Abraham Lincoln quarterly. [Vol. 5, no. 8]

THE ABRAHAM LINCOLN IUARTERLY DECEMBER, 1949 THE ABRAHAM LINCOLN ASSOCIATION SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS

THE ABRAHAM LINCOLN ASSOCIATION OFFICERS GEORGE W. BUNN, JR., President BENJAMIN P. THOMAS, Treasurer MARY E. HUMPHREY, Vice President PAUL M. ANGLE, Vice President RoY P. BASLER, Executive Secretary DIRECTORS OLIVER R. BARRETT J. PAUL CLAYTON MARY E. HUMPHREY JAMES W. BOLLINGER HENRY A. CONVERSE RALPH G. LINDSTROM F. L. BULLARD PASCAL ENOS HATCH HENRY M. MERRIAM ALICE E. BUNN LUCY BOWEN HAY CHARLES L. PATTON GEORGE W. BUNN, JR. EDGAR DEWITT JONES JAMES G. RANDALL BENJAMIN P. THOMAS W. H. TOWNSEND THE ABRAHAM LINCOLN ASSOCIATION is a not-for-profit corporation which has as its principal purpose the collection and dissemination of information regarding all phases of the life of Abraham Lincoln. The Association is supported principally by the dues of its members, which are five dollars annually for junior members and library members, and ten dollars annually for sustaining members. Three dollars of the annual dues pays for a subscription to The Abraham Lincoln Quarterly. All members receive in addition to the Quarterly an annual volume on some phase of Lincoln's life. Titles of books already published will be furnished on request. THE ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY Vol. V ~ December, 1949 * No. 8 The Abraham Lincoln Quarterly is published four times a year, in March, June, September and December, First National Bank Building, Springfield, Illinois. Subscription price $3.00oo annually. Correspondence in regard to contributions to the Quarterly should be addressed to the Editor, 704 First National Bank Building, Springfield, Illinois. Entered as second-class matter at the post office at Springfield, Illinois, March 16, 1949, under the Act of March 3, 1879.

THE ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY VOL. V -DECEMBER, 1949. No. 8 Editor RoY P. BASLER Associate Editors G. W. BUNN, JR. BENJAMIN P. THOMAS COPYRIGHT 1949 BY THE ABRAHAM LINCOLN ASSOCIATION

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THE ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY VOL. V DECEMBER, 1949 NO. 8 The Musical Mr. Lincoln By DAVID RANKIN BARBEE Afew weeks after the death of President Lincoln, the Musical Pioneer said of him: "Our late President was a man of musical taste, but not of musical cultivation.... It was only during the last three or four years that he enjoyed any opportunities of hearing much music. Of late, however, he was fond of snatching odd moments from the weight of his vast responsibilities, and visiting Washington theaters, especially, we are informed, on the rare occasions when opera was given in them. He was fond of making the acquaintance of musical people, and was an especial admirer of the basso Hermanns, whom he invited to visit him in a friendly way at the White House."' While throwing some light on one phase of Mr. Lincoln's character, this note is incomplete. It is true that he was not a cultivated musician, but it is also true that he had an ear for music, and that his tastes were as broad and as catholic 1 May, 1865. New York Evening Post, May 23, 1865. 435

436 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY as were those of the best instructed devotees of this queenly art. From early life he showed a genuine fondness for all forms of entertainment, but while he was, during the presidential years, an addict to the theater, he seldom missed an opportunity of hearing musical entertainment of any sort. His biographers call attention to his love of ballads and simple songs, but there is seldom a hint in their books that Lincoln's interest in music included opera and classical compositions for orchestra or piano. One writer, dealing with this subject, dismisses abruptly "his general lack of interest in music," though admitting that "he was not altogether indifferent to poetry and song."2 This statement scarcely does justice to the facts. Henry C. Whitney, who traveled the circuit with him in Illinois for many years, has told us that "Lincoln was fond of going all by himself to any little show or concert. I have known him to slip away and spend the entire evening at a little magic lantern show intended for children. A traveling concert company, calling themselves the 'Newhall Family,' were sure of drawing Lincoln. One of their number, Mrs. Hillis, a good singer, he used to tell us was the only woman who ever seemed to exhibit any liking for him. I attended a Negro minstrel show in Chicago, where we heard Dixie sung. It was entirely new, and pleased him greatly." 8 This strange man-for he was all of that; no one, it seems, has ever understood him-could appreciate, even in those circuit-riding days, music in its highest realms. Adelina Patti, the famous cantatrice, when making a concert tour with Ole Bull, the renowned Norwegian violinist, sang to Lincoln, probably in 1855 or 1856, when they appeared in 2Philip D. Jordan, "Some Lincoln and Civil War Songs," The Abraham Lincoln Quarterly (September, 1942), II, 138. 8 Herndon's Life of Lincoln, edited by Paul M. Angle (New York, 1930o), p. 283.

THE MUSICAL MR. LINCOLN 437 a concert in Springfield. Lincoln attended to hear Ole Bull. He was not interested in prodigies. But somehow he was won by the little Adelina, to whom he related the story in the White House a few years later. "I don't remember what it was I sang," she said, recalling the incident, "but it was probably something very coloratura that Ettore Barilli had taught me-something to show off an infant prodigy, you know. I made quite an impression on Mr. Lincoln. (He even) spoke of me to his wife and predicted that I was going to have a career." 4 When Patti appeared in Washington, in the Fall of 1862, as the star of an Italian opera company, President Lincoln was in a box, on the opening night. After the curtain had descended on the first act of the opera, he sent word backstage that he would like to renew his acquaintance with the brilliant young star. Strakosch conveyed the invitation to her; she held back, thinking it was a press agent's stunt. "I was dressed for the sleep-walking scene in La Somnambula," she said-"not a costume in which to meet a stranger -and I picked up the first thing at hand-it happened to be a big broadcloth cloak, the property of Mr. Strakosch-and wrapped myself in it. Thus accoutered, we made our way to the back of the President's box. "Judge of my surprise when a tall, dark man, standing alone in the shadow at the rear of the box, stepped forward and held out his hand, saying as he did so: 'You have changed a great deal since I saw you last. I don't believe I should have recognized you." And after a few moments of conversation, he invited her to the White House to meet Mrs. Lincoln,5 who was in seclusion since the death of her son Willie. ' The Montgomery Advertiser, February 12, 1911. Interview with Patti, copyrighted and syndicated by The Associated Literary Press. Patti was not accurate as to dates and personnel of the tour, but the incidents she narrates seem to have been burned into her memory. SIbid.

438 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY The next afternoon she and Strakosch presented themselves at the White House, where Mrs. Lincoln met them alone and bestowed gracious compliments on Patti. "Then the President entered the room," said Patti. "He greeted us cordially and again made mention of the great change in me since the Ole Bull concert." After some conversation, Patti volunteered to sing for the President and his wife. "First," she said, "Mr. Strakosch accompanied me in a couple of rather florid things we both knew, and then, to my own accompaniment, I sang The Last Rose of Summer, which I should have to repeat a few hours later, the opera for that evening being Martha. When I had finished the last long-drawn-out note of the song, I turned to look at my audience. Mrs. Lincoln had risen from her seat and was standing in the back part of the room, with her back toward me. Of course, I couldn't see her face, but I knew she was weeping... I reproached myself that I had made such an awkward choice and was about to attempt to remedy my mistake by ending the performance with a rollicking bolero when Mr. Lincoln, who had been sitting motionless on a sofa nearby, his eyes shaded by his left hand, asked, without removing his fingers from his face: 'Will you please sing Home, Sweet Home?' " Strakosch did not know the air, and Patti, who knew it, did not know the words, and had never sung them. Seeing her dilemma, "the President rose from his seat, went quickly to a small stand at the foot of the piano, took from it a small music book, with a vivid green color, and placed it on the piano rack, opened to the music of Home, Sweet Home. Then he returned to his seat without a word and resumed his former posture. "Well, I sang the song the very best I could do it," Patti concluded, "and when Mr. Lincoln thanked me his voice was husky and his eyes were full of tears. By that time I was

THE MUSICAL MR. LINCOLN 439 so wrought up over the situation myself that I was actually blubbering when we were taking leave of the recently bereaved parents." 6 Although he was Lincoln's close and familiar friend of a period of years, and in daily contact with him during the early days at the White House, Ward H. Lamon seems not to have sensed the depth of Lincoln's love for the highest types of music. Speaking of this he said: "He (Lincoln) had no special fondness for operatic music; he loved the simple ballads and ditties, such as the common people sing, whether of the comic or pathetic kind; but no one in the list touched his great heart as did the song of Twenty Years Ago. Many a time, in the old days of our familiar friendship on the Illinois circuit, and often at the White House when he and I were alone, have I seen him in tears while I was rendering, in my poor way, that homely melody." When Lincoln was melancholy, Lamon says he could always bring him out of that mood with comic songs, which "he always keenly relished." One of these songs was a parody on Life on the Ocean Wave. "Mr. Lincoln would always laugh immoderately when I sang this jingling nonsense to him," Lamon continued. "It reminded him of the rude and often witty ballads that amused him in his boyhood days. He was fond of negro melodies, and The Blue-Tailed Fly was a favorite. He often called for that buzzing ballad when we were alone, and he wanted to throw off the weight of public and private cares.... "A comic song in the theater always restored Mr. Lincoln's cheerful good-humor. [Lamon evidently is referring to minstrel songs, which were, according to his own words, great favorites with him.] But while he had a great fondness for witty and mirth-provoking ballads, our grand old patriotic airs and songs of the tender and sentimental kind af6 Ibid.

