauour, assoone as euer their Nauie should be séene vpon the Sea coast,* 2.127 & so they all here say they were incouraged to come to this iourney: otherwise, many of them sweare they would neuer haue come on shipbord: so vn∣likely, they say, it was and against all reason, to Inuade a Realme, with opinion to conquere it, without both some title of right, and a partie also: but specially without a good sure partie.

And therefore now finding this report very false, many of these prisoners do by name curse you,* 2.128 as being the Kinges Ambassadour: as him, they say, who vpon the opinion of the knowledge which you had gotten in England, was there∣in more credited then any other, and had these many yeares together tempted the King their Maister, vpon hope, and other such like perswasions, to attempt such a matter as this was: being vtterly in all wisedome to haue bene condemned, with∣out some certaintie of this latter part, specially to haue had a strong partie here. They also curse all such Englishmen, as haue fled out of this Countrie, whom they spare not to call ar∣rant Traitors, for offring the sale of their Countrie to the Pope and the King of Spaine. And these prisoners adde also, that they were borne in hand, that this Countrie was so open to march in, and so weake to withstand any force, and the people so miserable, as they thought the Conquest thereof had bene of no more difficulty then the ouercomming of a nomber of naked Indians was at the beginning of the Con∣quest thereof by King Ferdinand.

And now for strength of this countrie and people: many of these prisoners hauing bene brought from the Sea coastes he∣ther to London, whereby they haue obserued the countrie and the people, doe speake marueilously thereof, counting the same inuincible, otherwise then by treason of some great partie within the Realme. But whether all these spéeches which are commonly reported of them procéede from their hartes, or that

they speake thus to please the English, because they are well vsed by them, who also are easily deceiued with flattery, I know not: but sure I am they do thus speake dayly, with out∣ward shewe of great passions against such as haue bene per∣swaders to the King for this iourney. Diuers of them also which are of good iudgemēt, & haue heard of such of the English banished men as haue bene in Spaine, & haue knowen some of them there (as of long time,* 2.129 Sir Francis Englefield, & of late,* 2.130 the Lord Paget & his brother) haue curiously inquired, of what power they were & credit here, to haue a partie. They also in∣quired of the Earle of Westmerland:* 2.131 although of him they con∣fesse he is a man but of small gouernement. But our Aduersa∣ries here haue so abased these & all the rest, to haue bene of no credit to cary any numbers of men but by the Quéenes autho∣ritie, when they were at their best: as the prisoners wonder how the king could be so deceiued to giue them pentions other∣wise then for charitie, because of their religion. But they con∣fesse they haue often heard in Spaine, how the King was once notably deceiued,* 2.132 when one Thomas Stukeley a priuat Eng∣lishman, who fled out of Ireland for debt & other lewd Actions into Spaine, not being worth one peny, his debts being paied, & but the second sonne of a meane Gentleman, pretended, and was beléeued in Spaine (by so intitling of him selfe) to be a Duke, a Marquis, and an Earle of Ireland, and so was a long time enterteined, as a man that could do great seruice against the Quéene of England: vntill at length the King vnderstood his falshood, and banished him out of Spaine. And after re∣pairing to Rome, was by the Pope also mainteined for a time, vntill he was discouered euen by some good Catholiques, that could not endure the Popes holines to be so grossely moc∣ked: of whom some of the prisoners vsing mery spéeches, how both the Emperour Charles and afterward this King, and the Pope, were so notably deceiued by this Stukeley, do conclude merely, that they thinke some of these English that haue thus abused the King, haue followed Stukeleys steppes. And in ve∣ry truth, I and many others haue bene very often ashamed to heare so brode spéeches, of the King, and of the Pope, yea of

the Emperour Charles, whom such a companion as Stukeley was, could so notably deceiue: and it was the more to be mar∣ueiled, how he could deceiue the King Catholique, considering he was knowen to many of his Counsell, at the Kings being in England, to haue bene but a vaunting beggar, and a Ruf∣fian, and afterwards, a Pirat against the Spaniards.

