Select English works of John Wyclif; edited from original mss. by Thomas Arnold.

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Select English works of John Wyclif; edited from original mss. by Thomas Arnold.
Author
Wycliffe, John, d. 1384.
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Oxford,: Clarendon Press,
1869-71.
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"Select English works of John Wyclif; edited from original mss. by Thomas Arnold." In the digital collection Corpus of Middle English Prose and Verse. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/AFB3713.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 4, 2024.

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OF A VIRGYN AND NOT MARTIR.

[SERMON LXXXV.]

Simile est regnum coelorum decem virginibus.—MATT. XXV. [I.]

ÞIS laste sermoun of þe Comoun is red in two manere of festis:—in feste of o virgine, not martir, and in festis of many virgins;—and it telliþ þe state of þe Chirche, boþe now, and at þe daie of dome; and speciali bi þis part þat shulde quyke þe toþer half. For, riȝt as a man is maad boþe of bodi and of soule, so þis Chirche shulde be maad of actyves and con|templatyves. And, for þis spiritual part shulde be more worþi þan þe toþer, as þe soule is betere þan þe bodi, þerfore it haþ name of al þe Chirche. Crist seiþ þus at þe bigynnynge:—Þe rewme of hevene is like to ten virginis, þe which token her lampis, and wente [wenten, E.] out aȝens þe spouse and his wyf; but fyve of hem were foolis, and fyve of hem weren ware. But þe fyve foolis token her lampis, but þei token not oile wiþ hem: þes oþer fyve war virginis token oile in her vesselis wiþ her lampis.

Þis rewme of hevene is þis Chirche: þes ten virginis ben þei

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þat ben spiritual, as ben prestis, and religious, and many oþer in þe Chirche; for as þe soule shulde quykene þe bodi, so þes shulden quykene þe actyve part. But þes ten virginis ben partid in two, in fyve foolis and fyve wise. Alle þei ben vir|gyns herfore, for þei ben chast of bodi, and kepen hem from outward synnes þat mai be knowun to siȝte of men. And boþe þes partis ben in fyve; for þe wise shal be in hevene evere in a sercle of blisse, as fyve is noumbre in a sercle [Fyve is noumbre in a sercle. On the mysterious virtues and signifi|cance supposed by the ancients to reside in the number five, the reader may, if he cares to do so, consult the treatise in Plutarch's Moralia, , and Sir Thomas Browne's Garden of Cyrus. The relation of five to the circle, and also to the sphere, is arrived at in two or three ways. Plutarch as|cribes to Plato the opinion that if there are more worlds than the one which we inhabit, there must be five, neither more nor less; and that, even if there be only one, that one may be considered as compounded out of five subordinate worlds,—the four elements, and the sky, or fifth essence, 'to which alone,' he says, 'amongst all bodies, the property of revolving in a circle naturally appertains.' The apparent revolution of the celestial sphere round the earth is evidently intended. Again, Sir Thomas Browne, in noticing the singular frequency of the quinary arrangement in nature, observes (it is a thing indeed which many have observed independently) upon the very large number of flowers which have five petals, as if that was the simplest and most fundamental division of a circle into sectors. 'Five-leaved flowers are commonly disposed circularly about the stylus, according to the higher geometry of nature, dividing a circle by five radii, which concur not to make diameters, as in quadrilateral and sexangular intersections.' (Garden of Cyrus, p. 526, ed. Bohn.) The next para|graph begins,—'Now the number of five is remarkable in every circle,' but as I cannot understand the rea|soning which follows, I forbear to quote it In a curious statement quoted by the editor of Browne from Mr. Colebrooke, it is clearly shown that the simplest distribution of groups of objects round a central and interior group is a quinary ar|rangement, while at the same time, when the groups come to be mul|tiplied indefinitely, it is necessarily spheroidal. The reader will remem|ber also the quinary grouping of animals by Mr. Macleay, once so famous, and the remarkable vindi|cation of the theory in the Vestiges of the Natural History of the Creation.] ; and þe toþer fyve foolis shal be dampned in helle wiþouten eende. And as a sercle haþ noon eende, so shal not peyne of þes ypocritis. And þus telliþ Crist fair, how boþe þes partis ben fyve. Þis oile is riȝt devocioun [See p. 247, note A.] , þat alle þes virgyns shulden have. Þes vesselis of þe virginis ben þe poweris of her soulis; for riȝt as a vessel holdiþ oile, so þe power of þe soule shulde holde riȝt devocioun in alle þe workes þat man doiþ. And riȝt as oile makiþ þe bodi soft, and ever more fletiþ above, so