440 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY forded him the deepest pleasure. Ben Bolt was one of his favorite ballads, so was The Sword of Bunker Hill; and he was always deeply moved by The Lament of the Irish Emigrant."f While the artist Francis B. Carpenter was painting his celebrated picture, "The Signing of the Emancipation Proclamation," he saw a good deal of Mr. Lincoln at the White House, and recorded many of his conversations and sayings. From them we get some confirmation of Lamon's view of the kind of music that appealed most to the Emancipator. "Mr. Lincoln once said that he had little knowledge of what he characterized as 'scientific' music; but he always detected and enjoyed what he called the 'sweet strains' in any description of music. His preference was for simple songs and ballads, like Old Robin Gray and Twenty Years Ago. He long sought for music that would properly convey the sentiment of his favorite poem, 'Oh, why should the spirit of mortal be proud?' But in this he was never successful." 8 Lincoln loved the war songs of his day as well as simple ballads. Carpenter relates an incident which lifts the curtain on Lincoln's genuine love for these songs. "I remember well his coming down to the Red Room, where there was a pianoforte, with a party of visitors, one morning in the Summer of i1864, to hear one of the number, who was a fine singer, render the stirring hymn, then recently published: "'We are coming, Father Abraham, Three hundred thousand more.' "The singing of this hymn at this time, with its background and accessories-the desolate nation mourning her slain, the flower of the land, yet again responding to the call 7ward H. Lamon, Recollection of Abraham Lincoln, r847-.r865, edited by Dorothy Lamon Teillard (Chicago, 1895), PP. 147-149. 81 The Baltimore American, December 24, 1867; quoting an article by Carpenter in The Independent.

THE MUSICAL MR. LINCOLN 441 of the chief; that chief himself sitting with patient, pensive eyes and bowed head, listening as if to catch the voice of the people... -all together formed a scene unlike to but suggestive of that other scene, immortalized by French artists -the singing for the first time, by Rouget de Lisle, of that grandest of all hymns of liberty, La Marseillaise."9 So great was Lincoln's love for the war songs of the North that it would seem he never lost an opportunity of hearing them. When Chaplain McCabe, on his release from Libby Prison, came to Washington and addressed a large audience in the Hall of Representatives at the Capitol, the President was there. At the close of his talk, the chaplain sang The Battle Hymn of the Republic, asking the audience to join him. A remarkable scene then ensued. "The singing of Chaplain McCabe electrified the great throng," we are told; "men and women sprang to their feet and wept and shouted and sang. As the chaplain led them in that glorious battle hymn, they saw Abraham Lincoln's tear-stained face light up with a strange glory as he cried out: 'sing it again!'"'0 A few days later the chaplain attended a reception at the White House; the President recognized him and said to him: "Take it all in all, the song and the singing, that was the best I ever heard." 11 Chaplain McCabe, who later became a bishop in the Methodist Church, was not the only Christian vocalist who drew Lincoln's patronage and won his praise. "Just before his death he heard Philip Phillips sing in the Hall of Representatives. The hall was densely packed with the most distinguished men and women of the nation. The Secretary of State presided. Mr. Phillips sang his celebrated song, entitled Your Mission. Among the stanzas are these: 9 Ibid. 10 Frank M. Bristol, The Life of Chaplain McCabe (New York, 1908), p. 199. S Ibid., p. 303.

442 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY "'If you cannot in the conflict Prove yourself a soldier true; If, where fire and smoke are thickest, There's no work for you to do; When the battle-field is silent, You can go, with silent tread; You can bear away the wounded, You can cover up the dead.' "Mr. Lincoln was greatly overcome by this song. He sent up to Mr. Seward this characteristic request: 'Near the close let us have Your Mission repeated by Mr. Phillips. Don't say I called for it.-A. Lincoln.' "12 It is said, on very good authority, that Mr. Lincoln attended Dr. Gurley's church more to listen to the music than to the sermon, New York Avenue Presbyterian Church having the best choir in the city.'3 While he liked the battle hymns and simple folk songsStephen Foster's immortal ballads were prime favorites of his 14-Lincoln was devoted to music in its highest art forms -both vocal and instrumental. The great opera and concert singers made a strong appeal to him, as did the famous violinists and pianists of his day. Clara Louise Kellogg, the American prima donna, won his heart both in concert and in opera, by her good looks as well as by her singing. In her first concert in Washington, at Ford's Theater, May 28, 1862, which he attended, she was assisted by one or two other opera stars and by the famous pianist, Louis Moreau Gottschalk.15 It was an unusual arrangement, but that is how concert tours were arranged in those days. On this occasion, the pianist, it would seem, was more of 1 Matthew Hale Smith, Sunshine and Shadow in New York (Hartford, 1869), pp. 223-224. 1 Musical Pioneer, May, 1865, op. cit. 14 Ibid. 1 National Intelligencer, May 28, 30, 1862.

THE MUSICAL MR. LINCOLN 443 an attraction than the song-birds, for every time thereafter that Gottschalk appeared at the Capital, whether solo or in company with a group of opera stars, he found the President in his audience. On one occasion, at least, while giving a concert by himself, Gottschalk exercised a happy privilege of those days and made Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln his patrons. Although the pianist, in his diary, relates much trivia-- about himself, of course-he fails to mention how his patrons reacted to his brilliant playing. He was always his own hero. After setting down the fact that he had placed his patrons in the front seats, he says: "Mrs. Lincoln has a very ordinary countenance. Lincoln is remarkably ugly, but has an intelligent air, and his eyes have a remarkable expression of goodness and mildness." Not a word as to whether they were pleased with his performance. "After an encore," he went on, "I played my fantasia L'Union, in the midst of great enthusiasm. Lincoln does not wear gloves. I played very badly, and was furious against myself." 16 Did the President join in the "great enthusiasm" and clap his immense hands together? We infer that he did. Soon after moving into the White House, President Lincoln engaged a noted Polish concert pianist, Mons. Alex. Wolowski, to give his sons, Willie and Tad, piano lessons. Wolowski had a studio in Washington, and as court pianist he had the run of the Executive Mansion, a privilege he did not abuse.17 Perhaps it was he who induced the President and Mrs. Lincoln to take Tad to one of young Teresa Carreno's concerts. She was the second musical prodigy that crossed the path of the untutored music lover from the plains of Illinois. At this time Teresa was nine years old, and a pupil and worshipper of Louis Moreau Gottschalk. After this concert was over, the President and Mrs. Line Louis Moreau Gottschalk, Notes of a Pianist (Philadelphia, 1881), p. 246. 17 Philadelphia Press, September 27, 1865.

444 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY coin pressed an invitation on the young Venezuelan pianist to visit them at the White House, which she accepted. Madame Carreno's account of this visit tells us all that we should wish to know about it. "As my father and I were going to the White House that morning," she said, "he implored me to play something severely classical if Mr. Lincoln should invite me to try the piano. He had no idea that Bach would be suitable for such an occasion, and although I did not agree with him, I said nothing, resolving mentally to do as I liked-perhaps decline to play at all. "The President and his family received us so informally, they were all so very nice to me that I almost forgot to be cranky under the spell of their friendly welcome. My selfconsciousness all returned, however., when Mrs. Lincoln asked me if I would like to try the White House grand piano. At once I assumed the most critical attitude toward everything-the stool was unsuitable, the pedals were beyond reach, and when I had run my fingers over the keyboard, the action was too hard. My poor father suggested a Bach 'Invention' would make me more familiar with the action. "That was quite enough to inspire me to instant rebellion. Without another word, I struck out into Gottschalk's funeral Marche de Nuit., and after I had finished modulated into The Last Hope, and ended with The Dying Poet. I knew my father was in despair and it stimulated me to extra effort. I think I never played with more sentiment. Then what do you think I did? I jumped off the piano stool and declared that I would play no more-that the piano was too badly out of tune to be used. "My unhappy father looked as if he would swoon. But Mr. Lincoln patted me on the cheek and asked me if I could play The Mocking Bird with variations. I knew the air and I didn't hesitate over the variations. The whim to do it

THE MUSICAL MR. LINCOLN 445 seized me and I returned to the piano, gave out the theme, and then went off in a series of impromptu variations that threatened to go on forever. When I stopped it was from sheer exhaustion. "Mr. Lincoln declared that it was excellent, but my father thought I had disgraced myself, and he never ceased to apologize in his broken English until we were out of hearing." 8 There is not, in all the realm of Lincoln literature, a more characteristic anecdote than this one. The patient President knew how to control a gifted child, and did it with such grace and good humor that she remembered it for fifty years, and in her old age told it. Like the presidents who preceded him, from Tyler's era to his own, Mr. Lincoln had a great fondness for the Marine Band, and for band music, and during the summer months, when the "President's Own" gave concerts on the south lawn of the White House, he was to be found in the immense throng that gathered on those occasions.19 But he could not enjoy his music undisturbed. Even in his own home he was annoyed by the curious when he wanted to hear the band. "One Saturday afternoon," said Carpenter, "when the lawn in front of the White House was crowded with people listening to the weekly concert, of the Marine Band, the President appeared on the portico. Instantly there was a clapping of hands and clamor for a speech. Bowing his thanks, and excusing himself, he stepped back into the retirement of the circular parlor, remarking to me, with a disappointed air, as he reclined upon the sofa: 'I wish they would let me sit out there quietly, and enjoy the music.' "20 Although, it seems, he liked all kinds of band music, his favorite piece was the "Soldiers' Chorus" from Gounod's 1" The Montgomery Advertiser, Feb. 12, 1911, Interview with Mme. Carreno. 19 San Francisco Bulletin, May 12, 1865. The Christian Union, September 18, 1872. Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House (New York, 1866), p. 143. 20 Six Months in the White House, p. 143.