Now my Lord Ambassadour,* 2.133 by these my large relations of the things euil past, and of the opinions of such as I haue late∣ly dealt withall, with mine owne conceit also, which I doe not vainely imagine, your Lordship may sée in the first part, our present calamitie, and miserable estate: in the second part, the state of this Quéene, her Realme, her people, their mindes, their strength, so far contrary to the expectation of the Popes holines, the King Catholique, and specially of you (my Lord) and all others that haue bene in hand these many yeares with this Actiō, as I know not what course shal, or may be thought méete to take, séeing it is séene by experience, that by force, our cause cannot be reléeued, Neither will any change amend the matter, when this Quéene shall end her daies, as all Princes are mortall. For both the vniuersalitie of the people through the Realme, are so firmely and desperately bent against our religion, as nothing can preuaile against their vnited forces: and whosoeuer shall by right sucéede to this Crowne after the Quéene (who is likely to liue as long as any King in Chri∣stendome) if the Crowne should come to the King of Scots,* 2.134 or to any other of the blood Royall, as there are very many within this Realme descended both of the Royall houses of York, and Lancaster, there is no accompt to be made, but eue∣ry one of them, that now liue at this day, are knowen to be as vehemently disposed to withstand the authoritie of the Pope, as any of the most earnest Protestant or Heretique in the world. So as to conclude, after all circumstances well consi∣dered, for the present I know no other way,* 2.135 but to commit the cause to Almightie God, and to all the Saints in heauen, without continuall prayers: and in earth to the holy Coun∣sels of the Pope, and his Cardinals, with our supplications to reléeue the afflicted number of our exiled brethren, and to send

into the Realme discrete, holy, and learned men, that may on∣ly in secrete maner, without intermedling in matters of e∣state, by teaching vs, confirme vs in our faith, and gaine with charitable instruction, others that are not rooted in heresie.

And for reliefe of such as are forced to pay yearely great sommes of money out of their reuenue, because they forbeare to come to the Church,* 2.136 it were to be charitably considered, whe∣ther there might not be some dispensation from the Popes ho∣lines for some fewe yeares, to tollerate their comming to the Church, without changing of their faith: considering a great number do stand therein, not for any thing (as they say) vsed in this Church, that is directly contrary to Gods law, but for that the Rites and praiers (though they are collected out of the body of the Scripture) are not allowed by the Catholique Church, and the head thereof, which is the Popes holines: and for that cause iustly, al true Catholiques, accompt this Church to be schismaticall. By which remedie of tolleration, a great number of such as will be perpetually Catholiques, might en∣ioy their liuings and libertie: and in proces of time, the Ca∣tholique religion (by Gods goodnesse) might with more sure∣tie be increased, to the honour of God, then euer it can be by any force whatsoeuer. For so did all Christian religion at the first begin, and spread it selfe ouer the world: not by force, but only by teaching, and example of holines in the teachers, a∣gainst all humane forces. And so I will end my long Letters, with the sentence which King Dauid vsed foure times in one of his Psalmes. Et clamauerunt ad Dominum in tribulatione eo∣rum & de angustia eorum liberauit eos: And so must we make that for our foundation to lay our hope vpon, for all other hopes are vaine and false.

At London the of August. 1588.

AFter that I had made an end of this my letter, which I found by perusall thereof to haue bene at more length, then I looked for, although the matters therein conteined did draw me therto, and that I had made choice of a friend of mine who had more knowledge in the French tong, then I, to turne the same into French: my mishap was, that when he had done some part thereof, he fell sicke of a burning feuer, whereby my letter remained with him vpon hope of recouery for tenne or twelue daies: and séeing no hope thereof, I entreated another very trustie & a sound Catholique hauing perfect knowledge in the French tong, who tooke vpon him to put it into French, wherein was also longer time spent: so as my letter being written in the midst of August, I am forced to end it in Sep∣tember. And thereupon I thought good, whiles my former let∣ter was in translating, to adde some things happened in the meanetime méet for your knowledge.