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devocioun of men makiþ hem soft in her traveile, and makiþ hem ever more liȝt to bisie hem for hevenli blisse. Þes lampis ben goode workes in kynde, þat boþ þes partis of virgins done; but þes lampis brennen not ne shynen bifore God, but ȝif þei have riȝt devocioun in þe workes þat þei done. And as oile haþ moche of þe eir and of þe fier, wel medlid wiþ water, so men of riȝt devocioun han mouche of hevenli þouȝtis, and also myche of charite. And her tribulacioun semeþ litil, and herbi ben þei liȝt and glad to go þis litil wey. And þus Crist, heed of þe Chirche, was glad here to renne his [þis, E.] wey; for he hadde greet desire to suffre peyne for mannis kynde. And so of his oile shulden we take part in goinge of oure traveilous weie. Þes fyve foolis hadden lampis, but þei hadden noon oile wiþ hem; for many men in þis lyf, boþe oon and oþer, don myche good; but hem wantiþ riȝt devocioun, bi which þei shulden go liȝt to hevene. For al oure traveile here in erþe shulde be don for þis ende; to meete wiþ Crist and his Chirche riȝtli at þe dai of dome. And þe Chirche þat comeþ from hevene wiþ Crist at þe dai of dome is clepid þe wif of Jesus Crist; for þei ben weddid ever togidere.

It were for to telle here how devocioun wantiþ in clerkis; as popis taken þer stat here for a foule devocioun, to be wor|shipid in þis world and have moche of worldli lordshipe. And so done þes cardinalis and þes bishopis also. Curatis taken benefices for þe same cause, but lesse; and preestis taken her ordris for devocioun of ten mark [

for devocioun of ten mark.] This sounds like a phrase in common use at the time, as if one were to say now that a curate took orders for his £100 a year. The passage is of some importance, as showing that, in spite of the efforts both of the court and the bishops to keep down the salaries of priests, the average rate of pay to a working priest, (the passage has nothing to do with the parsons of livings,) in the reign of Richard II, was ten marks, or £6 13s. 4d. per annum. It may be as well to take this opportunity of putting together a few particulars respecting the salaries of non-bene|ficed clerks in England between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries.

A constitution of Stephen Lang|ton, dated in 1222, thus regulates the pay of vicars perpetual:—

'Statuimus, ut vicario perpetuo ad minus reditus quinque Marcarum as|signentur, qui scilicet pro quinque Marcis solet dari ad Firmam; nisi forte in illis partibus Walliae sit....' where the parish is too poor to afford so high a stipend.

Five marks then were esteemed a competent salary in the early part of the reign of Henry III. Nearly a century and a half later the standard had varied but very little. In a con|stitution of 1362 Archbishop Islep ordains that a priest simply cele|brating 'annals,' or masses by the year, for the repose of departed souls, shall be satisfied with five marks a year, but that if he have also cure of souls, he shall receive six marks. Following up this con|stitution, the act of 36 Edw. III (1363) prohibits under penalties any layman from paying more than five marks a year to a priest residing in his house, and having no cure of souls.