446 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY Faust, which was nearly always played when it was known that he was present.21 One hardly associates estheticism with Honest Old Abe the Rail Splitter, but he had much of it and with it much sentiment, too. This came out at one of these Marine Band concerts. The President sat on the south portico, surrounded by a group of ladies. "There was an out-door promenade concert in the grounds, which...were almost filled with groups of gaily dressed ladies and children and young ladies and their brilliant cavaliers," said one of them. "Looked upon from where we stood it was a brilliant scenethat broad stretch of park in all the fresh young verdure of May, the cool fountain splashing mistily in the warm air, the great trees with wide arms throwing shadows over the tender grass, and knots of pretty girls, fresh and blooming as Spring flowers, scattered here and there in bright relief against the emerald background." Throwing his gaze upon the scene, Mr. Lincoln remarked: "It is beautiful, is it not? It is good to look at beauty once in a while." The band was stationed some rods away, and "the distance or the open air softened the sound till it swept by the group on the portico full of melody and almost sad in its deep tones." A gentlewoman from the diplomatic corps "said, very prettily, that the low, sweet tones of music always appealed to her heart as if asking for something she had lost, some hope, pleasure, or ambition; and gave her a vague sense of sadness." "It does more than that," replied Mr. Lincoln quietly; "it reminds us of what we never had, or having, have allowed to rust. It reminds me of those useful volumes, Every Man His Own Lawyer-or doctor, and so on. Listening to such melody, every man becomes his own poet, and measures the " The Christian Union, September 18, 1872.

THE MUSICAL MR. LINCOLN 447 depths of his own nature, though he is apt to lose the line as the sound dies away. As a student in a rugged school, I have through life been obliged to strip ideas of their ornaments, and make them facts before I conquered them. Euclid was my cornerstone, and the few flights I have taken in eloquence have never carried me out of sight of that hard basis. What began in a narrow necessity remains a habit, and I have but a dull sense of the beautiful; still, a few soft, heartsearching notes, such as we now hear, will often remind me of a want, convincing me that, like other hard workers, I may have gained in precision, concentration, or that hard power of arrangement we draw from mathematics, at the cost, maybe, of the silent pleasure an eye educated to beauty can always drink in at a glance." 22 A man with such philosophy naturally would like music of the higher forms, and it should not be thought unusual or strange that he was a devotee of grand opera. To some his opera-attendance seemed no more than a courtesy to his wife, who was excessively fond of grand opera; but he sometimes went alone to the opera. The first time he heard Patti sing an opera no one was in the box with him; 23 and at other times he took some of his men friends along. The opera folk must have sensed that he would be their patron during his White House days, for they early laid siege to him. On his arrival in New York, en route to Washington, in February, 1861, Mme. Anna Bishop wrote him a letter. "Permit me to say that I am giving English Opera at Niblo's Garden in this city," it read. "Should it be agreeable to you to attend during your stay in the Metropolis, nothing could afford me greater pleasure or confer on me more compliment, than the honor of your presence."24 2 San Francisco Bulletin, May 12, 1865. 23 The Montgomery Advertiser, February 12, 1911. 24 Lincoln Papers, vol. 33, letter dated: February 15, 1861.

448 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY He did not accept this invitation; but his hosts, thinking to pay him the greatest compliment the city could bestow upon him, carried him to the Academy of Music, where he witnessed a performance of Verdi's Ballo in Meschera. This was his introduction to that form Of Music.025 Accompanied by his, old Illinois friend, judge David Davis, and Alderman Cornwell, the President-elect arrived at the Irving Place Opera House after the performance had begun.2 Cheers greeted him from the crowd massed outside the theater. When he entered the private box assigned him, "9the opera singers were doing their best; the chorus chaps were expanding their unwearied lungs to the extent of their second-class abilities; and the trumpeters and drummers were blowing and thumping their instruments in the most approved style. But it was no go at this particular moment. The President-elect was the superior attraction for the time being, and the opera folk had to be content with little or no attention from their usually very attentive auditors. Presently the first act was brought to a close, and the curtain descended amid a perfect storm of enthusiasm, half of which was no doubt intended for the singers and the other (and) biggest half for Honest Old Abe." Almost immediately a "demonstration of respect and reverence to the chosen President became so general and enthusiastic that no. person present could be said to be a nonparticipant in it." Mr. Lincoln sat still, occasionally bowing from his seat. As the clamor rose, he got to his feet; "his tall, sinewy form was then seen in its full purportion, towering above his friends in the box a full head and shoulders, like Saul among his brethren." The applause subsided as the curtain was rung up, discovering "ithe whole force of the opera troupe on the stage 2New York Herald,, February 21, M8i. "New York World, February 2 1, 186i1.

THE MUSICAL MR. LINCOLN 449 with their unrolled musical scrolls, preparing to enchant the audience with the deservedly beloved national hymn, The Star Spangled Banner." Miss Hinkley, the prima donna of the company, advanced to the front of the stage, and turning to Mr. Lincoln's box, "sang in her clear, sweet voice the first verse of the popular hymn." The chorus followed, sung by the whole troupe, in which the audience joined, standing. "Mr. Lincoln and his attendants were about the last to rise, and not long after he was on his feet the chorus concluded amid rapturous applause."27 At this moment an American flag, "blazing the full glory of thirty-three stars, was dropped from the proscenium." This set off an outburst of wild applause, "in which the passive and collected guest of honor did not participate," though it was noted that "he was greatly affected by the solemnity of the manifestation"28 of patriotism. He did "point to the flag with evident satisfaction." 29 Miss Phillips, another prima donna, sang the second verse of the national anthem, and alternated with Miss Hinkley until all were rendered. "The last verse was sung with great pathos and feeling, and at the conclusion the applause that followed was indeed a flattering tribute to the artistes who so well did their part." The orchestra then played Hail Columbia, which brought a renewal of the applause; and then "the opera was allowed to proceed with its usual harmony." Mr. Lincoln retired at the end of the second act. His introduction to grand opera had been a patriotic ovation.80 January, 1862, marks the occasion when grand opera made its first appearance in Washington during Lincoln's presidency, and from then until his death in April, 1865, " New York Herald, February 21, i861. Ibid. SNew York Times, February 21, 186i. g New York Herald, February 21, i86i.

450 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY some four score operas and concerts by opera stars were given. To many of these he went, sometimes with Mrs. Lincoln and a party she made up, sometimes with a group of his own friends, and sometimes alone.31 Others could enjoy the music without molestation; but not always he. When his favorite Clara Louise Kellogg, assisted by other opera stars and Gottschalk, gave a concert at Ford's Theater, on the night of May 28, 1862, he was grossly insulted. Mrs. Lincoln and a party of friends, including one of his secretaries, William 0. Stoddard, accompanied him. His wife had quite a time getting him ready to go in proper garb. He yielded to her pleading so far as "a swallow-tailed coat" was concerned, but bucked at wearing white kid gloves. The theater was crowded when they arrived, and the audience rose as the President entered, "and gave him a round of applause, after vigorously stamping at the first indication of his presence." No sooner had he taken his seat, "when a harsh, croaking voice in the middle aisle, loud enough to be heard all over the house, exclaimed: "'He hasn't any business here! That's all he cares for his poor soldiers!' "There was a second of angry silence." Voices all over the house cried: "Put him out! Put him out!" Above all this clamor the wrathful note of a German soldier was heard, shouting: "De Bresident has a right to hees musicl He is goot to come! He shall haf hees music! Dot is vot I shay! He shall haf hees musicl" The insolent wretch who started this scene was quietly seized by four soldiers, who, each holding an arm and a leg, and without any noise, carried him to the exit door, and with a heave-ho threw him into the street. "The President," said Stoddard, "... paid no attention to the unpleasant little incident. The orchestra took a hint ft John W. Forney in the Philadelphia Press, December 25, 1869.

THE MUSICAL MR. LINCOLN 451 from somebody and struck up a storm of patriotic music, and..., as that dies away, out walks the prima donna, and Mr. Lincoln and all the volunteers present will have their music. Whether or not he will listen to it successfully is quite another matter." 32 He must have loved opera music, or he would not have been such a constant opera-goer; but did he express his pleasure over opera as others did? There were those who often accompanied him to the theater and to opera who, like Colonel John W. Forney, thought he went to the opera "because it rested his brain." "One night," said Forney, "Mr. Sumner and myself accompanied Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln to hear a long opera, and during the whole evening the President sat in his corner wrapped in his shawl, either enjoying the music or communing with himself. Without being a man of sentiment, he was alive to it in others." 3 Not a man of sentiment! What a strange thing to say of one who was so deeply sentimental! In a later and more mature statement, Colonel Forney, who was very close to Mr. Lincoln, said of him: "Though he frequently accompanied Mrs. Lincoln to the opera, it was rather in obedience to a social demand or an eagerness for rest in a corner of his box than a taste for scientific music." 34 Most people go to the opera, as they go to the theater, for entertainment and relaxation, and Mr. Lincoln was no exception to this rule. Early in his administration a famous journalist, James Gordon Bennett, noted this propensity in the President, and invited him to New York to participate in the campaign that was being organized to save grand 8 William O. Stoddard, Inside the White House in War Times (New York, 1890), pp. 72-73. This is the only incident of this nature I have found in a long study of Lincoln's theater-going. 88 Philadelphia Press, December 25, 1869. SAnecdotes of Public Men (New York, 1873), p. 168.