About the seuenth of August, the Lord Admirall returned with the Nauie, hauing followed the Spanish Nauie (as they reported) as farre as the 55. degrée Northwards: the Spa∣nish Nauie taking a course either to the furthest partes of Norwey, or to the Orcades beyond Scotland: which if they did, then it was here iudged that they would goe about Scotland and Ireland: but if they should go to Norwey, then it might be, that if they could recouer prouisions of mastes, whereof the English Nauy had made great spoile, they might returne. But I for my part wished them a prosperous winde to passe home about Ireland, considering I despaired of their returne for many respects, both of their wants, which could not be fur∣nished in Norwey, and of the lacke of the Duke of Parmas a∣bilitie to bring his Armie on the Sea, for want of Mariners. Neuertheles, vpon knowledge from Scotland that they were beyond the Orcades,* 3.1 and that the King of Scots had giuen strict commandement vpon all the sea coastes that the Spani∣ardes should not be suffered to land in any part, but that the English might land and be reléeued of any wants: order was giuen to discharge all the Nauie, sauing twentie ships that were vnder the Lord Henry Seymours charge, to attend

Spaniardes. Upon these shewes great reioycing followed: And as in Iune and Iuly past,* 3.2 all Churches were filled daily with people exercised with praiers, and shewes of repentance, and petitions to God for defence against their enemies: and in many Churches continually thrice in the wéeke exercises of prayers, Sermons, & fastings all the day long from morning to euening, with great admiration to sée such generall deuo∣tion (which I and others did iudge to procéede more of feare then of deuotion) so now since the English Nauy is returned, and the Spanish Nauie defeated, and intelligence brought of the disorders in Flaunders: of the discentions betwixt the Spaniards, and the other souldiers: of the contempt of the Duke of Parma by the Spaniards, being thereto maintained by a Duke called the Duke of Pastraw, the King Catho∣liques bastard: and of the departure and running away of the Dukes Mariners, here is a like cōcourse of the people to Ser∣mons in all Churches: wherein is remembred the great good∣nes of God towards England,* 3.3 by the deliuery therof from the threatned Conquest, & praiers also publikely to giue thankes to God for the same.

At London this of September. 1588.

Notes

• * 2.1

  In what termes England stan∣deth in the o∣pinion of the Catholiques.
• * 2.2

  The Spanish preparation three yeeres in making.
• * 2.3

  The Duke of Parmas army in Flaunders.
• * 2.4

  No forreine force coulde inuade Eng∣land, without a strong party in England.
• * 2.5

  Hope of victo∣rie by the Spa∣nish Army with assistance of a partie in Eng∣land this Som∣mer.
• * 2.6

  All Spanishe hope fallen in nine daies.
• * 2.7

  The Catho∣liques doubt, of their cause seeing the hād of God is a∣gainst the Ar∣mie.
• * 2.8

  Many English Catholiques mislike of the Popes refor∣matiō by force.
• * 2.9

  The vntimely publishing of the intended conquest be∣fore the Spa∣nish nauy was redy, did great hurt.
• * 2.10

  The heartes of all sorts of peo∣ple enflamed a∣gainst the Spa∣niards vaunting to conquer the land.
• * 2.11

  The vntimely publication of the Popes Bull did hurt to the common cause.
• * 2.12

  Cardinall Al∣lens bookes haue done much hurt to the intended inuasion and conquest.
• * 2.13

  The Cardinals rash & violent writing missi∣ked by the Ca∣tholiques.
• * 2.14

  The multitude of bookes pub∣lished to shewe the greatnes of the Spanishe Nauy, did also hurt
• * 2.15

  The forewar∣ninges of the Armadas great∣nes caused the Queene to put all her Realme in force beyond all former.
• * 2.16

  The Armies made readie Nauie England in euery quar∣ter of the realme.
• * 2.17

  The Maritime Countries pro∣uided at lading places with twenty thou∣sand men.
• * 2.18

  All the bands were vnder the principal Knights of the realme com∣pounded of the most migh∣tie men being their tenants and seruants.
• * 2.19

  A strange re∣port of the wealth of a band of soul∣diers.
• * 2.20

  An error of the Catholique fu¦gitives in the number of their partners in Eng¦land.
• * 2.21

  A consent and concurrencie of Papistes and Protestants to withstand the conquest.
• * 2.22