The next fifty years witness a rapid change in the value of money. Archbishop Sudbury orders that the stipends which Islep had fixed at five and six marks, shall for the same duties, 'on account of the changed times,' be raised to seven and eight marks respectively. But these were doubtless the minimum rates, and in practice more was usually given. There is even distinct evidence that ten marks was a customary rate of salary for a priest to ask. The act of 2 Henry V (1414), after reciting the act of Edw. III previously men|tioned and setting forth that the priests 'which now be' will not serve but for twelve marks, or ten marks by year at the least, to the great damage of the king's liege people, enacts that seven and eight marks shall be the legal salaries, unless by special license of the or|dinary; nine marks not to be ex|ceeded even in that case.

But the changing times soon ren|dered this statute ineffectual, if it was not ineffectual from the outset. A constitution of Archbishop Chi|chely, dated in 1415, ordains that all through the province of Canter|bury the stipends of needy vicars shall be augmented as a general rule to at least twelve marks a year, if the parish revenues equal that amount.

The above particulars are found in Gibson's Codex Furis Ecclesiastici Anglicani, pp. 748, 755, 938-9.

In the province of York the rates appear to have been lower. From the Testamenta Eboracensia, published by the Surtees Society (vol. ii, p. 118) it appears that at York, in the middle of the fifteenth century, the customary payment in respect of a single mass was fourpence Thus in a will dated in 1446 we find—'Lego ad quinde|cim missas pro animâ meâ in ecclesia Sti Nicholai apud Novum Castrum super Tinam Vs.' And the ordinary annual payment at the same period, to a priest celebrating masses for the repose of souls, was in York|shire seven marks.

In preparing this note I have been greatly assisted by Professor Stubbs.

] ; religious possessioneris

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for devocioun of her bely; and many freris taken her stait to lyve lustli in þis world, for ellis þei shulden be laborers, and lyve hard lyf in lewid stait. And so devocioun of clerkis, fro þe firste to þe laste, is studie of avarice, and no trewe devo|cioun; and so freris, in her statis, wanten riȝt devocioun; for þei taken not her degres, neiþer in scole, ne in office, for riȝt devocioun to renne þe weie þat Crist haþ tauȝt. And þei wolen not be confessours,—speciali of lordis and ladies,—for þe devocioun þat þei have for to make her soulis clene, but for devocioun of worldli likyng, þat þei taken wiþ þes folk, (for þus þei ben exempt from cloistre and from risyng at mydnyȝt, and fro fastinge in her fraitour [freytor, E.] [Fraitour, or freytour, is a cor|ruption of refectorium, in old French, refreitor. It means the dining-hall of a monastery. In later times the word was further corrupted to Frater|house. Thus Davies, in his Ancient Rites and Monuments of the Church of Durham (1672), says, 'In the south alley of the cloisters is a fair large hall, called the Frater-House, finely wainscoted on the north and south sides, as also on the west.' See Hal|liwell's Glossary. Bénoit, in his Chronicle of the Dukes of Nor|mandy, l. 10998, writes,—'Cloistre i fist faire e dormor, Celier, quisine, e refreitor.'] , and oþer workes of obedience,) and

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lustis, þat þei have wiþ ladies, oþer þan þei shulden have at hom. And þus þes laste folk semen virginis; but þei ben foule putis. And assaie her wordis and her lyves, and þanne þou maist betre wite. Defaute in [of, E.] oile of [in, E.] oþer beggers þat ben walkinge in þis world mai men see þat take hede, and of oþer pore men boþe, as trowauntis can feynen hem sike and defourme hem in bodi; and þis is foul ypocrisie and no riȝt devocioun. So it is to drede to many þat ben pore and lyven chast, þat þei shal, at þe dai of dome, wante oile in her lampis.