452 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY opera in that city. His invitation, publicly given, opened with this statement: "President Lincoln, it is said, has become a devotee of Italian Opera. After attending one or two of the representations of Grau's troupe at Washington, he thinks, like Oliver (Twist), he could take a little more. No wonder. From the troubles of the war it is natural that he should seek occasional relaxation. His happy faculty as a joker has doubtless done him a world of service; but the wear and tear of the mind from the cares of State demand more substantial diversions. No wonder, therefore, that Honest Old Abe has become a lover of music and the opera. 11 3 This invitation was not accepted, but the President continued to go to the opera in Washington. For this he was often criticized. There were those who thought it improper and even "un-Christian" in the Chief Magistrate to go to the theater while battles were raging and soldiers were dying in all of the military hospitals. At the time the battle of the Wilderness was being fought, he took a friend to an opera, remarking: "The people will wonder if they hear of it, but the truth is I must have a change of some sort or die." 36 Sometimes he was criticized for the company he took to the opera. This criticism was particularly vigorous when he had Senator Sumner as his guest, as he frequently did. The conservatives in his party did not approve of this public association with the most extreme of the radicals.37 The last time that Lincoln went to the opera was in March, 1865. Maurice Grau, the famous impresario, brought his troupe of German songbirds to Washington for an extended engagement. Invitations went to the White House, and were eagerly accepted. The President was just 85 New York Herald, April 23, 1863. " Boston Evening Journal, May 2, 1865, Washington correspondence by Ben: Perley Poore. "Philadelphia Sunday Dispatch, April 26, 1863.

THE MUSICAL MR. LINCOLN 453 recuperating from a serious illness. We get this last glimpse of Lincoln at the opera from a letter his wife wrote Abram Wakeman of New York. "We are having charming weather," she wrote, "and I am most happy to say that my blessed husband's health has much improved. We went to the opera on Saturday eve; Mr. Sumner accompanied us and we had a very gay little time. Mr. I,. when he throws off his heavy manner, as he often does, can make himself very, very agreeable. Last evening he again joined our little coterie, and tomorrow eve we go again to hear Robin Adair sung in La Dame Blanche by Habelman." 38 Faust was the first of this group of operas the President heard. His favorite basso, "Hermanns as Mephistopheles was grandly diabolical, and elicited frequent applause." As the sad President and his wife rose to leave the theater, after the performance of La Dame Blanche, Hermanns was standing before the footlights, taking a bow along with Madame Rotter and the tenor Habelmann.39 The season of German opera was to be followed by several weeks of Italian opera. From the announcement in the press, interest was great, for the engagement promised "to be the most brilliant ever known in Washington. The President and Mrs. Lincoln have secured boxes for several of the operas, and the British and Italian Ministers for the entire series." 40 On the opening night of the Italian opera the President and Mrs. Lincoln were in Virginia, with General Grant's army. They never saw another opera. So firmly did the leaders of music in this country believe that in President Lincoln they had an understanding and m New York Times, January 2o, 1930. 89 Washington Star, March 2o, 1865. 40 Washington Star, March 27, 1865.

454 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY sympathetic friend, they asked him to become a patron of a great festival they were organizing. Their association was incorporated under the name of the Musical Mutual Protective Union of New York. It had eight hundred members, brought together for this purpose, as stated in their invitation to him: "In a community like ours, where the public taste for music is becoming rapidly developed, it is to its professors a source of great regret that there is no local institution where a thorough musical education can be obtained. The lack of which necessitates the trouble, expense and loss of time consequent on a journey to and from, and a residence of some years in Europe. To remedy this deficiency, to supply this want, which has been felt for some time, this society intends to raise funds by the methods named above, with which to build a Capacious and Elegant Hall where the performance of its Concerts will take place, and to found a National School for Musicians, similar to the great European establishments, where a most complete and thorough musical education shall be obtained at the lowest possible cost that will be remunerative." Within the limits of a note the advantages of such an institution could not be more fully explained to him, but they hoped enough had been said "to interest Your Excellency in the magnitude of the undertaking." 41 Mr. Lincoln preserved this invitation. Among the signatures to it were those of the celebrated orchestra leader, Theodore Thomas, and the equally noted Carl Bergmann. While not accepted, because the invitation came in the midst of the presidential campaign of 1864, who doubts that the musical Mr. Lincoln sympathized deeply with the purposes of the Annual Monster Festival and Concert he was asked to sponsor? 1 Lincoln Papers, vol. 167, letter dated: September 5, 1864.

Franklin Pierce and Abraham LincolnParallels and Contrasts By ELWIN L. PAGE ON May 23, 186o, Joseph Medill published in his Chicago Press and Tribune an editorial upon Abraham Lincoln, just nominated for the presidency. "He will not be able," ran the editorial, "to make as polite a bow as Frank Pierce, but he will not commence anew the agitation of the slavery question by recommending to Congress any Kansas-Nebraska bills." Thus early the fourteenth and sixteenth presidents of the United States were brought into comparison. Comparisons, according to the old saying, are odious. In the case of Pierce and Lincoln they have usually been of that character. Yet it may now be pointed out that, with all their differences, the two men had certain likenesses. Medill's paper spoke of Pierce's "polite" bow, as if it were of no deep meaning. Lincoln, it intimated, was no match in manners-empty manners-for Pierce. Now Pierce has always been noted for his remarkable courtesy and suavity. Yet to many it has seemed that when he put his arm indiscriminately about the shoulders of Tom, Dick, and Harry in the White House, there was something unreal in the gesture; those endearing manners, they think, were with political malice prepense. But Pierce would throw that same arm about the shoulders of a poor little Irish boy, draw him in from the winter's cold, and stir up the fire to warm him. I had that story from the poor Irish boy when he had become an old man.' Franklin Pierce was indeed a gentleman, a very I Most of the sources of this paper appear sufficiently in the text. The story of the Irish boy was told to me by the late William J. Ahern, long the head of New Hampshire's welfare department. 455

456 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY great gentleman, not because his manners were good, but because they were not, as so many thought, superficial; they merely denoted the genuine warmth within the man. Abraham Lincoln lacked the peculiar charm of the handsome and polished Pierce, but something of the same inner warmth was there. So we call them both great gentlemen. The two were alike in other respects. Each was a lawyer in a small town. Both had typical country practices. They were about equally successful, both in trial work and appeals on questions of law. But their methods were markedly different. Defending a man charged with murder, Pierce would weep out of pure sympathy, the jurors would weep with him, and after all this sentimentality there would probably be an acquittal.2 Lincoln marshalled the facts coolly and carefully (with perhaps some appeal to feelings, as in the Armstrong case), and thus got his acquittal; but, so far as reported, without the tears rolling down his cheeks. Both were nominated for the presidency by conventions whose majorities at the beginning were strongly committed to others. Both chose cabinets of incongruous elements. Pierce's cabinet, or a faction of it, commonly controlled the president. Lincoln controlled his cabinet till they had much of the appearance of harmony, however they may have lacked It may seem surprising to some that in their philosophy of the Union Pierce and Lincoln were not far apart. Both regarded the Union and constitutional government as experimental. Neither agreed fully with Daniel Webster's reply to Hayne that the United States had become, since the experimental stage began in 1787, a nation that could not be dissolved. On the contrary both saw that the Union could 2Th story of Pierce weeping during an argument to the jury (at Laconia, N.H.) and causing the jurors to weep was told me by my great uncle, Asa T. Page, of Gilmanton, N. H., who walked eight miles to court and the same distance back, to hear Pierce "Plead" to the jury.

PARALLELS AND CONTRASTS 457 be wrecked and that the republic was still an experiment. Both sincerely desired that the Union be preserved. When Pierce accepted the nomination in 1852, he referred to the fact that it was Virginia that brought his name before the convention. "May I not regard it," he wrote, "as a fact pointing to the overthrow of sectional jealousies, and looking to the permanent life and vigor of the Union...?" In his inaugural he said: "With the Union my best and dearest earthly hopes are entwined.... From that radiant constellation which both illumines our own way and points out to struggling nations their course [an idea that Lincoln expressed in better phrases], let but a single star be lost, and, if there be not utter darkness, the luster of the whole is dimmed.... The field of calm and free discussion in our country is open, and will always be so, but never has been and never can be traversed for good in a spirit of sectionalism and uncharitableness." And that sentiment, as we know, was Lincoln's. And Lincoln agreed also with another statement in Pierce's inaugural, that involuntary servitude was recognized in the Federal Constitution, "and that the States where it exists are entitled to efficient remedies to enforce the constitutional provisions." Now compare Lincoln's first inaugural and note how it declares for the rights of slave-holders under the Constitution; see how much theoretical agreement there was. Compare, also, Lincoln's first message to Congress, July 4, 1861, where he wrote, "Our popular Government has often been called an experiment. Two points in it our people have already settled-the successful establishing and the successful administering of it. One still remains-its successful maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it." Why is it that two men whose thoughts were so harmonious are now placed at almost opposite poles? Both were

458 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY unionists in sentiment; both desired whole-heartedly that somehow sectionalism should disappear; both recognized that our experiment was for the whole world, as well as for ourselves, that it must somehow pass from the experimental stage to one of settled fact. Why do the two men historically appear irreconcilable? I think we already have a part of the answer, which we have found in differences of temperament and moral discernment. Pierce was oversentimental and emotional while Lincoln, the equal of Pierce in tolerance and loving kindness, had within him a certain balancing coolness and logic that Pierce lacked. It was as if, in spite of his gentlemanly soul, Lincoln had been given a rather unyielding spirit in harmony with the face and form that were so contrasted to Pierce's handsome figure. But Lincoln had not merely the coolness and logic sufficient to hold his emotions in leash; he had also courage where Pierce was fearful, strength where Pierce had weakness. Above all, it is to be said that Pierce never saw the moral blackness of slavery, while Lincoln could never forget it. Enough, for the moment, of such matters. Let us now consider a rather long and unpleasant story that shows that Pierce did much to make Lincoln remembered as his superior.. In Ordeal of the Union (IIL 35) Allan Nevins has this to say about the virulent campaign the Whigs waged against Pierce in i1852: "They attacked his war record; a southern lady travelling to Concord heard a train-boy selling a pamphlet 'all about General Pierce falling off his horse in Mexico at the sight of blood."'" That pamphlet was a miniature i Y2 inches by i inch. Despite its wee size, it bore the long title Life and Services of Gen. Pierce, Respectfully Dedicated to Gen'l Lewis Cass.