  The gentlemen Recusants in Elie offer to ad∣uenture then liues against all inuasions what∣soeuer, without respect of Pope or other poten¦tate.
• * 2.23

  The Recusants are not put in danger of their liues for their religion, but are fined at summes of money.
• * 2.24

  The Iesuits are not executed for religion but for treasons.
• * 2.25

  The Semina∣ries for the most part come dis∣guised like Ruffians.
• * 2.26

  Babington suf∣fered for his treasons volun∣tarily cōfessed, not for religion: though at his death hee pro∣fessed the Ro∣mane religion.
• * 2.27

  A multitude of gentlemen su∣spected to be Papists, yet ne∣uer indangered of their liues.
• * 2.28

  Many of the Priests that are sent into the realm, are yong, rash, & of leude life.
• * 2.29

  A great strēgth of the English Nauie, by the Shippes of the port townes that did serue without wages.
• * 2.30

  Two notable lies printed in Paris, and im∣puted to Don Bernardin Mendoza.
• * 2.31

  A most mani∣fest lie printed in Paris, of a Spanish victory when it was al∣together an English victo∣rie.
• * 2.32

  Mendacia of Mendoza.
• * 2.33

  The state of the Nauie of Eng∣land this Sommer.
• * 2.34

  L. Haward, L, Admirall.
• * 2.35

  L. Henry Sey∣mour.
• * 2.36

  Sir Francis Drake.
• * 2.37

  L. Tho. Haward L. Sheffeld.
• * 2.38

  The fight of the English Nauie with the Spanish.
• * 2.39

  The flying a∣way of the Spa∣nish Nauie.
• * 2.40

  The Spaniards prisoners say, that Christ shewed himself a Lutheran in this Sommer voiage of the Spanish Nauie.
• * 2.41

  God shewed no sauour to the Spanishe Nauy from the beginning to the ending.
• * 2.42

  Don Pedro de Valdez, Cap∣taine Generall of the Armada of Andaluzia. Hugo de Mon∣cada, Generall of the Gallias∣ses of Naples.
• * 2.43

  Diego de Pi∣mentelli Cap∣taine of the Galleon na∣med S. Mat∣thew.
• * 2.44

  A considerati∣on what may be done the next yeare to renew this Action.
• * 2.45

  The 3. hopes conceiued a∣gainst Englād, are nowe all frustrated.
• * 2.46

  The Englishe Nauie will be stronger the next yeare.
• * 2.47

  Offer of Hol∣landers and Ze∣landers, to ioine with the Eng∣lish Nauie.
• * 2.48

  Iustinian Nas¦sau Admiral of Holland with sixe and fortie ships of warre ioyned to the English Nauie, against the D. of Parma.
• * 2.49

  Argumentes to proue no mis∣contentment of the people towards the Queene.
• * 2.50

  The prouidēce of the Queene to make her Realme strong.
• * 2.51

  The Queenes being in the Army in Essex, when moste daunger was threatned by the enemies landing.
• * 2.52

  The notable Applause of the people to the Queene for her pre∣sence in the Campe.
• * 2.53

  The singing of Psalmes by the English Army in the Campe.
• * 2.54

  An Army pro∣uided for the Queene, beside the Army, rea∣die to withstād the landing of the enemie.
• * 2.55

  Great power of Horsemen brought by the Nobilitie to attend on the Queenes per∣son.
• * 2.56

  The Viscount Mountagues shewe of horse∣men was the first.
• * 2.57

  A number of great Lordes shewed their horsemen.
• * 2.58

  Earle of Lin∣colne.
• * 2.59

  Lord Winde∣sore.
• * 2.60

  Lord Chance∣lour.
• * 2.61

  Earle of War¦wicke.
• * 2.62

  Lord Treasurer
• * 2.63

  L. Compton.
• * 2.64

  Earle of Ley∣cester.
• * 2.65

  Lord Rich.
• * 2.66

  Sir Walter Mildmay.
• * 2.67

  Sir Henry Cromwell,
• * 2.68

  Sir 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉
• * 2.69

  Earle of Essex with a great Band of horse∣men and foote∣men afore the Queene at S. Iames.
• * 2.70