But whanne þis spouse made dwelling, alle þes virgines napten and slepten. Bi which wordis God undirstondiþ many faire wittis. And goode napping of þes fyve wyse virginis is short deþ þat þei have here to tyme of þe dai of dome. For þis deþ is clepid slepinge; but þes foolis slepen ever bi slepe of ever|lasting synne. And so þes ten al togidir slepten and nap|piden on þis manere; but foolis slepten þis longe sleep, a part here and a part in helle. And þus dwelling of þis spouse is abidinge to þe dai of dome. Certis at mydniȝt was maad a crie: Lo! þe spouse comeþ, go ȝe out aȝens him. Þanne risen up alle þe virgyns, and maden þer lampis fair. And þes foole virginis seiden to þes wise virgyns; Ȝyve ȝe to us of ȝoure oile, for oure lampis ben quenchid. And þes wise virgyns answeriden and seiden, Lest it suffice not to us and to ȝou, go ȝe raþer to hem þat sellen oile, and bie ȝe oile to ȝou silf. And while þei wenten to bie oile, þe spouse cam. And þes virgyns þat weren redi entriden [So E; entride, A.] in wiþ þe spouse'; and anoon þe ȝate was shut.

Þis myddil of þe nyȝt is þe tyme þat Crist shal come to þe laste dome. For certein enchesoun þis tyme is nyȝt; for it is derk and unknowun to men whanne it shal be, and wheþer þei shal go þanne to hevene or to helle. And it is þe myddel for þis en|chesoun. It is after þe derknesse, þat goiþ bifore þis jugement,

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and bifore þe derknes þat ever shal be in helle. Þis crie is warn|ynge of aungels, þat shal be to þis daie, þat Poul clepid þe laste trompe, and sum, Gabrielis horn. Þanne shal it be seid in sen|tence: Lo, now comeþ þe spouse of holi Chirche; go ȝe aȝens him. And þis bidding of God shal not be aȝenseid. And þus men þat shal be savyd and dampned, shal rise aȝens þis daie of dome, and make hem redi to answere of dedis þat þei have done. And þanne her conscience shal be open of alle þe lyves þat þei have led. And þus shal þes foolis wite þat hem failide devocioun, and herfore þei shal be dampned, but ȝif þei can excuse hem. Þe axing of þes foolis of men þat shal be saif, is a privy wishinge of þes founed virgyns, þat þei taken part of devocioun of seintis; and wel mai þes be foolis þat þanne have siche desiris. But þes men þat now dremen an ac|cident wiþouten suget mai falle aborde wiþ þese foolis, and axe þis as possible. Þe answere of þes wise virginis telliþ treuþe to þes foolis, how devocioun þat þei have sufficiþ not for hem boþe; and þerfore shulden þei go to seintis, þat sellen in weye devocioun. But þat tyme is passid now; and so moten nedis þei dispeire. And in tyme þat þei þenken þus, how þei shulden have lyved riȝtfulli, and have had devocioun in good workes þat þei diden, comeþ Crist to þe dome, and takiþ to heven just men. Alle þes þingis have ordre of kynde, al if þei hav not ordre of tyme. At þe laste comen þes founed virgyns, and seien to Crist in þis wise: Lord, Lord, opene to us. And Crist an|sweriþ unto hem: Soþeli, I seie to ȝou, I knowe ȝou not: Goiþ forþ ȝour weie. And þerfore, wake ȝe, seiþ Crist, for ȝe knowun not þe daie, ne þe hour. Þis comyng of þes fool virgins, after þat seintis ben in blisse, is grutchinge of her conscience aȝens Goddis jugement; and criyng of openyng of Crist is languish|ing to come to hevene. But answere þat Crist ȝeveþ aȝen, is stabling of her peyne in helle; for þei shal þanne be certein þat her double peyne in helle moot nedis be, bi Cristis juge|ment, for her wickid lyving here. And so her double criyng þanne is her unfamous conscience; for þanne hem shal wante fame, boþe of þis world and of þe toþer. And þus, as Crist concludiþ ofte, alle manere of men shulde wake, siþ þei knowen not þe daie of dome, ne hour in which þei shal be deed.

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