PARALLELS AND CONTRASTS 459 At the close appeared "FINIS Nov. 2, 1852." The implication was that on election day Pierce would suffer defeat as Cass had in 1848. The imprint is "Concord: Gazette Press. 1852." There was no such press. There had been a Concord Gazette, which ceased five years before when it was combined with The Independent Democrat, George G. Fogg's "Free Democrat" or "Free Soil" weekly. Possibly some printers in the Democrat office were having nocturnal fun. More probably, it was printed in the dark of night in the office of Charles L. Wheler's Tribune, a grossly virulent Whig campaign paper. The anonymous Life is a scurrilous production. I have no suspicion that the Whig Statesman was responsible for it, for the files of that paper are particularly free from unfair attack upon Pierce. Though I have tentatively ruled out The Independent Democrat, it must be admitted that as Fogg was for John P. Hale, the Free Soil candidate, he was strongly anti-Pierce, for reasons that he stated with some calmness, and with clear prescience. On July 22, 1852, Fogg declared editorially that he had tried to treat Pierce with a degree of kindness and forbearance, but the bearing of Pierce's friends had made it difficult. Of Pierce he wrote: "With respectable impulses, he knows not what it is to take or pursue any course because it is right and commends itself to the approval of an enlightened conscience. He is not a strong man, nor selfreliant. Easily influenced, with no chart of stern principle to guide him, he would inevitably, if elected President, be the unresisting instrument of artful, designing and ambitious demagogues; whether they designed to use him for the purpose of extending slavery, making fillibuster [sic] expeditions against Cuba, or whatever else might tempt the ambition or cupidity of a restless populace." The man who wrote that could hardly be the author of the scurrilous Life. But his paper nevertheless does give us the

460 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY Life's origin. Fogg thought that Pierce suffered from the folly of his friends, who made exaggerated claims concerning the gallantry of General Pierce in the Mexican War, and who were so zealous in denying that he had any faults or foibles that, by emphasizing his virtues in trivial respects, they had opened their idol to grave ridicule. In particular we learn that former Governor John H. Steele, immediately after Pierce's nomination, made a speech in which he told how General Pierce had given an unknown boy a penny to buy a stick of candy. That "stick of candy" story became famous country-wide during the campaign. This story was already two or three weeks old when somebody sent some verses to The Independent Democrat. One stanza alone need be quoted in order to show its character, for you will find it, prosaically, in the Life. "He fell on Churubusco's field, Where bomb-shells fierce did rattle; He rose determined not to yield, When victory crowned the battlel That he is generous as brave, No one may doubt or bandy, For 'tis averred that once he gave A boy a stick of candy." The Life, for which we are now ready, opened thus: "Franky Pierce was the son of his father.... In December A D 1827 he spelled the word 'but' for his father." Then his Congressional career was lampooned: "the first notable thing he did was in 1837, to vote against the right of petition (the charge was true, though Pierce had denied it in 1844 in Concord Town Meeting). In the very same year, with an eye single to the good of the great West, he nobly and patriotically spoke and voted against the river and harbor bill... elected to the Senate, looked wise and said not a word." Of course this was for western circulation. But it should be

PARALLELS AND CONTRASTS 461 recalled that Pierce's best state paper was to be a message stating reasons for his veto of a bill for internal improvements. In 1842, the Life continues, Pierce resigned from the Senate and returned home. On arrival, he gave a boy, in no way related to him, a cent to buy a stick of candy. "His heart is ever open for the relief of the woes of suffering humanity." The Mexican War record of Pierce, as given by the Life, may be summarized thus: (1) Pierce ordered Col. Ransom to charge the Mexicans, "while he retreated to his tent, feeling tremendously indisposed!!!!!" The intention plainly was to have the reader surmise that Pierce was either drunk or afraid. (2) "... he fell from his horse, in the bloody field of Contreras, dangerously wounded in the rim of his hat." It was true that a bullet did pass through the rim of his hat; it is true that he fell, but another version of that will be given later. (3) At Churusbusco, "Gen. P. (according to his own report of the battle, p. 183) performed one of the most DARING feats of fainting ever known in the annals of history." (4) He entered the City of Mexico with "his usual skill and heroic bravery, after it had surrendered to one Gen'l. SCOTT." Scott, as Pierce's Whig opponent, is given capitals. It must be recalled that Pierce's overzealous friends had retailed the very stories upon which this burlesque was built. They had asked for it, and they got it, much to poor Pierce's chagrin. But he had to grin and bear it. As for his fellowConcordians, the Whigs at least could recall only the sole military experience the General had before he went to Mexico as a Brigadier; he had shortly before appeared as a rookie in the Concord Light Infantry. So this General was without much honor in a portion of his home town. The Concord edition of the Life was probably not wholly

462 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY of local authorship. New Hampshire'9s only sure origin is found in the "stick of candy" episode. But in any event this Life, or something like it, travelled all over the country, mostly in newspapers. When it arrived at Springfield, Illinois, somewhat augmented, it had already been at Richmond, Virginia. On the 14th and 96th of August, 1852, in Springfield, exCongressman Lincoln spent two evenings replying to a speech Stephen A. Douglas had made in Richmond, Virginia. What a long trail that was, over which Lincoln pursued Douglas!I Douglas had rebuked the Whigs for calling Pierce "a fainting General." Lincoln, on the first night of his speech, took the attitude, as Fogg had done, that Pierce's friends merely made their candidate ridiculous. "I have only to say," remarked Lincoln, "that, Gen. Pierce's history being as it is, the attempt to set him up as a great General, is simply ludicrous and laughable, and that the free merry people of the country have laughed at it; and will continue to laugh at it, in spite of the querulous scolding of judge Douglas or of anybody else.... p On the second night Lincoln elaborated the ridicule. After the nomination of Pierce, he said, "It soon came to light that the first thing ever urged in his favor as a candidate was his having given a strange boy a cent to buy candy with." Then he went on to the story of the spelling of "but." He alluded to the biography in such a way as to show that he had read a somewhat different version from the Concord pamphlet, for he quoted the biography as stating that Pierce cut with his sword at flying Mexican cannon balls, crying, "Boys, there's a game of ball for you, " and treating the boys after the battle. "When I first saw these things," said Lincoln, "I suspected they had been put forward by mischievous Whigs; but very

PARALLELS AND CONTRASTS 463 soon I saw the biography published at length in a veritable Democratic paper..... Then I was puzzled." Lincoln annotated the story of the fall from the horse by a quotation from General Shields. According to this, Pierce and Shields came to a deep and slimy canal under fire. They plunged in safely. Shields, who sat a light Mexican horse, rode out without difficulty. But Pierce's heavy American horse (a gift from his Concord admirers) sank and rolled over. Shields went on, leaving Pierce struggling. After some time, how long Shields did not know, Pierce extricated himself and walked to his command. Even this story Lincoln turned to ridicule. "Now... when the whole of both their brigades got across that same 'slimy canal,' without any difficulty worth mentioning... I say, Judge Douglas, 'Is this manoeuvre sanctioned by Scott's Infantry Tactics as adopted in the army?' This ludicrous scene in Gen. Pierce's career S. looks very much like a pertinacious purpose to 'Pile up' the ridiculous. This explains the new plan or system of tactics adopted by the Democracy. It is to ridicule and burlesque the whole military character... and thus to kill Gen. Scott with vexation." The "philosophical and literary" Democrats, he added, had read how "the institution of chivalry was ridiculed out of existence by its fictitious votary Don Quixote" (an astonishing literary allusion by a man supposed almost never to have read fiction). Lincoln recalled how militia training had been caricatured to death. His audience was reminded of such a burlesque parade in Springfield, led by one Abrams in a huge pasteboard cocked hat, and armed with a nine-foot wooden sword. His followers were dressed no two alike, but there were nevertheless certain rules of uniform. No man was to wear more than five pounds of codfish for epaulets, or more than thirty yards of bologna sausages for a sash. Their banner was inscribed, "We'll fight till we run, and we'll run till we die."