  Course of the field.
• * 2.71

  Tourney.
• * 2.72

  Earle of Wor∣cester.
• * 2.73

  Earle of Hert∣ford.
• * 2.74

  Lord Audeley.
• * 2.75

  Lord Morley.
• * 2.76

  L. Dacres.
• * 2.77

  L. Lomeley.
• * 2.78

  L. Mountioy.
• * 2.79

  L. Sturton.
• * 2.80

  L. Darcy.
• * 2.81

  L. Sands.
• * 2.82

  L. Mordant.
• * 2.83

  Marques of Winchester.
• * 2.84

  Earle of Sussex.
• * 2.85

  Erle of Shrows∣bury.
• * 2.86

  L. Talbot.
• * 2.87

  Earle of Darby
• * 2.88

  L. Strange.
• * 2.89

  Earle of Bath.
• * 2.90

  Earle of Pem∣brokes noble offer.
• * 2.91

  Earle of Nor∣thumberland.
• * 2.92

  Earle of Cum∣berland.
• * 2.93

  Master Henry Brooke.
• * 2.94

  Sir. Tho. Cecil.
• * 2.95

  Sir Wil. Hatton
• * 2.96

  Sir Horatio Pallauicino.
• * 2.97

  M. Robert Carie.
• * 2.98

  Sir Charles Blunt.
• * 2.99

  M. Thomas Gerard.
• * 2.100

  M. Wil. Heruie.
• * 2.101

  Earle of Ox∣ford.
• * 2.102

  M. Robert Cecil.
• * 2.103

  L. Dudley.
• * 2.104

  Sir Walter Ralegh.
• * 2.105

  M. Wil. Cecil.
• * 2.106

  M. Edward Darcy.
• * 2.107

  M. Arthure Gorge.
• * 2.108

  Earle of Hun∣tington.
• * 2.109

  L. Scroope.
• * 2.110

  L. Darcy.
• * 2.111

  L. Euers.
• * 2.112

  Earle of Kent
• * 2.113

  L. Hunsdon.
• * 2.114

  L. Cobham.
• * 2.115

  L. Grave.
• * 2.116

  L. North.
• * 2.117

  L. Chandos.
• * 2.118

  L. Saint Iohn.
• * 2.119

  L. Buckhurst.
• * 2.120

  Earle of Rut∣land.
• * 2.121

  Earle of South∣hampton.
• * 2.122

  Earle of Bed¦ford.
• * 2.123

  Offer of the K. of Scots to the Queen of Eng∣land.
• * 2.124

  Bands of horse∣men and foot∣mē erected by the Bishops.
• * 2.125

  The third and last hope which the Ca∣tholiques had of a partie in the realme was all frustrate.
• * 2.126

  The Spanishe prisoners con∣demne the K. purpose, as be∣ing abused, by the exiled Ca∣tholiques, whō the Spaniards call traitors to their countrey.
• * 2.127

  No possibilitie to Inuade and conquere a realme, with∣out fauour of a partie in∣ward.
• * 2.128

  The Spanishe prisoners con∣demne the en∣terprise and course of Don Bernardin of Mendoza.
• * 2.129

  Sir Frācis En∣glefield.
• * 2.130

  Lord Paget.
• * 2.131

  Earle of West∣merland.
• * 2.132

  Thomas Stuk∣leyes abusing of the King of Spaine and the Pope, newly re∣mēbred by the Spaniardes.
• * 2.133

  A conclusiō by the writer, to perswade an o∣ther course, not by violence.
• * 2.134

  No hope for furtherance of the Popes au∣thoritie by any now liuing that may succeede the Queene in the liue Royall.
• * 2.135

  A Conclusion what is best, to maintaine the Catholike Re∣ligion in Eng∣land.
• * 2.136

  A tolleration from the Pope for the Recu∣sants in Eng∣land.
• * 3.1

  Order taken by the K. of Scots in fauour of the English.
• * 3.2

  Daily prayers.
• * 3.3

  Publike praiers and giuing of thankes.