464 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY Lincoln's peroration voiced the fear lest, "when Gen. Scott suspects no danger, suddenly Gen. Pierce will be discovered charging upon him, holding a huge roll of candy in one hand for a spy-glass; with B-U-T labelled on some appropriate part of his person; with Abrams' long pine sword cutting in the air at imaginary cannon balls, and calling out 'boys, there's a game of ball for you' and over all streaming the flag, with the motto, 'We'll fight till we faint, and I'll treat when it's over'.... Unless the opposition should, once more sink down, and roll over, in that deep slimy canal, I cannot conceive what is [to] save General Scott." Admitting with regret that Lincoln out-burlesques the burlesque biography, and that his was the pioneer humor of the day, one could wish that he had never done it. But the story, though tawdry, has to be told because of the sequel. In spite of Lincoln, Illinois went for Pierce, as did the nation at large. Then, with Pierce's incumbency, there came a revolution in Lincoln's life and political ways. In his inaugural, Pierce said, "Do my countrymen need any assurance that such a catastrophe (as sectional division) is not to overtake them while I have the power to stay it?" In his first message to Congress, December, 1853, Pierce congratulated himself and the country that the controversies which had agitated the country were passing away. Within a few weeks, Douglas and Atchison had induced Pierce, "halfcomprehending" as Nevins says, to write the section of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill declaring that the Missouri Compromise had been rendered inoperative by the Compromise of 1850, thus substantially repealing the former. And on May 30, 1854, Pierce signed the bill. The reaction was tremendous and loud. Already, in the earliest days of the pendency of the bill, Benjamin B. French, earlier a close personal and political friend of Franklin Pierce's, had written in his diary "the great question now is

PARALLELS AND CONTRASTS 465 the Nebraska bill which includes the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. This of course has raised a political storm. The South are unanimously in favor of the measure-but the President has taken ground in favor of it, and the N. H. Senators and Representatives are in a stew." When Buchanan was nominated in 1856, French wrote in his diary, "Pierce had no show owing to the entire desertion of his former friends. Why was this? He had gone over entirely to the Slavery ranks and the South was satisfied; he had done all in his power to put down Freedom in Kansas; he was a supporter, if not the instigator, of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. He has deserted his native State, his native New England-to immolate himself on the altar of Slavery." Two weeks later, French was going to Philadelphia to help nominate Fremont at the Republican Convention. The reaction in New Hampshire was overwhelmingly that of French. Even thirteen years later, when Pierce died, only a corporal's guard of close friends in his home town believed he was aught but a near-traitor. War and post-war feeling is a black thing. Many years later, when feelings were more reasonable, Woodrow Wilson said that it must be admitted that the Nebraska Act "was destined to destroy at once all hope of tranquillity..... The Act sowed the wind; the whirlwind was not long in coming." Unwittingly, Pierce and Douglas metamorphosed Abraham Lincoln. Never again would his political speeches be pitched on a low note. No longer would he resort to crude burlesque. The wind sown gave the country a new Lincoln; the whirlwind raised him from obscurity to fame, from a somewhat coarse local politician to a world-famous statesman. Pierce's attitude towards Lincoln and the Civil War de

466 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY mands a little consideration, because tradition has somewhat falsified it. I grew up as a boy in the late President's town, in a Black Republican atmosphere. I was taught that Pierce's utterances during the war were foul, if not treasonable. Pierce made two speeches between 1861 and the day of Lincoln's death. He made another on April 15, 1865. The two earlier ones were remembered and vilified; the third was entirely forgotten and was all but overlooked by his recent biographer, whose brief reference to it fails to bring it into true focus.3 The fatal emotions roused by war did grave injustice to Pierce. The first of these speeches just after the fall of Sumter favored armed resistance if, as then seemed likely, the South should attack Washington. The second, on July 4, 1863, was made when the question, to Pierce's mind, had become one of the North invading the South. He criticised the administration for arbitrary arrests, and particularly for military interference with Vallandigham's right of free speech. Probably Lincoln regretted the Vallandigham affair hardly less than Pierce did. But the real text of this Fourth of July speech to the Democrats was the Union of States with diverse interests and characters in mutual peace. Due, as Pierce thought, to "the vicious intermeddling of too many of the citizens of the Northern States with the constitutional rights of the Southern States, co-operating with the discontent of the people of those States," we had been "smitten with homicidal madness." This was too detached a view for almost anybody in the north except for some far-future historian. Pierce counselled against hatred of Virginia. Well, so did Lincoln, who seemed wishy-washy to the Radicals. "I cannot," cried Pierce, "I will not believe that we are smitten by that madness which precedes destruction, that the great SRoy Franklin Nichols, Franklin Pierce, Young Hickory of the Granite Hills (Philadelphia, 1931), p. 526.

PARALLELS AND CONTRASTS 467 mass of our population, North and South, will not some day resolve that we come together again under the old Constitution and the old Flag. I will not believe that this experiment of man's capacity for self-government... is to prove a humiliating failure." Nor would Lincoln so believe. But at this very point comes the difference between the two men. To Pierce, war could not solve the problem, therefore the war, on the very day of Gettysburg and Vicksburg, was a failure. Here is where he became a "traitor" in the belief of most of his neighbors. Force of arms, he thought, could result only in the subjugation of one of the combatants, not reunion. The philosophy that only forces of friendship could bring about reunion was plausible and not unpatriotic. Lincoln would not have quarreled with it as lacking in patriotism. But he saw more deeply than Pierce into the problem. His philosophy, which all too few people were willing to accept, was that for our sins, North and South, this war must last. When the nation was purged of its moral wrongs, forces such as Pierce had in mind could operate for reunion. In December, 1861, Pierce received from Secretary of State Seward a letter, enclosing an extract from an anonymous letter charging that one General P. was a member of a secret league for the overthrow of the government. "Any explanation upon the subject which you may offer would be acceptable," added Seward curtly. On December 24, 1861, Pierce wrote Seward saying that he never in his life had belonged to any secret league. He went on, "Nothing but the gravity of the insinuation,-the high official source whence it emanates" could "lift this matter above ridicule and contempt." But "because the correspondence would hold a place upon the files of the Department of State long beyond the duration of your life or mine, and because I would leave, as far as I am concerned, no am

468 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY biguity upon the record, it is proper, perhaps it is my duty, to add, that my loyalty will never be successfully impugned, so long as I enjoy the constitutional rights which pertain to every citizen of the Republic and especially the inestimable right to be informed of the nature and cause of accusation and to be confronted, face to face, with my accuser." Seward, on December 30, 1861, made a lame apology, which brought a tart reply from Pierce. Then the whole affair was aired late in March by Pierce's friends in the press and the United States Senate. Meanwhile, on February 2o, 1862, Willie Lincoln died. Pierce knew how to sympathize with Lincoln, because he had lost his own son, just before he went to Washington for inauguration as President. And sympathize he did, though it was only a few weeks after Seward had made his curt charge. Probably Lincoln knew nothing about Seward's letter, which had not yet been published, but to Pierce it must have seemed that it was Lincoln's administration that had humiliated him. And, of course, he could have been in no frame of mind to exculpate them on the ground assigned by Seward that a bungling clerk was at fault for the manner in which the charge had been brought to Pierce, and was he not Lincoln's Secretary of State? Pierce had at times a quick temper, for which there was present reason, yet he sat down and wrote and mailed this letter, since July, 1947, available to the public among the Lincoln Papers: 4 Concord, N.H. March 4, 1862 My dear Sir, The impulse to write you, the moment I heard of your great domestic affliction was very strong, but it brought back the crushing sorrow which befel me just before I went to WashingSPierce's letter to Lincoln is in the Robert Todd Lincoln Collection of the Papers of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. 70o, No. 14792-3, The Library of Congress.

PARALLELS AND CONTRASTS 469 ton in 1853, with such power that I felt your grief to be too sacred for instrusion. Even in his hour, so full of danger to our Country, and of trial and anxiety to all good men, your thoughts will be, of your cherished boy, who will nestle at your heart, until you meet him in the new life, when tears and toils and conflicts will be unknown. I realize fully how vain it would be, to suggest sources of consolation. There can be but one refuge in such an hour,-but one remedy for smitten hearts, which, is to trust in Him "who doeth all things well", and leave the rest to"Time comforter 8& only healer When the heart hath bled" With Mrs. Pierce's and my own best wishes-and truest sympathy for Mrs. Lincoln and yourself I am, very truly, yr. friend Franklin Pierce His ExcyA. Lincoln Presdt On the fifteenth day of April, 1865, Abraham Lincoln died, That night, in Concord, a mob of thoughtless boys and youths set out under heavily weeping skies to visit some six or eight copperheads. Returning from the far South End, after compelling the last of their unwilling hosts to hang out the flag, some silly fellow suggested that they call out Franklin Pierce as they came to his house. He appeared, and asked, "What is your desire?" There was apparently some reluctance, for the moment, to demand that he show the flag, so the answer was, "We wish to hear some words from you on this occasion." The speech that the ex-President then made was entirely extemporaneous, but was probably written out in substance by Pierce for its publication four days later in the weekly New Hampshire Patriot. The Republican papers

470 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY ignored the speech except for one nasty innuendo, and did not even report the fact of the mob, though The Statesman did reprehend "such street demonstrations as those of Saturday night," without saying what they were.5 "The magnitude of the calamity in all its aspects," said Pierce, "is overwhelming. If your hearts are oppressed by events more calculated to awaken profound sorrow and regret than any which have hitherto occurred in our history, mine mingles its deepest regrets and sorrow with yours.... It is well that you-it is well that I-well that all men worthy to be called citizens of the United States, make manifest, in all suitable forms, the emotions incident to the bereavement and distress which have been brought to the hearths and homes of the two most conspicuous families in the Republic. I give them my warm outgushing sympathy, as I am sure all persons within the hearing of my voice must do. "But beyond personal grief and loss, there will abide with us inevitably the most painful memories. Because, as citizens obedient to law, revering the Constitution, holding fast to the Union, thankful for the period of history which succeeded the Revolution in' so many years of peaceful growth and prosperity, and loving, with the devotion of true and faithful children, all that belongs to the advancement "The sole authority for the April 15th speech is the New Hampshire Patriot of April 19, 1865. The only allusion to the speech in any Republican paper appears in an editorial by Amos Hadley in The Independent Democrat, April.2o, 1865, headed "Copperhead Grief," remarking that the Copperheads speak of "public calamity" (Pierce's words), hoping to cover their own treason and rebellion. "Well may Franklin Pierce, the N. H. Patriot, and all such as they tremble." Nothing was said about the speech, by The New Hampshire Statesman, but the issue of April 21, 1865, had this short paragraph: "It should be recorded that news of the death of President Lincoln was received here with sorrow by that large number of our fellow-citizens who were not numbered among his political friends.... Let the deportment of our Democratic fellow-citizens make an end of such street demonstrations as those of Saturday night, demonstrations in which no one with a proper sense of self-respect ever engages; aye, which no respectable citizen can justify without impairing his own character in sight of all others whose good-will is worth possessing."

PARALLELS AND CONTRASTS 471 and glory of the nation, we can never forget or cease to deplore the great crime and deep stain." At this point, some fellow yelled, "Where is your flag?" Pierce's quick temper carried him away for the moment, and justifiably. "It is not necessary for me to show my devotion for the stars and stripes by any special exhibition or upon demand of any man or any body of men. My ancestors followed it through the Revolution.... My brothers followed it in the War of 1812; and I left my family... to follow its fortunes and maintain it upon a foreign soil.... If the period... I have served our State and Country... have left the question of my devotion to the flag, the Constitution and the Union in doubt, it is too late now to remove it, by any such exhibition as the enquiry suggests. Besides, to remove such doubts... if such a thing were possible, would be of no consequence to you, and is certainly of none to me. The malicious questionings would return to re-assert their supremacy and pursue the work of injustice." After that cry of a wounded heart, he regained his selfcontrol. He had already full control of the mob. So he continued: "Conscious of the infirmities of temperament, which to a greater or less extent beset us all, I have never felt or found that violence or passion was ultimately productive of beneficent results.... What a priceless commentary upon this general thought, is the final reported conversation between the late President and his Cabinet; and with that despatch comes news to warrant the cheering hope that, in spite of the knife of the assassin, the life and intellect of the Secretary of State may, through Providence, be spared to us in this appalling emergency. "I thank you... and will not detain you in this storm longer than to add my best wishes to you all, and for what, individually and collectively, we ought to hold most dearour Country-our whole Country. Good night."

472 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY On that Easter eve, the hated former president was nearer to the spirit of Lincoln than the howling mob he calmed, than the many divines who next day were to preach their gospel of hate, than all that army of Radicals who were to make the next decade a stench.

Lincoln Publications Books ABRAHAM LINCOLN AND THE UNITED STATES. By K. C. Wheare. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1949. xiv, 286 pp. $2.00. This handy volume is from Macmillan's "Teach Yourself History Library"-a series printed in Great Britain and designed for the literate but non-specialized reader of history. To say that it is the best short treatment of Lincoln's life and influence in the development of the United States would be an overstatement, but it does a very competent job within a brief space without slighting the major complexities of interpretation which so often cause the casual reader to bog down in the pros and cons of secession, union, emancipation, and, not least of all, problems of administration and military strategy. Obviously prepared for readers resident outside the United States, it nevertheless should find a welcome audience in Lincoln's own country. The errors of fact are not usually those of commission, but of perpetuation, for which American "authorities" were originally responsible (such as the footnote on page 95); and the opinion given by the author on disputed interpretations of fact and theory are commendably sound for the most part. Occasionally a gratuitous comment or interpretation strikes a discordant note. When Mr. Wheare states that "... Lincoln did not believe in the principle of self-determination of peoples," and proceeds to analyze Lincoln's stand against secession as evidence of the fact, he fails to consider adequately some things that Lincoln gave full weight. First of all, to a citizen of a free state the so-called "self-determination of peoples" exhibited in 1861 in South Carolina, for example, was more selfdetermination of a ruling oligarchy who held a great mass of black humanity in a state of perpetual slavery and a considerable number of white humanity in a state of intolerable ignorance. Where self-determination of the Negro came into the picture, Mr. Wheare's British point of view does not consider. Lincoln 473

474 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY cannot be said to have disbelieved in self-determination of peoples in any instance where "people" included all the human beings resident in a state or a nation. Probably the modern doctrine of self-determination under the status quo, which often covers a similar situation in which a ruling class seek to justify the perpetuation of their rule of a retarded majority, would have been difficult for Lincoln to accept. Lincoln's primary position in regard to self-determination of peoples was that no man has the right to enslave another. His secondary position was that all men are entitled to share, ultimately if not immediately, in government, and that self-determination should be effected by the majority at the ballot box. It would be truer to say that Lincoln did believe in the principle of self-determination of peoples, but considered that principle as a corollary to the principle of freedom and equality, rather than as an absolute. HERNDON'S LIFE OF LINCOLN. Edited by Paul M. Angle. Cleveland: The World Publishing Company, 1949. xlvi, 511 pp. $1.25. This is the same book published in 1930 by Albert &c Charles Boni, now attractively reprinted with seven photographic illustrations taken from the Meserve Collection. The text, editorial annotation, and editor's preface are unchanged from the 1930 printing. INDIANA POLITICS DURING THE CIVIL WAR. By Kenneth M. Stamp. Indiana Historical Collections, Volume XXXI. Indianapolis: IndianaHistorical Bureau, 1949. xiii, 300 pp. This first full-length study of the role of Indiana in the Civil War presents with clarity and force the problems of mobilization and the tendencies toward regimentation inevitably resulting from the political tensions and the resolution to preserve the Union which largely marked the populace as well as the leadership of the state. It is a story of division, often violent, not merely between the Union and copperhead elements, but also between "those who wanted 'the Union as it was' and those who wanted to break with the past and build a new nation functioning upon new economic principles." The emergence of a quasi

LINCOLN PUBLICATIONS 475 dictatorship under Governor Oliver P. Morton is shown to have been directly the result of the collapse of representative government. Lincoln's role in the story is, of course, secondary, but there are striking instances in which Lincoln's decisive action influenced the course of local politics. COMES AN ECHO ON THE BREEZE. By Edward J. Ryan. New York: The Exposition Press, 1949. 202 pp. $3.00. The author of this little book is a busy man-editor of three dental journals and author of a number of text books, among other things-with an active spare-time interest in Illinois history and the life of Lincoln. His literary and historical talents have combined to produce a short novel based on Lincoln's experiences in the Black Hawk war. But the story-teller has taken the upper hand: the Ann Rutledge episode has been heightened to provide the love interest, and two or three other incidentsnotably the meeting of Lincoln and young Lieutenant Jefferson Davis, of which there is no historical record-have been pointed up for the purposes of plot. The little book, however, gives an occasionally vivid impression of what life in Illinois was like over a century ago, and therein lies its chief value. G.W.B., Jr. Brochures, Pamphlets, Etc. WARD HILL LAMON: Lincoln's "Particular Friend." By Lavern Marshall Hamand. Abstract of a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in history at the Graduate College of the University of Illinois, 1949. Urbana, 1949, 15 pp. This abstract suggests that the dissertation itself is the most extensive account of Lamon available to date. A CHINA-HANDLED KNIFE: A One Act Play About Young Abe Lincoln. By E. P. Conkle. New York: Samuel French, 1949. 29 pp. 400. An actable frontier comedy with dialect and local color, but with Abe Lincoln and Ann Rutledge scarcely distinguishable from the local color.

News and Comment What Did Lincoln Say? So many letters have come to the Association requesting information concerning the authenticity of certain quotations attributed to Lincoln that the editor believes the Quarterly may be the proper medium for giving what information we have. The attributed quotations are as follows: "You cannot bring about prosperity by discouraging thrift. You cannot strengthen the weak by weakening the strong. You cannot help the wage earner by pulling down the wage payer. You cannot further the brotherhood of man by encouraging class hatred. You cannot help the poor by destroying the rich. You cannot establish sound security on borrowed money. You cannot keep out of trouble by spending more than you earn. You cannot build character and courage by taking away man's initiative and independence. You cannot help men permanently by doing for them what they could and should do for themselves." Another version sent to us by the Library of the Public Relations Department of General Motors Corporation reads as follows: "Words of Wisdom "You cannot bring about prosperity by discouraging thrift. You cannot strengthen the weak by weakening the strong. You cannot help strong men by tearing down big men. You cannot help the wage earner by pulling down the wage payer. You cannot further the brotherhood of man by encouraging class hatred. You cannot help the poor by destroying the rich. You cannot keep out of trouble by spending more than you earn. You cannot help men permanently by doing for them what they could and should do for themselves." In style there is nothing in Lincoln's writings or speeches which remotely resembles this paragraph, or string of sentences, but there are in a definite context portions of ideas approximating a few of them, as follows: 476

NEWS AND COMMENT 477 From "Reply to a Committee from the Workingmen's Association of New York," March 21, 1864 (Complete Works, X, 53-54)-"The strongest bond of human sympathy, outside of the family relation, should be one uniting all working people, of all nations, and tongues, and kindreds. Nor should this lead to a war upon property, or the owners of property. Property is the fruit of labor; property is desirable; is a positive good in the world. That some should be rich shows that others may become rich, and hence is just encouragement to industry and enterprise. Let not him who is houseless pull down the house of another, but let him work diligently and build one for himself, thus by example assuring that his own shall be safe from violence when built." In this same "Reply" Lincoln quoted from his "Annual Message to Congress," December 3, 1861 (Ibid., VII, 57-58) as follows: "Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always will be, a relation between labor and capital producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole labor of the community exists within that relation." And in this same "Annual Message" Lincoln used words he had used earlier in his "Address before the Wisconsin State Agricultural Society," September 3o, 1859 (Ibid., V, 249-250) as follows: "The prudent, penniless beginner in the world labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors on his own account another while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This, say its advocates, is free labor-the just, and generous, and prosperous system, which opens the way for all, gives hope to all, and energy, progress, and improvement of condition to all." One cannot but be struck by the contrast, both in sentiment and in style, between what Lincoln said and what he is purported to have said. Who will teach both Capital and Labor that Lincoln's way is the American way, and that misrepresentation by one-sided misquoting and garbling of Lincoln's philosophy of democracy discourages acceptance, not of one side merely but of both? There may be in sources unknown to the editor passages

478 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY similar to other sentences in the garbled versions which have been given currency via the radio and the press, but one begs leave to doubt until the sources are uncovered. How, then, do these purported sayings of Lincoln gain such wide currency? This is the story in so far as we have been able to get the facts. The Royle Forum, house organ of the John Royle Company, Paterson, New Jersey, printed the purported quotation. The Galen Drake broadcast of November 30, 1948, repeated the sentences. A listener heard the sentences and carried them to Mrs. Frances P. Bolton, member of congress from Ohio, who had them inserted in the Congressional Record, February 2, 1948. From the Record they have been quoted "authoritatively" far and wide, and reprints-"not printed at government expense"have flooded the mails. The Chicago Tribune question service queried Mr. Richard L. Cook of the Royle Forum as to the source of the quotation. Mr. Cook replied: "It is my recollection that Mr. Lincoln made this statement during the time he was a member of the Illinois legislature. However I shall check further to locate more complete details concerning the source of this quotation so that you may be able to advise your correspondents concerning its authenticity." Mr. Cook's recollection to the contrary, Lincoln never said or wrote the sentiments as attributed to him. They were prepared and printed on the back of a leaflet distributed by the Committee for Constitutional Government, 205 E. Forty-Second Street, New York City, in the fall of 1942. On the front of the leaflet appears under the title "Lincoln on Limitations" part of the same quotation from the "Reply to a Committee from the Working Men's Association of New York" quoted above, beginning with "Property is the fruit of labor...." and ending with "... safe from violence...." To this are added the following sentences from Lincoln's speech at New Haven, Connecticut, March 6, 1860: "I take it that it is best for all to leave each man free to acquire property as fast as he can. Some will get wealthy. I don't believe in a law to prevent a man from getting rich; it would do more harm than good." Lincoln did not write the "ten points" printed on the back of the leaflet, which Mr. Cook, Congresswoman Bolton, and a

NEWS AND COMMENT 479 host of political philosophers are now attributing to his pen. It is too much to expect that all who quote Lincoln "authoritatively" should verify their sources? Since we wish to set the record completely straight, and are willing to provide an accurate text of the "ten points" of the Committee on Constitutional Government, which is also badly garbled by various commentators, this is what Lincoln did not say: 1. You cannot bring about prosperity by discouraging thrift. 2. You cannot strengthen the weak by weakening the strong. 3. You cannot help small men by tearing down big men. 4. You cannot help the poor by destroying the rich. 5. You cannot lift the wage-earner by pulling down the wage-payer. 6. You cannot keep out of trouble by spending more than your income. 7. You cannot further the brotherhood of man by inciting class hatred. 8. You cannot establish sound security on borrowed money. 9. You cannot build character and courage by taking away a man's initiative and independence. o1. You cannot help men permanently by doing for them what they could and should do for themselves. The frontispiece for this issue is available separately for framing, and copies will be furnished upon request to members and to schools or other institutions likely to make good use of them. Separates of the three frontispieces for March, June, and September are also still available.

480 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY Lincoln's Vandalia has received very good reviews. The following excerpts will be of interest to members who may wish to recommend the book to friends: "Still exploring minor veins in the Lincoln lode, historical pickmen sometimes hit upon a passable grade of ore. This book is an example of the work of a noted Lincoln scholar, digging up minutiae of value. It was at the old Illinois capital of Vandalia that 27-year-old Abraham Lincoln solved a tricky problem in practical politics, and it is useful to know not only that he did it, as the biographies attest, but precisely how." Time, August 22, 1949. "Dr. Baringer, former executive secretary of the Abraham Lincoln Association at Springfield, has done students a real service in thus emphasizing a frequently neglected period of Lincoln's early political training." Helen Nicolay in The New York Times Book Review, August 28, 1949. "Baringer's book is the most complete account yet written about the Rail Splitter's schooling in three terms of the assembly there. Not only is the book a scholarly product of intensive research but the discoveries are written with verve and authorship." Jay Monaghan in Chicago Sunday Tribune, August 21, 1949 -"Vandalia was where Lincoln found himself. Vandalia declined, but Lincoln went on from there. This excellent book tells the story well." Baker Marsh in the Chicago Daily News, September 7, 1949. "A small but meaty book for students of Lincolniana." Booklist, September 15, 1949. The Association book for 1950 will be a reprint of "Here I Have Lived": A History of Lincoln's Springfield (1935), by Paul M. Angle. Out-of-print for several years, this book has been in constant demand, and persisting interest has seemed to invite a new edition. Minor corrections will be made in the text, but the book will be substantially the same. The Executive Secretary estimates that more than half of the current members of the Association have joined since this book was distributed in

NEWS AND COMMENT 481 1935. Numerous older members have expressed their wish to have one or more copies to give to friends. Hence, it has seemed desirable to make the new edition officially the book of 1950. Should any member prefer to receive, instead of the new edition of "Here I Have Lived," an extra copy of any other Association book still in print, the Executive Secretary will undertake to make the substitution if notified before March i, 1950. Books available for this substitution are those published from 1943, as listed on the inside back cover of the Quarterly, Lincoln's New Salem, by Benjamin P. Thomas (1934), and Lincoln's Vandalia, by W. E Baringer (1949). High spot of the Golden Anniversary Meeting of the Illinois State Historical Society at Springfield, October 7 and 8, was the tour to Lincoln's New Salem. Remarkably warm and beautiful weather-remarkable even for Illinois October, which is traditionally the best month in the year-provided the perfect setting for an outdoor meeting. Fern Nance Pond, authority on New Salem antiquities, gave local color and full historical detail in an excellent lecture. Carl Sandburg spoke with conviction of Lincoln's reverence for the Declaration of Independence. No one who saw and heard Carl Sandburg on this occasion will likely forget the resolute white-thatched American, his resonant voice, his deep seriousness and shining faith, blending at the last into humor and songs of the frontier. There are often occasions which demand noble speeches, but seldom are the occasion and the speech so matched. Contributors David Rankin Barbee will be remembered for his excellent article "President Lincoln and Doctor Gurley" which appeared in the Quarterly, March, 1948. In the editor's opinion Mr. Barbee has made a distinctive contribution to Lincolniana in "The Musical Mr. Lincoln"-developing a phase of Lincoln's personality which has been too little understood.

482 ABRAHAM LINCOLN QUARTERLY Elwin L. Page (Abraham Lincoln in New Hampshire, Boston, 1929) is an active member of the Boston Lincoln Group, before whom the paper "Franklin Pierce and Abraham Lincoln" was read at the meeting on February 12, 1949.

R. R. DONNELLEY & SONS COMPANY., CHICAGO AND CRAWFORDSVILLE; INDIANA

BOOKS The Association has published a number of books. In 1946 it entered into an agreement whereby future books would be published jointly with the Rutgers University Press. Members receive books published during their term of membership free of charge. Non-members may purchase them through the book trade or directly from Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, New Jersey. The following books have been published by the Association to date: 193o-Paul M. Angle, New Letters and Papers of Lincoln, pp. xi, 387. (Out of print). 1933-Paul M. Angle, Lincoln, 1854-186z. Being the Day-by-Day Activities of Abraham Lincoln from January z, 1854 to March 4, z861, pp. xxx, 400, maps. (Out of print.) 1934-Benjamin P. Thomas, Lincoln's New Salem, pp. xv, 128, 13 illustrations, map, decorative end-sheets. Reprinted in 1939, 1944, and 1947. $1.25. 1935-Paul M. Angle, "Here I Have Lived": A History of Lincoln's Springfield, 1821-1865, pp. xv, 313, 12 illustrations, map. (Out of print.) 1936-Benjamin P. Thomas, Lincoln, 1847-1853, Being the Day-by-Day Activities of Abraham Lincoln from January I, 1847 to December 3x, 1853, pp. lx, 388, maps. (Out of print.) 1938-Lincoln's Springfield: A Guide Book 6 Brief History, pp. 32. 250. 1938-William Dean Howells, Life of Abraham Lincoln. A facsimile of a personally corrected copy of the original, with Lincoln's penciled corrections in the margins, pp. xvii, too. (Out of print.) 1939-Harry E. Pratt, Lincoln, 1840-1846, Being the Day-by-Day Activities of Abraham Lincoln from January z, 184o to December 31, 1846, pp. xli, 391, maps. (Out of print.) 1941-Harry E. Pratt, Lincoln, i8o9-z839, Being the Day-by-Day Activities of Abraham Lincoln from February 12, z8o0 to December 3!, 1839, pp. lxxxvii, 256, charts, maps. (Out of print.) 1943-Harry E. Pratt, The Personal Finances of Abraham Lincoln, pp. xiii, 198, 24 illustrations, chart. $3.50. 1944-Harry E. Pratt (comp.), Concerning Mr. Lincoln-In which Abraham Lincoln is Pictured as he Appeared to Letter Writers of his Time, pp. ix, 145, decorated. $3.oo. 1945-William E. Baringer, A House Dividing-Lincoln as President Elect, pp. ix, 356, 11 illustrations. $4.00. 1946-Paul M. Angle, A Shelf of Lincoln Books-A Critical, Selective Bibliography of Lincolniana, pp. xvii, 142. $3.oo. 1947-Benjamin P. Thomas, Portrait for Posterity: Lincoln and His Biographers, pp. xiii, 310, 15 illustrations. $3.00. 1948-Donald W. Riddle, Lincoln Runs for Congress, pp. ix, 217, to illustrations. $3.oo.

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